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OdUr.    GESENIUS' 

HEBREW  GRAMMAR 

AS  EDITED  AND  ENLARGED  BY  THE  LATE 

E.  KAUTZSCH 

PBOFESSOB    OF   THEOLOGY    IN    THE    UNIVERSITY    OF   HALLE 

SECOND  ENGLISH  EDITION 

REVISED    IN    ACCORDANCE    WITH    THE    TWENTY-EIGHTH   GERMAN 

EDITION   (1909)    BY 

A.  E.  COWLEY 


WITH    A    FACSIMILE    OF    THE    SILOAM    INSCRIPTION    BY    J.    EUTING,    AND 
A    TABLE    OF   ALPHABETS    BY    M.    LIDZBARSKI 


OXFORD 
AT  THE  CLARENDON  PRESS 


Oxford  University  Press,  Amen  House,  London  E.C.  4 

GLASGOW   NEW  YORK  TORONTO   MELBOURNE   WELLINGTON 
BOMBAY  CALCUTTA  MADRAS  KARACHI  CAPE  TOWN  IBADAN 

Geoffrey  Cumberlege,  Publisher  to  the  University 


iq/o 


SECOND  ENGU8H  EDITION  I9IO 

BEPRINTED  LITHOGRAPHICALLY  IN  GREAT  BRrTAtV 

AT  THE  UNIVERSITY  PRESS,  OXFORD,   I946,   I949,   1952,   I956 

FROM  CORRECTED  SHEETS  OF  THE  SECOND  EDITION 


TRANSLATOR'S  PREFACE 

The  translation  of  the  twenty -sixth  German  edition  of 
this  grammar,  originally  prepared  by  the  Rev.  G.  W.  Collins 
and  revised  by  me,  was  published  in  1898.  Since  that 
date  a  twenty-seventh  German  edition  has  appeared ;  and 
Prof.  Kautzsch  was  already  engaged  on  a  twenty-eighth  in 
1908  when  the  English  translation  was  becoming  exhausted. 
He  sent  me  the  sheets  as  they  were  printed  off,  and  I  began 
revising  the  former  translation  in  order  to  produce  it  as 
soon  as  possible  after  the  completion  of  the  German.  The 
whole  of  the  English  has  been  carefully  compared  with  the 
new  edition,  and,  it  is  hoped,  improved  in  many  points,  while 
Prof.  Kautzsch's  own  corrections  and  additions  have  of  course 
been  incorporated.  As  before,  the  plan  and  arrangement  of 
the  original  have  been  strictly  followed,  so  that  the  references 
for  sections  and  paragraphs  correspond  exactly  in  German 
and  English.  Dr.  Driver  has  again  most  generously  given 
up  time,  in  the  midst  of  other  engagements,  to  reading  the 
sheets,  and  has  made  numerous  suggestions.  To  him  also  are 
chiefly  due  the  enlargement  of  the  index  of  subjects,  some 
expansions  in  the  new  index  of  Hebrew  words,  and  some 
additions  to  the  index  of  passages,  whereby  we  hope  to  have 
made  the  book  more  serviceable  to  students.  I  have  also  to 
thank  my  young  friend,  Mr.  Godfrey  R.  Driver,  of  Winchester 
College,  for  some  welcome  help  in  correcting  proofs  of  the 
Hebrew  index  and  the  index  of  passages.  2S  nott'*  D3n  p. 
Many  cori'ections  have  been  sent  to  me  by  scholars  who  have 
used  the  former  English  edition,  especially  the  Rev.  W.  E. 
Blomfield,  the  Rev.  S.  Holmes,  Mr.  P.  Wilson,  Prof.  Witton 
Davies,  Mr.  G.  H.  Skipwith,  and  an  unknown  correspondent 


iv  Translator  s  Preface 

at  West  Croydon.  These,  as  well  as  suggestions  in  reviews, 
have  all  been  considered,  and  where  possible,  utilized.  I  am 
also  much  indebted  to  the  Press-readers  for  the  great  care 
which  they  have  bestowed  on  the  work. 

Finally,  I  must  pay  an  affectionate  tribute  to  the  memory 
of  Prof.  Kautzsch,  who  died  in  the  spring  of  this  year,  shortly 
after  finishing  the  last  sheets  of  the  twenty-eighth  edition. 
For  more  than  thirty  years  he  was  indefatigable  in  improving 
the  successive  editions  of  the  Grammar.  The  German  trans- 
lation of  the  Old  Testament  first  published  by  him  in  1894, 
with  the  co-operation  of  other  scholars,  under  the  title  Die 
Heilige  Schrift  des  A  Ts,  and  now  (19 10)  in  the  third  and 
much  enlarged  edition,  is  a  valuable  work  which  has  been 
widely  appreciated :  the  Apocryphen  und  Fseudepigraphen 
des  A  Ts,  edited  by  him  in  1 900,  is  another  important  work  : 
besides  which  he  published  his  GrainTnatik  des  Biblisch- 
Aramdischen  in  1884,  two  useful  brochures  Bibelwissenschaft 
und  Religionsunterricht  in  1 900,  and  Die  bleibende  Bedeutung 
des  A  Ts  in  1903,  six  popular  lectures  on  Die  Poesie  und  die 
poetischen  Bilcher  des  A  Ts  in  1902,  his  article  'Religion  of 
Israel'  in  Hastings'  Dictionary  of  the  Bible,  v.  (1904), 
pp.  612-734,  not  to  mention  minor  publications.  His  death 
is  a  serious  loss  to  Biblical  scholarship,  while  to  me  and 
to  many  others  it  is  the  loss  of  a  most  kindly  friend, 
remarkable  alike  for  his  simple  piety  and  his  enthusiasm  for 
learning. 

A.  C. 

Magdalen  College,  Oxford, 
Sept.  19 10. 


FROM  THE  GERMAN  PREFACE 

The  present  (twenty-eighth)  edition  of  this  Grammar/  like 
the  former  ones,  takes  account  as  far  as  possible  of  all  impor- 
tant new  publications  on  the  subject,  especially  J.  Earth's 
Sj^radnvissenschaftliche  Untersuchungen  zuvi  Semitischen, 
pt.  i,  Lpz.  1907  ;  the  important  works  of  C.  Brockelmann  (for 
the  titles  see  the  heading  of  §  i  ;  vol.  i  of  the  GruTidriss  was 
finished  in  1908)  ;  P.  Kahle's  Der  Tnasoretische  Text  des  A  Tk 
iiach  der  Uberlieferung  der  babylonischen  Juden,  Lpz.  1902 
(giving  on  p.  51  ff.  an  outline  of  Hebrew  accidence  from  a 
Babylonian  MS.  at  Berlin) ;  R.  Kittel's  Bihlia  Hehraica,  Lpz. 
1905  f.,  2  vols,  (discriminating  between  certain,  probable,  and 
proposed  emendations  ;  see  §  3  ^,  end) ;  Th.  Noldeke's  Beitrdge 
zur  semit.  Sprachivissenschaft,  Strassburg,  1904;  Ed.  Sievers' 
Metrische  Studien  (for  the  titles  of  these  striking  works  see 
§  2r).  The  important  work  of  J.  W.  Rothstein,  Grundzilge 
des  hehr.  Bfiythmus,  &c.  (see  also  §  2  r),  unfortunately  appeared 
too  late  to  be  used.  The  two  large  commentaries  edited  by 
Nowack  and  Marti  have  been  recently  completed ;  and  in 
P.  Haupt's  Polychrome  Bible  {SBOT.),  part  ix  (Kings)  by 
Stade  and  Schwally  was  published  in  1904. 

For  full  reviews  of  the  twenty-seventh  edition,  which  of 
course  have  been  considered  as  carefully  as  possible,  I  have 
to  thank  Max  Margolis  (in  Hehraica,  1902,  p.  159  fF.),  Mayer 

*  The  first  edition  appeared  at  Halle  in  1813  (202  pp.  small  8vo)  ;  twelve 
more  editions  were  published  by  W.  Gesenius  himself,  the  fourteenth  to  the 
twenty  first  (1845-1872)  by  E.  ROdiger,  the  twenty-second  to  the  twenty- 
eighth  (1878-1910)  by  E.  Kautzsch.  The  first  abridged  edition  appeared  in 
1896,  the  second  at  the  same  time  as  the  present  (twenty-eighth)  large 
edition.  The  first  edition  of  the  '  Ubungsbuch '  (Exercises)  to  Gesenius- 
Kautzsch's  Hebrew  Grammar  appealed  in  1881,  the  sixth  in  1908. 


vi  From  the  German  Preface 

Lambert  {B.EJ.  1902,  p.  307  ff.),  and  H.  Oort  (Theol.  Tijd- 
schrift,  1902,  p.  373  ff.).  For  particular  remarks  and  correc- 
tions I  must  thank  Prof.  J.  Earth  (Berlin),  Dr.  Gasser,  pastor 
in  Bucbberg,  Schaffhausen,  B.  Kirschner,  of  Charlottenburg, 
(contributions  to  the  index  of  passages),  Pastor  Kohler,  of 
Augst,  Dr.  Liebmann,  of  Kuczkow,  Posen,  Prof.  Th.  Noldeke, 
of  Strassburg,  Pastor  S.  Preiswerk  junior,  of  Bale,  Dr. 
Schwarz,  of  Leipzig,  and  Prof.  B.  Stade,  of  Giessen  (died  in 
1906).  Special  mention  must  be  made  of  the  abundant  help 
received  from  three  old  friends  of  this  book,  Prof.  P.  Haupt, 
of  Baltimore,  Prof.  Knudtzon,  of  Kristiania,  and  Prof.  H. 
Strack,  of  Berlin,  and  also,  in  connexion  with  the  present 
edition,  Prof.  H.  Hyvernat,  of  the  University  of  Washington, 
who  has  rendered  great  service  especially  in  the  correction 
and  enlargement  of  the  indexes.  I  take  this  opportunity  of 
thanking  them  all  again  sincerely.  And  I  am  no  less  grateful 
also  to  my  dear  colleague  Prof.  C.  Steuernagel  for  the 
unwearying  care  with  which  he  has  helped  me  from  beginning 
to  end  in  correcting  the  proof-sheets. 

Among  material  changes  introduced  into  this  edition  may 
be  mentioned  the  abolition  of  the  term  S^wd  medium  (§10  d). 
In  this  I  have  adopted,  not  without  hesitation,  the  views  of 
Sievers.  I  find  it,  however,  quite  impossible  to  follow  him  in 
rejecting  all  distinctions  of  quantity  in  the  vowels.  It  is  no 
doubt  possible  that  such  matters  may  in  the  spoken  language 
have  worn  a  very  different  appearance,  and  especially  that  in 
the  period  of  nearly  a  thousand  years,  over  which  the  Old 
Testament  writings  extend,  very  great  variations  may  have 
taken  place.  Our  duty,  however,  is  to  represent  the 
language  in  the  form  in  which  it  has  been  handed  down 
to  us  by  the  Masoretes  ;  and  that  this  form  involves  a  dis- 
tinction between  unchangeable,  tone-long,  and  short  vowels, 
admits  in  my  opinion  of  no  doubt.  The  discussion  of  any 
earlier  stage  of  development  belongs  not  to  Hebrew  grammar 
but  to  comparative  Semitic  philology. 

The  same  answer  may  be  made  to  Beer's  desire  {ThLZ.  1904, 


From  the  Geinnan  Preface  vii 

col.  314 f)  for  an  '  historical  Hebrew  grammar  describing  the 
actual  growth  of  the  language  on  a  basis  of  comparative 
philology,  as  it  may  still  be  traced  within  the  narrow  limits 
of  the  Old  Testament '.  Such  material  as  is  available  for  the 
purpose  ought  indeed  to  be  honestly  set  forth  in  the  new  edi- 
tions of  Gesenius;  but  Beer  seems  to  me  to  appraise  such 
material  much  too  highly  when  he  refers  to  it  as  necessi- 
tating an  '  historical  grammar '.  In  my  opinion  these  his- 
torical differences  have  for  the  most  part  been  obliterated 
by  the  harmonizing  activity  of  the  Masoretes. 


E.  KAUTZSCH. 

Halle, 

July,  1909. 


ADDITIONS  AND  COERECTIONS 

Page  42,  line  13  from  below, /or  note  i  read  note  3. 

Page  63,  §  15  p.  [See  also  Wickes,  Prose  Accentuation,  130  f,,  87  n. 
(who,  however,  regards  the  superlinear,  Babylonian  system  as  the 
earlier);  and  Ginsburg,  Introduction  to  the  Hebrew  Bible,  76,  78.  In 
Ginsburg's  Hebrew  Bible,  ed,  2  (1908),  pp.  108  f.,  267  f.,  the  two 
systems  of  division  are  printed  in  extenso,  in  parallel  columns — the 
10  verses  of  the  superlinear  (Babylonian)  system  consisting  (in 
Exodus)  of  V.  2.3-6.7.8-U.12.I3.U.16.16.17  (^s  numbered  in  ordinary  texts), 
and  the  1 2  verses  of  the  sublinear  (Palestinian)  system,  consisting  of 

y     2-3.4.5.6.7.8.9.10.11.12.13-16.17  g     R     D  1 

<  < 

Page  65,  note  i,/or  N3N  read  X|i<  (as  §  105  a). 

[Editions  often  vary  in  individual  passages,  as  regards  the  accen- 
tuation of  the  first  syllable:  but  in  the  7  occurrences  of  NJK, 
and  the  6  of  nJX,  Baer,  Ginsburg,  and  Kittel  agree  in  having  at\ 
accent  on  both  syllables  (as  N3X)  in  Gn  50^^,  Ex  32'^  \f/  116",  and 
Metheg  on  the  first  syllable  and  an  accent  on  the  second  syllable  (as 
n^3X)  in  2  K  20?=Is  38',  Jon  I'V4^  xp  ii6\  ii%'^-^\  Dn  9*,  Ne  i^", 
except  that  in  i/^  116^  Ginsburg  has  n?^. — S.  R.  D.] 

Page  79,  §  22  s,  before  ^riD''*i"nn  insert  exceptions  to  h  are.  After 
Jer  39^^^  add  ifr  52° ;  and  for  Ez  9^  read  Ezr  9^ 

[So  Baer  (cf.  his  note  on  Jud  20*';  also  on  Jer  39'^,  and  several 
of  the  other  passages  in  question)  :  but  Ginsburg  only  in  10  of  the 
exceptions  to  b,  and  Jacob  ben  Hayyim  and  Kittel  only  in  5,  viz. 
Jer  39'S  Pr  ii^  is\  yj,  52',  Ezr  9«.— S.  R.  D.] 

Page  III,  line  12,  for  H^nn  read  H'^T^T}. 

Page   123,  §  45  e,  add:  cf.  also  nasny  followed  by  nx,  Is  13'*, 

Am  4"  (§"5  4 

Page  175,  §  67.     See  B.  Halpei-,  '  The  Participial  formations  of  the 

Geminate  Verbs  '  in  ZA  IF.  1 910,  pp.  42  ff.,  99  ff.,  201  S.  (also  dealing 
with  the  regular  verb). 

Page  177,  at  the  end  of  §  67  g-  the  following  paragraph  has  been 
accidentally  omitted : 

Rem.  According  to  the  prevailing  view,  this  strengthening  of  the 
first  radical  is  merely  intended  to  give  the  bi-literal  stem  at  least 


Additions  and  Corrections  ix 

a  4^i-Hteral  appearance.  (Possibly  aided  by  the  analogy  of  verbs  }*B, 
as  P.  Haupt  has  suggested  to  me  in  conversation.)  But  cf.  Kautzsch, 
'  Die  sog.  aramaisierenden  Formen  der  Verba  v"V  im  Hebr.'  in  Oriental. 
Studien  zum  70.  Gehurtstag  Th.  NoldeJces,  1906,  p.  771  ff.  It  is  there 
shown  (i)  that  the  sharpening  of  the  ist  radical  often  serves  to  empha- 
size  a  particular  meaning  (cf.  *13^,  but  ^H^.^^,  ^nj  and  ?n^,  3D^  and  3DJ, 
Dt?^  and  DK'ri),  and  elsewhere  no  doubt  to  dissiniilate  the  vowels  (as 
1?!,  ''1!,  never  "UJ,  ^T,  &c.)  :  (2)  that  the  sharpening  of  the  ist 
ladical  often  appears  to  be  occasioned  by  the  nature  of  the  first  letter 
of  the  stem,  especially  when  it  is  a  sibilant.  Whether  the  masoretic 
pronunciation  is  based  on  an  early  tradition,  or  the  Masora  has  arbi- 
trarily adopted  aramaizing  forms  to  attain  the  above  objects,  must  be 
left  undecided. 

Page  193,  the  second  and  third  paragraphs  should  have  the  marginal 
letters  d  and  e  respectively. 

Page  200,  §  72  2,  line  2,  after  Est  2'*  add  4". 

Page  232,  §  84"  s,  add  nDpb'  2813^. 

Page  236,  §  85  c,  a(i(i  r\prf\  Ezr  ^'^. 

Page  273,  §  93  qq  end,  add  n^lpto  Jer  5^  O^V?!,  ^'^S^  Ez  2o\ 
n^JDCb'  Is  49«,  D^OOb'  La  i'«  (cf  Konig,  ii.  109). 


LIST  OF  ABBREVIATIONS 


The  following  abbreviations  have  occasionally  been  used  for  works  and 
periodicals  frequently  quoted  : — 

AJSL.      =  American  Journal  of  Semitic  Languages. 

CIS.  =  Corpus  Inscriptionum  Semiticarum. 

Ed.Mant.='B\h\i2k  Hebraica  ex   recensione   Sal.   Norzi  edidit  Raphael 

Hayyim  Basila,  Mantuae  1742-4. 
Jabl.        =  Biblia  Hebraica  ex  recensione  D.  E.  Jablonski,  Berolini,  1699-. 
JQR.        =  Jewish  Quarterly  Review. 
KAT.^     =  Die   Keilinschriften   und  das  Alte  Testament,   3rd   ed.  by 

H.  Zimmern  and  H.  Winckler,  2  vols.,  Berlin,  1902  f. 
Lexicon  =  A  Hebrew  and  English  Lexicon  of  the  Old  Testament,  based 
on  the  Thesaurus  and  Lexicon  of  Gesenius,  by  F.  Brown, 
S.  R.  Driver,  and  C.  A.  Briggs,  Oxford,  1906. 
NB.         =  J.  Barth,  Die  Nominalbildung  in  den  semitischen  Sprachen. 

Lpz.  1889-94. 
NGGW.  =  Nachrichten  der  Gottinger  Gesellschaft  der  Wissenschaften. 
OLZ.       =  Orientalistische  Literaturzeitung.    Vienna,  1898  if. 
PEE.       =  Realencyclopadie  fiir  protestantische  Theologie  und  Kirche, 

3rd  ed.  by  A.  Hauck.     Lpz.  1896  ff. 
PSBA     =  Proceedings  of  the  Society  of  Biblical  Archaeology.    Loudon, 

1879  ff. 
RE  J.       =  Revue  des  Etudes  Juives.    Paris,  1880  ff, 
Sam.        =  The  iHebrew)  Pentateuch  of  the  Samaritans. 
SBOT.     =  Sacred  Books  of  the  Old  Testament,  ed.  by  P.  Haupt.     Lpz. 

and  Baltimore,  1893  ff. 
ThLZ.     =  Theologische    Literaturzeitung,    ed.   by  E.   Schiirer.      Lpz. 

1876  ff. 
VB.         =  Vorderasiatische  Bibliothek,  ed.  by  A.  Jeremias  and  H.  Winck- 
ler.   Lpz.  1907  ff. 
ZA.         —  Zeitschrift  fiir  Assyriologie  und  verwandte  Gebiete,  ed.  by 

C.  Bezold.     Lpz.  18S6  ff. 
ZAW.      =  Zeitschrift   fiir   die   alttestamentliche  Wissenschaft,  ed.   by 

B.  Stade,  Giessen,  1881  ff.,  and  since  1907  by  K.  Marti. 
ZDMG.  —  Zeitschrift    der  deutschen    morgenlandischen    Gesellschaft, 

Lj  z.  1846  ff.,  since  1903  ed.  by  A,  Fischer. 
ZDPV.    =  Zeitschrift   des    deutschen    Palastinavereins,    Lpz.    1878  ff., 
since  1903  ed.  by  C.  Steuernagel. 


CONTENTS 


Additions  and  Corrections 

List  of  Abbreviations 

Table  of  Early  Semitic  Alphabets 

SiLOAM  Inscription 


PAGE 

.     viii 

X 


INTRODUCTION 


§  1.  The  Semitic  Languages  in  General  . 

§  2.  Sketch  of  the  History  of  the  Hebrew  Language 

§  3.  Grammatical  Treatment  of  the  Hebrew  Language 

§  4.  Division  and  Arrangement  of  the  Grammar    . 


I 

8 

22 


gns 


PIBST   PART 

ELEMENTARY  PRINCIPLES,  OR  THE  SOUNDS  AND 

CHARACTERS 

Chapter  I.    The  Individual  Sounds  and  Characters 

5.  The  Consonants  :  their  Forms  and  Names 

6.  Pronunciation  and  Division  of  Consonants 

7.  The  Vowels  in  General,  Vowel  Letters  and  Vowel  S 

8.  The  Vowel  Signs  in  particular 
9'.  Character  of  the  several  Vowels 

§  10.  The  Half  Vowels  and  the  Syllable  Divider  (f§°wa) 

§  11.  Other  Signs  which  affect  the  Reading 

§  12.  Dages  in  general,  and  Dages  forte  in  particular 

§  13.  Dages  lene 

§  14.  Mappiq  and  Raphe 

§  15.  The  Accents 

§  16.  Of  Maqqeph  and  Metheg 

§  17.  Of  the  Q-re  and  K^thibh 


§ 
§ 
§ 
§ 


Masora  marginalis  and  finalis 


24 

31 

35 
39 
45 
51 
54 
55 
56 
56 
57 
63 
65 


Chapter  II.    Peculiarities  and  Changes  of  Letters:  the 
Syllable  and  the  Tone 

§  18.  In  general 68 

§  19.  Changes  of  Consonants 68 

§20.  The  Strengthening  (Sharpening)  of  Consonants       ...      70 


xii  Contents 


PAGE 

75 

76 

79 
82 

84 


§21.  The  Aspiration  of  the  Tenues 

§  22,  Peculiarities  of  the  Gutturals 

§  23,  The  Feebleness  of  the  Gutturals  N  and  n  .         ,         . 

§  24.  Changes  of  the  Weak  Letters  1  and  ^      .        .        .        . 

§  25.  Unchangeable  Vowels 

§  26.  Syllable-formation  and  its  Influence  on  the  Quantity  of  Vowels       85 
§  27.  The  Change  of  the  Vowels,  especially  as  regards  Quantity      .       88 

§  28.  The  Rise  of  New  Vowels  and  Syllables 92 

§  29.  The  Tone,  its  Changes,  and  the  Pause 94 


SECOWD   PART 
ETYMOLOGY,   OR  THE  PARTS  OF  SPEECH 

§  30.  Stems  and  Roots  ;  Biliteral,  Triliteral,  and  Quadriliteral        .       99 
§  31.  Grammatical  Structure 103 

Chapter  I.    The  Pronoun 

§  32.  The  Personal  Pronoun.     The  Separate  Pronoun       .        .        .105 

§33.  Pronominal  Suffixes 108 

§  34.  The  Demonstrative  Pronoun 1 09 

§  35.  The  Article ,        .        .110 

§36.  The  Relative  Pronoun 112 

§37.  The  Interrogative  and  Indefinite  Pronouns     .        .        .        .113 

Chapter  II.    The  Verb 

§88.  General  View 114 

§39.  Ground-form  and  Derived  Stems 114 

§40.  Tenses.     Moods.     Flexion 117 

§  41.  Variations  from  the  Ordinary  Form  of  the  Strong  Verb  .         .118 

I.    The  Strong  Verb. 
§42.  In  general 118 

A.     The  Pure  Stem,  or  Qui. 

§48.  Its  Form  and  Meaning 118 

§  44.  Flexion  of  the  Perfect  of  Qal 119 

§  45.  The  Infinitive 122 

§46.  The  Imperative 124 

§47.  The  Imperfect  and  its  Inflexion 125 

§  48.  Shortening  and  Lengthening  of  the  Imperfect  and  Imperative. 

The  Jussive  and  Cohortative 129 

§  49.  The  Perfect  and  Imperfect  with  Waw  Consecutive  .        .         .  132 

§  50.  The  Participle .136 


a 


Contents  xiii 

B.   Veiha  Denvativa,  or  Derived  Conjugations. 

PAGE 

§  51.  Niph'al 137 

§  52.  Pi'el  and  Pu'al 139 

§  53.  Hiph'il  and  Hopb'al 144 

§  54  Hithpa'el 149 

§55.  Less  Common  Conjugations 151 

§  56.  Quadriliteials >         .        .        .153 

C.    Strong   Verb  with  Pronominal  Suffixes. 

§  57.  In  general 1 54 

(|  58.,  The  Pronominal  Suffixes  of  the  Verb 155 

59.  The  Perfect  with  Pronominal  Suffixes 158 

(^  60.  Imperfect  with  Pronominal  Suffixes 160 

§  61.  Infinitive,  Imperative  and  Participle  with  Pronominal  Suffixes  162 

Verbs  with  Gutturals. 

§  62.  In  general 164 

§  63.  Verbs  First  Guttural 165 

§  64.  Verbs  Middle  Guttural      ........  169 

§  65.  Verbs  Third  Guttural 171 

ir.     The  Weak  Verb. 

§  66.  Veibs  Primae  Radicalis  Nun  (i"d) 173 

§  67.  Verbs  y^y 175 

The  Weakest  Verbs  {Verba  Quiescentia). 

§  68.  Verbs  N"a 184 

§  69.  Verbs '•''S.  First  Class,  or  Verbs  originally  Td  .  .  .186 
§  70.  Verbs '•'''Q.  Second  Class,  or  Verbs  properly  ^"d  .  .  .  192 
§  71.  Verbs  """Q.     Third  Class,  or  Verbs  with  Yodh  assimilated         .     193 

§  72.  Verbs  Vy I94 

§  73.  Verbs  middle  i  (vulgo  '•"y) 202 

§  74.  Verbs  s"^ 205 

§  75.  Verbs  n"^ 207 

§  76.  Verbs  Doubly  Weak 217 

§  77.  Relation  of  the  Weak  Verbs  to  one  another  .  .  .  .219 
§  78.  Verba  Defectiva 219 

Chapter  III.    The  Noun 

§  79.  General  View 221 

§  80.  The  Indication  of  Gender  in  Nouns 222 

§81.  Derivation  of  Nouns 225 

§  82.  Primitive  Nouns 225 


xiv  Contents 

§  83.  Verbal  Nouns  in  General  .... 
§  84".  Nouns  derived  from  the  Simple  Stem 
§  84*.  Formation  of  Nouns  from  the  Intensive  Stem 
§  85.  Nouns  with  Preformatives  and  Aflformatives 
§  86.  Denominative  Nouns 

§  87.  Of  the  Plural 

§  88.  Of  the  Dual 

§  89.  The  Genitive  and  the  Construct  State 

§  90.  Real  and  supposed  Remains  of  Early  Case-endings 

§  91.  The  Noun  with  Pronominal  Suffixes 

§  92.  Vowel  Changes  in  the  Noun 

§  93.  Paradigms  of  Masculine  Nouns 

§  94.  Formation  of  Feminine  Nouns  . 

§  95.  Paradigms  of  Feminine  Nouns 

§  96.  Nouns  of  Peculiar  Formation    . 

§  97.  Numerals,     (a)  Cardinal  Numbers 

§  98.  Numerals.     (6)  Ordinal  Numbers 


PAGE 
226 
227 
233 
235 

239 
241 

244 
247 
248 
254 
260 
262 
275 
276 
281 
286 
292 


Chapter  IV.    The  Particles 

§    99.  General  View 293 

§  100.  Adverbs 294 

§  101.  Prepositions 297 

§  102.  Prefixed  Prepositions 298 

§  103.  Prepositions  with  Pronominal   Suffixes  and   in  the  Plural 

Form 300 

§  104.  Conjunctions 305 

§  105.  Interjections 307 


J 


THIRD    PART 

SYNTAX 

Chapter  I.    The  Parts  of  Speech 

I.    Synteix  of  the  Verb. 

A.    Use  of  the  Tenses  and  Moods. 

§  106.  Use  of  the  Perfect 309 

§107.  Use  of  the  Imperfect 313 

§108.  Use  of  the  Cohortative 319 

§109.  Use  of  the  Jussive 321 

§  110.  The  Imperative 324 

§  111.  The  Imperfect  with  Waw  Consecutive 326 

§  112.  The  Perfect  with  Waw  Consecutive 330 


Contents  xv 

B.  The  Infinitive  and  Participle. 

PAOE 

§  113.  The  Infinitive  Absolute 339 

§  114,  The  Infinitive  Construct 347 

§  115.  Construction  of  the  Infinitive  Construct  with  Subject  and 

Object 352 

§  116.  The  Participles 355 

C.  The  Government  of  the  Verb. 

§  117.  The   Direct    Subordination   of  the   Noun   to  the  Verb   as 

Accusative  of  the  Object.     The  Double  Accusative  .        .  362 

§  118.  The  Looser  Subordination  of  the  Accusative  to  the  Verb     .  372 

§  119.  The   Subordination    of   Nouns  to   the   Verb  by   means  of 

Prepositions 377 

§  120.  Verbal  Ideas  under  the  Government  of  a  Verb.    Co-ordination 

of  Complementary  Verbal  Ideas 385 

§121.  Construction  of  Passive  Verbs 387 

II.    Syntax  of  the  Noxin. 

§122.  Indication  of  the  Gender  of  the  Noun 389 

§  123.  The  Representation  of  Plural  Ideas  by  means  of  Collectives, 

and  by  the  Repetition  of  Words 394 

§  124.  The  Various  Uses  of  the  Plural-Form 396 

§  125.  Determination    of   Nouns   in    general.       Determination   of 

Proper  Names 401 

§  126.  Determination  by  means  of  the  Article 404 

§  127.  The  Noun  determined  by  a  following  Determinate  Genitive  .  410 
§  128.  The  Indication  of  the  Genitive  Relation  by  means  of  the 

Construct  State ,        -414 

§  129.  Expression  of  the  Genitive  by  Circumlocution       .        .        .419 

§130.  Wider  Use  of  the  Construct  State 421 

§  131.  Apposition 423 

§132.  Connexion  of  the  Substantive  with  the  Adjective  .  .  .  427 
§  133.  The  Comparison  of  Adjectives.     (Periphrastic  expression  of 

the  Comparative  and  Superlative) 429 

§  134.  Syntax  of  the  Numerals 432 

III.     Syntax  of  the  Pronovm. 

§  135.  The  Personal  Pronoun 437 

§  136.  The  Demonstrative  Pronoun 442 

§  137.  The  Interrogative  Pronoun 443 

§  138.  The  Relative  Pronoun 444 

§  139.  Expression  of  Pronominal  Ideas  by  means  of  Substantives     .  447 


xvi  Contents 

Chapter    II.       The    Sentence 
I.     The  Sentence  in  General. 

PAGE 

§  140.  Noun- clauses,  Verbal-clauses,  and  the  Compound  Sentence    .  450 

§  141.  The  Noun-clause 451 

§  142.  The  Verbal-clause 455 

§  143.  The  Compound  Sentence 457 

§  144.  Peculiarities  in  the  Representation  of  the  Subject  (especially 

V                 in  the  Verbal-clause) 459 

■J  §  145.  Agreement  between  the  Members  of  a  Sentence,  especially 
between  Subject  and  Predicate,  in  r^pect  of  Gender  and 

Number 462 

§  146.  Construction  of  Compound  Subjects 467 

§  147.  Incomplete  Sentences 469 

n.     Special  Kinds  of  Sentences. 

§  148.  Exclamations 471 

§  149.  Sentences  which  express  an  Oath  or  Asseveration  .        .        .471 

§  150.  Interrogative  Sentences  . 473 

§  151.  Desiderative  Sentences    ...         i         ...         .  476 

§  152.  Negative  Sentences 478 

§  153.  Restrictive  and  Intensive  Clauses 483 

§  154.  Sentences  connected  by  Waw 484 

§  155.  Relative  Clauses 485 

§  156.  Circumstantial  Clauses 489 

§  157.  Object-clauses  (Oratio  Obliqua) 491 

§  158.  Causal  Clauses 492 

§  159.  Conditional  Sentences 493 

§  160.  Concessive  Clauses 498 

§  161.  Comparative  Clauses        ........  499 

§  162.  Disjunctive  Sentences 500 

§  163.  Adversative  and  Exceptive  Clauses 500 

§  164.  Temporal  Clauses 501 

§  165.  Final  Clauses 503 

§  166.  Consecutive  Clauses 504 

§  167.  Aposiopesis,  Anacoluthon,  Involved  Series  of  Sentences        .  505 

Paradigms 507 

Index  of  Subjects 533 

Index  op  Hebrew  Words 544 

Index  of  Passages 565 


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HEBREW    GRAMMAR 

INTRODUCTION 
§  1.     The  Semitic  Languages  in  General. 

B.  Stade,  Lehrh.  der  hebr.  Gramm.,  Lpz.  1879,  §  2  ff.  ;  E.  KOnig,  Rist.-krit. 
Lehrgeb.  der  hebr.  Spr.,  i.  Lpz.  1881,  §  3  ;  H.  Strack,  EM.  in  das  A.  T.,  6th  ed., 
Munich,  1906,  p.  231  ff.  (a  good  bibliography  of  all  the  Semitic  dialects) ; 
Th,  Noldeke,  article  'Semitic  Languages',  in  the  9th  ed.  of  the Enqjcl.  Brit. 
{Die  semit.  Sprachen,  2nd  ed.,  Lpz.  1899),  and  Beitr.  sur  sem.  Sprachwiss.,  Strassb., 
1904  ;  W.  Wright,  Lectures  on  (he  Comparative  Grariimar  of  the  Semitic  Languages, 
Cambr.  1890  ;  H.  Reckendorf,  '  Zur  Karakteristik  der  sem.  Sprachen,'  in  the 
Actes  du  .X^'  Congres  internal,  des  Orientalistes  (at  Geneva  in  1894),  iii.  i  ff., 
Leiden,  1896  ;  O.  E.  Lindberg,  Vergl.  Gramm.  der  sem.  Sprachen,  i  A  :  Konsonan- 
tismus,  Gothenburg,  1897  ;  H.  Zimmern,  Vergl.  Gramm.  der  sem.  Sprachen, 
Berlin,  1898 ;  E.  KOnig,  Hebrdisch  und  Semitisch :  Prolegomena  und  Grundlinien 
einer  Gesch.  der  sem.  Sprachen,  &c.,  Berlin,  1901  ;  C.  Brockelmann,  Semitische 
Sprachwissenschaft,  Lpz.  1906,  Grundriss  der  vergl.  Gramm.  der  sem.  Sprachen, 
vol.  i  (Laut-  und  Formenlehre),  parts  T-5,  Berlin,  1907  f.  and  his  Kurzgef. 
vergleichende  Gramm.  (Porta  Ling.  Or.)  Berlin,  1908. — The  material  contained 
in  inscriptions  has  been  in  process  of  collection  since  1881  in  the  Paris 
Corpus  Inscripiionum  Semiticarum.  To  this  the  best  introductions  are  M.  Lidz- 
barski's  Handbuch  der  Nordsem.  Epigraphik,  Weimar,  1898,  in  2  parts  (text  and 
plates),  and  his  Ephemeris  zur  sem.  Epigraphik  (5  parts  published),  Giessen, 
1900  f.  [G.  A.  Cooke,  Handbook  of  North-Semitic  Inscriptions,  Oxford,  1903]. 

1.  The  Hebrew  language  is  one  branch  of  a  great  family  of  Ian-  CL 
guages  in  Western  Asia  which  was  indigenous  in  Palestine,  Phoenicia, 
Syria,  Mesopotamia,  Babylonia,  Assyria,  and  Arabia,  that  is  to  say, 
in  the  countries  extending  from  the  Mediterranean  to  the  other  side 
of  the  Euphrates  and  Tigris,  and  from  the  mountains  of  Armenia  to 
the  southern  coast  of  Arabia.  In  early  times,  however,  it  spread  from 
Arabia  over  Abyssinia,  and  by  means  of  Phoenician  colonies  over  many 
islands  and  sea-boards  of  ihe  Mediterranean,  as  for  instance  to  the 
Carthaginian  coast.  No  comprehensive  designation  is  found  in  early 
times  for  the  languages  and  nations  of  this  family ;  the  name  Semites 
or  Semitic^  languages  (based  upon  the  fact  that  according  to  Gn  lo^'*^' 
almost  all  nations  speaking  these  languages  are  descended  from 
Shem)  is,  however,  now  generally  accepted,  and  has  accordingly  been 
retained  here.'^ 

'  First  used  by  SchlOzer  in  Eichhorn's  Eepertorium  fiir  bibl.  u.  morgenl. 
Liter atur,  1781,  p.  16 1. 

^  From  Shem  are  derived  (Gn  10*'  ^•')  the  Aramaean  and  Arab  families 
as  well  as  the  Hebrews,  but  not  the  Canaanites  (Phoenicians),  who  are  traced 
back  to  Ham  (vv.  s-'^ff),  although  their  language  belongs  decidedly  to  what 
is  now  called  Semitic.  The  language  of  the  Babylonians  and  Assyrians  also 
was  long  ago  shown  to  be  Semitic,  just  as  ASSur  (Gn  10'"')  is  included  among 
the  sons  of  Shem. 

COWLKY  B 


2  Introduction  [§  i  b-d 

b  2.  The  better  known  Semitic  languages  may  be  subdivided'  as 
follows : — 

L  The  South  Semitic  or  Arabic  branch.  To  this  belong,  besides 
the  classical  literary  language  of  the  Arabs  and  the  modern  vulgar 
Arabic,  the  older  southern  Arabic  preserved  in  the  Sabaean  inscrip- 
tions (less  correctly  called  Himyaritic),  and  its  offshoot,  the  Ge'ez  or 
Ethiopic,  in  Abyssinia. 

II.  The  Middle  Semitic  or  Canaanitish  branch.  To  this  belonjjs 
the  Hebrew  of  the  Old  Testament  with  its  descendants,  the  New 
Hebrew,  as  found  especially  in  the  Mishna  (see  below,  §  3  a),  and 
Rabbinic;  also  Phoenician,  with  Punic  (in  Carthage  and  its  colonies), 
and  the  various  remains  of  Canaanitish  dialects  preserved  in  names  of 
places  and  persons,  and  in  the  inscription  of  Mesa',  king  of  Moab. 

C  III,  The  North  Semitic  or  Aramaic  branch.  The  subdivisions 
of  this  are — (i)  The  Eastern  Aramaic  or  Syriac,  the  literary  language 
of  the  Christian  Syrians.  The  religious  books  of  the  Mandaeans 
(Nasoraeans,  Sabians,  also  called  the  disciples  of  St,  John)  represent 
a  very  debased  offshoot  of  this,  A  Jewish  modification  of  Syriac  is 
to  be  seen  in  the  language  of  the  Pabylonian  Talmud,  (2)  The 
Western  or  Palestinian  Aramaic,  incorrectly  called  also  '  Chaldee  '.'^ 
This  latter  dialect  is  represented  in  the  Old  Testament  by  two  words 
in  Gn  31^^,  by  the  verse  Jer  10",  and  the  sections  Dn  2*  to  7^; 
Ezr  4*  to  6'*,  and  7^2-26^  ^^  ^^jj  ^g  ^^y  ^  number  of  non-Jewish 
inscriptions  and  Jewish  papyri  (see  below,  under  m),  but  especially 
by  a  considerable  section  of  Jewish  literature  (Targums,  Palestinian 
Gemara,  &c.).  To  th*  same  branch  belongs  also  the  Samaritan,  with 
its  admixture  of  Hebrew  forms,  and,  except  for  the  rather  Arabic 
colouring  of  the  proper  names,  the  idiom  of  the  Nabataean  inscriptions 
in  the  Sinaitic  peninsula,  in  the  East  of  Palestine,  &c. 

For  further  particulars  about  the  remains  of  Western  Aramaic  (including 
those  in  the  New  Test,,  in  the  Palmyrene  and  Egyptian  Aramaic  inscriptions) 
see  Kautzsch,  Gramm.  des  Biblisch-Aramdischen,  Lpz.  1884,  p.  6  ff. 

d  IV.  The  East  Semitic  branch,  the  language  of  the  Assyrio- 
Babylonian  cuneiform  inscriptions,  the  third  line  of  the  Achaemenian 
inscriptions. 

On  the  importance  of  Assyrian  for  Hebrew  philology  especially  from  a 
lexicographical  point  of  view  cf.  Friedr.  Delitzsch,  Prolegomena  eines  neuen 

*  For  conjectures  as  to  the  gradual  divergence  of  the  dialects  (first  the 
Babylonian,  then  Canaanite,  including  Hebrew,  lastly  Aramaic  and  Arabic) 
from  primitive  Semitic,  see  Zimmern,  KAT.^,  ii.  p.  644  ff. 

'  In  a  wider  sense  all  Jewish  Aramaic  is  sometimes  called  '  Chaldee '. 


§  I  e,/]      The  Semitic  Languages  in  General  3 

hebr.-aram.  Worterbuchs  zum  A.  T.,  Lpz.  1886  ;  P.  Haupt,  'Assyrian  Phonology, 
&c.,'  in  Hehraica,  Chicago,  Jan.  1885,  vol.  i.  3  ;  Delitzsch,  Assyrische  Grammatik, 
2nd  ed.,  Berlin,  1906. 

If  the  above  division  into  four  branches  be  reduced  to  two  principal 
<,'roups,  No.  I,  as  South  Semitic,  will  be  contrasted  with  the  three 
North  Semitic  branches.' 

All  these  langunges  stand  to  one  another  in  much  the  same  relation  as  those  g 
of  the  Germanic  family  (Gothic,  Old  Norse,  Danish,  Swedish  ;  High  and  Low 
German  in  their  earlier  and  later  dialects),  or  as  the  Slavonic  languages 
(Lithuanian,  Lettish  ;  Old  Slavonic,  Serbian,  Russian  ;  Polish,  Bohemian). 
They  are  now  either  wholly  extinct,  as  the  Phoenician  and  Assyrian,  or 
preserved  only  in  a  debased  form,  as  Neo-Syriac  among  Syrian  Christians 
and  Jews  in  Mesopotamia  and  Kurdistan,  Ethiopic  (Ge'ez)  in  the  later 
Abyssinian  dialects  (Tigre,  Tigrina,  Amharic),  and  Hebrew  among  some 
modern  Jews,  except  in  so  far  as  they  attempt  a  purely  literary  x-eproduction 
of  the  language  of  the  Old  Testament.  Arabic  alone  has  not  only  occupied 
to  this  day  its  original  abode  in  Arabia  proper,  but  has  also  forced  its  way  in 
all  directions  into  the  domain  of  other  languages. 

The  Semitic  family  of  languages  is  bounded  on  the  East  and  North  by  another 
of  still  wider  extent,  which  reaches  from  India  to  the  western  limits  of 
Europe,  and  is  called  Indo-Germanic^  since  it  comprises,  in  the  most  varied 
ramifications,  the  Indian  (Sanskrit),  Old  and  New  Persian,  Greek,  Latin, 
Slavonic,  as  well  as  Gothic  and  the  other  Germanic  languages.  With  the 
Old  Egyptian  language,  of  which  Coptic  is  a  descendant,  as  well  as  with  the 
languages  of  north-western  Africa,  the  Semitic  had  from  the  earliest  times 
much  in  common,  especially  in  grammatical  structure  ;  but  on  the  other 
hand  there  are  fundamental  differences  between  them,  especially  from  a 
lexicographical  point  of  view  ;  see  Erman,  '  Das  Verhaltnis  des  Aegyptischen 
zu  den  semitischen  Sprachen,'  in  the  ZDMG.  xlvi,  1892,  p.  93  ff.,  and  Brockel- 
mann,  Grundriss,  i.  3. 

3.  The  grammatical  structure  of  the  Semitic  family  of  languages,  f 
as  compared  with  that  of  other  languages,  especially  the  Indo-Gerraanic, 
exhibits  numerous  peculiarities  which  collectively  constitute  its  dis- 
tinctive character,  although  many  of  them  are  found  singly  in  other 
languages.  These  are — (a)  among  the  consonants,  which  in  fact  form 
the  substance  of  these  languages,  occur  peculiar  gutturals  of  different 
grades ;  the  vowels  are  subject,  within  the  same  consonantal  frame- 
work, to  great  changes  in  order  to  express  various  modifications  of 
the  same  stem-meaning ;  (ft)  the  word-stems  are  almost  invariably 
triliteral,  i.e.  composed  of  three  consonants;  (c)  the  verb  is  restricted 
to  two  tense-forms,  with  a  peculiarly  regulated  use ;  {d)  the  noun 
has  only  two  genders  (masc.  and  fern.) ;  and  peculiar  expedients  are 
adopted  for  the  purpose   of  indicating   the  case-relations ;    (e)   the 

*  Hommel,  Grundriss  der  Geogr.  und  Gesch.  des  alten  Orients,  Munich,  1904, 
p.  75  ff.,  prefers  to  distinguish  them  as  Eastern  and  Western  Semitic 
branches.  Their  geographical  position,  however,  is  of  less  importance  than 
the  genealogical  relation  of  the  various  groups  of  dialects,  as  rightly  pointed 
out  by  A.  Jeremias  in  Th.LZ.  1906,  col.  291. 

'  First  by  Klaproth  in  Asia  Polyglotia,  Paris,  1823  ;  of.  Leo  Meyer  in  Kach- 
richien  d.  Gott,  Gesellschaft,  1 901,  p.  454. 

B  2 


4  Introduction  [§  \  g-i 

oblique  cases  of  the  personal  pronoun,  as  well  as  all  the  possessive 
pronouns  and  the  pronominal  object  of  the  verb,  are  denoted  by  forms 
appended  directly  to  the  governing  word  (suffixes) ;  (/)  the  almost 
complete  absence  of  compounds  both  in  the  noun  (with  the  exception 
of  many  proper  names)  and  in  the  verb ;  {g)  great  simplicity  in  the 
expression  of  syntactical  relations,  e.  g.  the  small  number  of  particles, 
and  the  prevalence  of  simple  co-ordination  of  clauses  without  periodic 
structure.  Classical  Arabic  and  Syriac,  however,  form  a  not  un- 
important exception  as  regards  the  last-mentioned  point, 

g  4.  From  a  lexicographical  point  of  view  also  the  vocabulary  of  the 
Semites  difiPers  essentially  from  that  of  the  Indo-Germanic  languages, 
although  there  is  apparently  more  agreement  here  than  in  the  grammar. 
A  considerable  number  of  Semitic  roots  and  stems  agree  in  sound 
with  synonyms  in  the  Indo-Germanic  family.  But  apart  from  ex- 
pressions actually  borrowed  (see  below,  under  i),  the  real  similarity 
may  be  reduced  to  imitative  words  (onomatopoetica),  and  to  those 
in  which  one  and  the  same  idea  is  represented  by  similar  sounds  in 
consequence  of  a  formative  instinct  common  to  the  most  varied 
families  of  language.  Neither  of  these  proves  any  historic  or  generic 
relation,  for  which  an  agreement  in  grammatical  structure  would  also 
be  necessary. 

Comp.  Friedr.  Delitzsch,  Siudien  iiber  indogennanisch-semitische  Wurzelverwandt- 
scha/t,  Lpz.  1873;  Neldechen,  Semit.  Glossen  zu  Fick  und  Curtius,  Magdeb. 
1876  f.  ;  McCurdy,  AryoSemiiic  Speech,  Andover,  U.S.  A,  1881.  The  phonetic 
relations  have  been  thoroughly  investigated  by  H.  MOller  in  Semitisch  und 
Indogermanisch,  Teil  i,  Konsotianten,  Copenhagen  and  Lpz.  1907,  a  work  which 
has  evoked  considerable  criticism. 
h  As  onomatopoetic  words,  or  as  stem-sounds  of  a  similar  charactei*,  we  may 
compare,  e.g.  piP,  ^n?  A.«»x<"»  lingo,  Skt.  lih,  Eng.  to  lick,  Fr.  lecher,  Qerm. 

lecken ;   ?pa    (cf.   b^X,   b^V)  icv\i<u,  volvo,   Germ,  quellen,  wallen,  Eng.  to   well ; 

n^3    t^irij  nin   xapaTToi,  Pers.  khdridan,   Ital.   grattare,  Fr.  gratter,  Eng.    (0 

grate,  to  scratch,  Qerm.  kraisen ;  p^S  frango,  Germ,  brechen,  &c.  ;  Reuss,  Gesch. 

der  hi,  Schri/ten  A.T.'s,  Braunschw.  1881,  p.  38,  draws  attention  moreover 
to  the  Semitic  equivalents  for  earth,  six,  seivn,  horn,  to  sound,  to  measure,  to  mix, 
to  smell,  to  place,  clear,  to  kneel,  raven,  goat,  ox,  &c.  An  example  of  a  somewhat 
different  kind  is  am,  ham  (saw),  gam,  ham,  in  the  sense  of  the  German  samt, 
zusammen,  together;  in  Hebrew  DDK  (whence  TXt^V, people,  properly  assembly),  Q]) 

(with)  samt,  DS  also,  moreover,  Arab.  yii3  to  coUect ;  Pers.  ham,  hamah  (at  the 
same  time) ;  Skt.  soma  (with),  Gk.  a/ia  (afi<pai),  d/xSi,  d/xov  (ofuKos,  ofmSoi),  and 
harder  koivSs,  Lat.  cum,  cumulus,  cunctus  ;  with  the  corresponding  sibilant  Skt. 
sam,  Gk.  avv,  (vv,  (w6s  =  koiv6s,  Goth,  sama,  Germ,  samt,  sammeln ;  but  many  of 
these  instances  are  doubtful. 

I  Essentially  different  from  this  internal  connexion  is  the  occur- 
rence of  the  same  words  in  different  languages,  where  one  language 
has  borrowed  directly  from  the  other.     Such  loan-words  are — 


§  I  i]        The  Semitic  Languages  in  General  5 

(a)  In  Hebrew:  some  names  of  objects  which  were  originally  indi- 
genous in  Babylonia  and  Assyria  (see  a  comprehensive  list  of  Assyrio- 
Babylonian  loan-words  in  the  Hebrew  and  Aramaic  of  the  Old  Testament 
in  Zimmern  and  Winckler,  KAT.^,  ii.  p.  648  flf.),  in  Egypt,  Persia,  or 
India,  e.  g.  ^N^  (also  in  the  plural)  river,  from  Egyptian  yoor,  generally  as  the 
name  of  the  Nile  (late  Egypt,  yaro,  Assyr.  yaru'u),  although  it  is  possible  that 
a  pure  Semitic  "IK"*  has  been  confounded  with  the  Egyptian  name  of  the  Nile 

(so  Zimmern)  ;  iriN  (Egyptian)  Nile-reed  (see  Lieblein,  '  Mots  6gyptiens  dans 
la  Bible,'  in  PSBA.  1898,  p.  202  f.)  ;  DlJ^B  (in  Zend  pairidaesa,  circumvalla- 
tion  =  ira/xiSetcros)  pleasure-garden,  park;  p31*lN  daric,  Persian  gold  coin;  C*?!'! 
peacocks,  perhaps  from  the  Malabar  togai  or  toghai.  Some  of  these  words  are 
also  found  in  Greek,  as  DS"]?  (Pers.  karbds,  Skt.  karpdsa)  cotton,  Kap-naaoi, 

carbasus.  On  the  other  hand  it  is  doubtful  if  Pjip  corresponds  to  the  Greek 
Kjjnoi,  K^Bos,  Skt.  kapi,  ape. 

(b)  In  Greek,  &c.  :  some  originally  Semitic  names  of  Asiatic  products  and 
articles  of  commerce,  e.  g.  V^H  /Svacros,  byssus  ;  HSbp  Xi^avos,  \iBavaiT6s,  incense  ; 
ri3p  tcavT],  K&wa,  eanna,  cane  ;    |D3  icvfuvov,  cuminum,  cumin  ;    njTifp  Kaaaia, 

cassia ;  ?D3  KanrjXos,  camelics ;  P3"^y  dppafidjv,  arrhabo,  anha,  pledge.  Such 
transitions  have  perhaps  been  brought  about  chiefly  by  Phoenician  trade. 
Cf.  A.  Miiller,  '  Semitische  Lehnworte  im  alteren  Griechisoh,'  in  Bezzen- 
berger's  Beitrage  zur  Kunde  der  Indo-germ.  Sprachen,  GSttingen,  1877,  vol.  i. 
p.  273  ff.  ;  E.  Ries,  Quae  res  et  vocabula  a  gentibus  semiticis  in  Graeciam  pervenerinf, 
Breslau,  1890;  Muss-Arnolt,  'Semitic  words  in  Greek  and  Latin,'  in  the 
Transactions  0/  the  American  Philological  Association,  xxiii.  p.  35  flf.  ;  H.  Lewy,  Die 
semitischen  Fremdwbrter  im  Oriech.,  Berlin,  1895  ;  J.  H.  Bondi,  Dem  hebr.-phoniz. 
Sprachzweige  angehor.  Lehnworter  in  hieroglyph,  m.  hieratischen  Texten,  Lpz.  1886. 

6.  No  system  of  writing  is  ever  so  perfect  as  to  be  able  to  reproduce  k 
the  sounds  of  a  language  in  all  their  various  shades,  and  the  writing 
of  the  Semites  has  one  striking  fundamental  defect,  viz.  that  only  the 
consonants  (which  indeed  form  the  substance  of  the  language)  are 
written  as  real  letters,^  whilst  of  the  vowels  only  the  longer  are 
indicated  by  certain  representative  consonants  (see  below,  §  7). 
It  was  only  later  that  special  small  marks  (points  or  strokes  below 
or  above  the  consonants)  were  invented  to  represent  to  the  eye  all 
the  vowel-sounds  (see  §  8).  These  are,  however,  superfluous  for 
the  practised  reader,  and  are  therefore  often  wholly  omitted  in 
Semitic  manuscripts  and  printed  texts.  Semitic  writing,  moreover, 
almost  invariably  proceeds  from  right  to  left.'* 

*  So  also  originally  the  Ethiopic  writing,  which  afterwards  represented 
the  vowels  by  small  appendages  to  the  consonants,  or  by  some  other  change 
in  their  form.  On  the  Assyrio-Babylonian  cuneiform  writing,  which  like- 
wise indicates  the  vowels,  see  the  next  note,  ad  fin. 

'  The  Sabaean  (Himyaritic)  writing  runs  occasionally  from  left  to  right, 
and  even  alternately  in  both  directions  {boustrophedon^,  but  as  a  rule  from 
right  to  left.  In  Ethiopic  writing  the  direction  from  left  to  right  has  become 
the  rule  ;  some  few  old  inscriptions  exhibit,  however,  the  opposite  direction. 
The  cuneiform  writing  also  runs  from  left  to  right,  but  this  is  undoubtedly 
borrowed  from  a  non-Semitic  people.     Cf.  §  5  d,  note  3. 


Introduction  [§  1 1, 


m 


With  the  exception  of  the  Assyrio-Babylonian  (cuneiform),  all 
varieties  of  Semitic  writing,  although  differing  widely  in  some  respects, 
are  derived  from  one  and  the  same  original  alphabet,  represented  on 
extant  monuments  most  faithfully  by  the  characters  used  on  the  stele 
of  Mesa,  king  of  Moab  (see  below,  §  2  d),  and  in  the  old  Phoenician 
inscriptions,  of  which  the  bronze  bowls  from  a  temple  of  Baal 
{CIS.  i.  22  ff.  and  Plate  IV)  are  somewhat  earlier  than  Mesa'.  The 
old  Hebrew  writing,  as  it  appears  on  the  oldest  monument,  the  Siloam 
inscription  (see  below,  §  2  d),  exhibits  essentially  the  same  character. 
The  old  Greek,  and  indirectly  all  European  alphabets,  are  descended 
from  the  old  Phoenician  writing  (see  §  5  i). 
I  See  the  Table  of  Alphabets  at  the  beginning  of  the  Grammar,  which  shows 
the  relations  of  the  older  varieties  of  Semitic  writing  to  one  another  and 
especially  the  origin  of  the  present  Hebrew  characters  from  their  primitive 
forms.  For  a  more  complete  view,  see  Gesenius'  Scripturae  linguaeque  Phoeniciae 
monumenta,  Lips.  1837,  4to,  pt.  i.  p.  15  ff.,  and  pt.  iii.  tab.  1-5.  From  numerous 
monuments  since  discovered,  our  knowledge  of  the  Semitic  characters, 
especially  the  Phoenician,  has  become  considerably  enlarged  and  more 
accurate.  Cf.  the  all  but  exhaustive  bibliography  (from  1616  to  1896)  in 
Lidzbarski's  Handbuch  der  Nordsemitischen  Epigraphik,  i.  p.  4  ff ,  and  on  the 
origin  of  the  Semitic  alphabet,  ibid.,  p.  I73ff.,  and  Ephemeris  (see  the  heading 
of  §  I  a  above),  i.  pp.  109  ff.,  142,  261  ff.,  and  his  '  Altsemitische  Texte|,  pt.  i, 
Kanaanaische  Inschriften  (Moabite,  Old-Hebrew,  Phoenician,  Punic),  Giessen, 
ic)07. — On  the  origin  and  development  of  the  Hebrew  characters  and  the  best 
tables  of  alphabets,  see  §  5  a,  last  note,  and  especially  §56. 

7?l  6.  As  regards  the  relative  age  of  the  Semitic  languages,  the  oldest 
literary  remains  of  them  are  to  be  found  in  the  Assyrio-Babylonian 
(cuneiform)  inscriptions,'  with  which  are  to  be  classed  the  earliest 
Hebrew  fragments  occurring  in  the  old  Testament  (see  §  2). 

The  earliest  non-Jewish  Aramaic  inscriptions  known  to  us  are  that 
cf  -|3T  king  of  Hamath  (early  eighth  cent.  B.C.),  on  which  see  Nbldeke, 
ZA.  1908,  p.  376,  and  that  found  at  Teima,  in  N.  Arabia,  in  1880, 
probably  of  the  fifth  cent.  b.  c,  cf.  E.  Littmann  in  the  Monist,  xiv.  4  [and 
Cooke,  op.  cit.,  p.  195].  The  monuments  of  Kalammus  of  Sam'al,  in  the 
reign  of  Shalmanezer  II,  859-829  B.C.  (cf.  A.  Sanda,  Die  Aramaer,  Lpz. 
1902,  p.  26),  and  those  found  in  1888-1891  at  Zenjirli  in  N.  Syria, 
including  the  Hadad  inscription  of  thirty-four  lines  (early  eighth  cent. 
B.C.)  and  the  Panamrau  inscription  (740  B.C.),  are  not  in  pure 
Aramaic.  The  Jewish-Aramaic  writings  begin  about  the  time  of 
Cyrus  (cf.  Ezr  6^  '^■),  specially  important  being  the  papyri  from  Assuan 
ed.  by  Sayce  and  Cowley,  London,  1906  (and  in  a  cheaper  form  by 
Staerk,  Bonn,  1907),  which  are  precisely  dated  from  471  to  411  B.C., 
and  three  others  of  407  B.  c.  ed.  by  Sachau,  Berlin,  1907. 

*  According  to  Hilprecht,  The  Babylonian  Expedition  of  the  University  of 
Pennsylvania,  i.  p.  ii  ff.,  the  inscriptions  found  at  Nippur  embrace  the 
period  from  about  4000  to  450  b.  c. 


§  I  n]        The  Semitic  Languages  in  General  7 

Monuments  of  the  Arahic  brancli  first  appear  in  the  earliest 
centuries  A.  d.  (Sabaean  inscriptions,  Ethiopic  translation  of  the  Bible 
in  the  fourth  or  fifth  century,  North-Arabic  literature  from  the  sixth 
century  A.  D.), 

It  is,  however,  another  question  which  of  these  languages  has 
adhered  longest  and  most  faithfully  to  the  original  character  of  the 
Semitic,  and  which  consequently  represents  to  us  the  earliest  phase 
of  its  development.  For  the  more  or  less  rapid  transformation  of  the 
sounds  and  forms  of  a  language,  as  spoken  by  nations  and  races,  is 
dependent  on  causes  quite  distinct  from  the  growth  of  a  literature, 
and  the  organic  structure  of  a  language  is  often  considerably  impaired 
even  before  it  has  developed  a  literature,  especially  by  early  contact 
with  people  of  a  difFerent  language.  Thus  in  the  Semitic  group, 
the  Aramaic  dialects  exhibit  the  earliest  and  greatest  decay,  next 
to  them  the  Hebrew-Canaanitish,  and  in  its  own  way  the  Assyrian. 
Arabic,  owing  to  the  seclusion  of  the  desert  tribes,  was  the  longest 
to  retain  the  original  fullness  and  purity  of  the  sounds  and  forms 
of  words.^  Even  here,  however,  there  appeared,  through  the  revolu- 
tionary influence  of  Islam,  an  ever-increasing  decay,  until  Arabic 
at  length  reached  the  stage  at  which  we  find  Hebrew  in  the  Old 
Testament. 

Hence  the  phenomenon,  that  in  its  grammatical  structure  the  ancient  n 
Hebrew  agrees  more  with  the  modern  than  with  the  ancient  Arabic,  and 
that  the  latter,  although  it  only  appears  as  a  written  language  at  a  later 
period,  has  yet  in  many  respects  preserved  a  more  complete  structure  and 
a  more  original  vowel  system  than  the  other  Semitic  languages,  cf.  Noldeke, 
'  Das  klassische  Arabisch  und  die  arabischen  Dialekte,'  in  Beitrdge  sur 
semitischen  Sprachwissenschaft,  p.  i  ff.  It  thus  occupies  amongst  them  a 
position  similar  to  that  which  Sanskrit  holds  among  the  Indo-Germanic 
languages,  or  Gothic  in  the  narrower  circle  of  the  Germanic.  But  even  the 
toughest  organism  of  a  language  often  deteriorates,  at  least  in  single  forms 
and  derivatives,  while  on  the  contrary,  in  the  midst  of  what  is  otherwise 
universal  decay,  there  still  remains  here  and  there  something  original  and 
archaic  ;  and  this  is  the  case  with  the  Semitic  languages. 

Fuller  proof  of  the  above  statements  belongs  to  the  comparative  Grammar 
of  the  Semitic  languages.  It  follows,however,  from  what  has  been  said:  (i)  that 
the  Hebrew  language,  as  found  in  the  sacred  literatureof  the  Jews,  has,  in  respect 

^  Even  now  the  language  of  some  of  the  Bfedawi  is  much  purer  and  more 
archaic  than  that  of  the  town  Arabs.  It  must,  however,  bo  admitted  that 
the  former  exalted  estimate  of  the  primitiveness  of  Arabic  has  been  moderated 
in  many  respects  by  the  most  recent  school  of  Semitic  philology.  Much 
apparently  original  is  to  be  regarded  with  Noldeke  (7>je  setnit.  Spr,,  p.  5 
\_  =  £nqjd.  Brit.,  ed.  9,  art.  Semitic  Languaoes,  p.  642  J)  only  as  a  modification  of 
the  original.  The  assertion  that  the  Arabs  exhibit  Semitic  characteristics  in 
their  purest  form,  should,  according  to  NOldeke,  be  rather  that  'the  in- 
habitants of  the  desert  lands  of  Arabia,  under  the  influence  of  the 
extraordinarily  monotonous  scenery  and  of  a  life  continually  the  same  amid 
continual  change,  have  developed  most  exclusively  some  of  the  principal 
traits  of  the  Semitic  race  ', 


8  Introduction  [§  2  a,  6 

to  its  organic  structure,  already  suffered  more  considerable  losses  tlian  the 
Arabic,  which  appears  much  later  on  the  historical  horizon;  (2)  that,  not- 
withstanding this  fact,  we  cannot  at  once  and  in  all  points  concede  priority 
to  the  latter ;  (3)  that  it  is  a  mistake  to  consider  with  some  that  the  Aramaic 
on  account  of  its  simplicity  (which  is  only  due  to  the  decay  of  its  organic 
structure),  is  the  oldest  form  of  Semitic  speech. 

§  2.     Sketch  of  the  History  of  the  Hebrew  Language. 

See  Gesenius,  Gesch.  der  kebr.  Sprache  u.  Schrift,  Lpz.  1815,  §§  5-18;  Th. 
Noldeke's  art.,  '  Sprache,  hebraische,'  in  Schenkel's  Bibel-Lexikon,  Bd.  v,  Lpz. 
1875;  F.  Buhl,  'Hebraische  Sprache,'  in  Hauck's  Realencycl.  fur  prot.  T/ieol. 
und  Kirche,  vii  (1899),  p.  506  ff.;  A.  Cowley, '  Hebrew  Language  and  Literature,' 
in  the  forthcoming  ed.  of  the  Encycl.  Brit. ;  W.  R.  Smith  in  the  Encyd.  BiU., 
ii.  London,  1901,  p.  1984  ff.;  A.  Lukyn  Williams,  'Hebrew,'  in  Hastings' 
Did.  of  the  Bible,  ii.  p.  335  ff.,  Edinb.  1899. 

a  1.  The  name  Hebrew  Language  usually  denotes  the  language  of  the 
sacred  writings  of  the  Israelites  which  form  the  canon  of  the  Old 
Testament,  It  is  also  called  Ancient  Hebrew  in  contradistinction  to 
the  New  Hebrew  of  Jewish  writings  of  the  post-biblical  period  (§  3  a). 
The  name  Hebrew  language  (nn^y  fW^b  yXC^a-a.  twv  'E/3p<u(ov,  k^paiari) 
does  not  occur  in  the  Old  Testament  itself.  Instead  of  it  we  find  in  Is 
1 9'*  the  term  language  of  Canaan,^  and  nn^n^  in  the  Jews'  language 
2  K  i8^«-^  (cf.  Is  aa"'^')  Neh  13^  In  the  last-cited  passage  it  already 
agrees  with  the  later  (post-exilic)  usage,  which  gi-adually  extended 
the  name  Jews,  Jewish  to  the  whole  nation,  as  in  Haggai,  Nehemiah, 
and  the  book  of  Esther. 

O  The  distinction  between  the  names  Hebrew  (D"''1Iiy  'E0fMtoi)  and  Israelites 
pN'lb'^  ^p2)  is  that  the  latter  was  rather  a  national  name  of  honour,  with 

also  a  religious  significance,  employed  by  the  people  themselves,  while  the 
former  appears  as  the  less  significant  name  by  which  the  nation  was  known 
amongst  foreigners.  Hence  in  tlie  Old  Testament  Hebrews  are  only  cpoken 
of  either  when  the  name  is  employed  by  themselves  as  contrasted  with 
foreigners  (Gn  40",  Ex  26 '•  3I8  &c.,  Jon  !»)  or  when  it  is  put  in  the 
mouth  of  those  who  are  not  Israelites  (Gn  39"-"  41'^  &c.)  or,  finally, 
when  it  is  used  in  opposition  to  other  nations  (Gn  14"  4332,  Ex  3"-"  21^). 
In  I  S  is^T  and  14*'  the  text  is  clearly  corrupt.  In  the  Greek  and 
Latin  authors,  as  well  as  in  Josephus,  the  name  'Efipaioi,  Hebraei," 
&c.,  alone  occurs.  Of  the  many  explanations  of  the  gentilic  ^"12^,  the 
derivation  from  13J?  a  country  on  the  other  side  with  the  derivative  suffix  >__ 
{^8f>h)  appears  to  be  the  only  one  philologically  possible.  The  name 
accordingly  denoted  the  Israelites  as  being  those  who  inhabited  the  'eber,  i.  e. 
the  district  on  the  other  side  of  the  Jordan  (or  according  to  others  the 
Euphrates),  and  would  therefore  originally  be  only  appropriate  when  used 
by  the  nations  on  this  side  of  the  Jordan  or  Euphrates.  We  must,  then, 
suppose  that  after  the  crossing  of  the  river  in  question  it  had  been  retained 
by  the  Abrahamidae  as  an  old-established  name,  and  within  certain-  limits 

*  That  Hebrew  in  its  present  form  was  actually  developed  in  Canaan 
appears  from  such  facts  as  the  use  of  yam  (sea)  for  the  west,  negeb  (properly  dry- 
ness, afterwards  as  a  proper  name  for  the  south  of  Palestine)  for  the  south. 

"  The  Gracco-Roman  form  of  the  name  is  not  directly  derived  from  the 
Hebrew  >"13y,  but  from  the  Palestinian  Aramaic  'ebraya,  '  the  Hebrew.' 


§  2  c,  rf]       History  of  the  Hebrew  Language  9 

(see  above)  had  become  naturalized  among  them.  In  referring  this  name  to 
the  patronymic  Eber,  the  Hebrew  genealogists  have  assigned  to  it  a  much 
more  comprehensive  signification.  For  since  in  Gn  lo"  (Nu  24^^*  does  not 
apply)  Shem  is  called  the  father  of  all  the  children  of  Eber,  and  to  the  latter 
there  also  belonged  according  to  Gn  iii**^-  and  lo*"*  *f-  Aramean  and  Arab 
races,  the  name,  afterwards  restricted  in  the  form  of  the  gentilic  'ibii 
exclusively  to  the  Israelites,  must  have  originally  included  a  considerably 
larger  group  of  countries  and  nations.  The  etymological  significance  of  the 
name  must  in  that  case  not  be  insisted  upon.^ 

The  term  efipcuari  is  first  used,  to  denote  the  old  Hebrew,  in  the  prologue  C 
to  Jesus  the  son  of  Sirach  (about  130  B.C.),  and  in  the  New  Testament,  Rv 
9".  On  the  other  hand  it  serves  in  Jn  5^^,  19^31''  perhaps  also  in  jg"^"  and 
Kv  16'^  to  denote  what  was  then  the  (Aramaic)  vernacular  of  Palestine  as 
opposed  to  the  Greek.  The  meaning  of  the  expression  tBpah  Std\tKTos  in  Acta 
21*",  22^,  and  26'*  is  doubtful  (cf.  Kautzsch,  Gramm.  des  Bihl.-Aram.,  p.  19  f.). 
Joseplius  also  uses  the  term  Hebrew  both  of  the  old  Hebrew  and  of  the 
Aramaic  vernacular  of  his  time. 

The  Hebrew  language  is  first  called  the  sacred  language  in  the  Jewish- 
Aramaic  versions  of  the  Old  Testament,  as  being  the  language  of  the  sacred 
books  in  opposition  to  the  lingua  jprofatia,  i.  e.  the  Aramaic  vulgar  tongue. 

2.  With  the  exception  of  the  Old  Testament  (and  apart  from  the  u 
Phoenician  inscriptions ;  see  below,  f--h),  only  very  few  remains  of 
old  Hebrew  or  old  Canaanitish  literature  have  been  preserved.  Of 
the  latter — (i)  an  inscription,  unfortunately  much  injured,  of  thirty- 
four  lines,  which  was  found  in  the  ancient  territory  of  the  tribe  of 
Reuben,  about  twelve  miles  to  the  east  of  the  Dead  Sea,  among  the 
ruins  of  the  city  of  Dibon  (now  Diban),  inhabited  in  earlier  times  by 
the  Gadites,  afterwards  by  the  Moabites.  In  it  the  Moabite  king 
Mesa'  (about  850  B.C.)  recounts  his  battles  with  Israel  (cf.  2  K  3'' "), 
his  buildings,  and  other  matters.^    Of  old  Hebrew  :  (2)  an  inscription 

^  We  may  also  leave  out  of  account  the  linguistically  possible  identification 
of  the  'Ibriyyim  with  the  Habiri  who  appear  in  the  Tell-elAmarna  letters 
(about  1400  B.  c.)  as  freebooters  and  mercenaries  in  Palestine  and  its 
neighbourhood. 

*  This  monument,  unique  of  its  kind,  was  first  seen  in  August,  1868,  on 
the  spot,  by  the  German  missionary  F.  A.  Klein.  It  vras  aftei  wards  broken 
into  pieces  by  the  Arabs,  so  that  only  an  incomplete  copy  of  the  inscription 
could  be  made.  Most  of  the  fragments  are  now  in  the  Louvre  in  Paris. 
For  the  history  of  the  discovery  and  for  the  earlier  literature  relating  to  the 
stone,  see  Lidzbarski,  Nordsemitische  Epigraphik,  i.  pp.  103  f,  415  f.,  and  iu 
the  bibliography  (under  Me),  p.  39  ff.  The  useful  reproduction  and  trans- 
lation of  the  inscription  by  Smend  and  Socin  (Freiburg  in  Baden,  1886) 
was  afterwards  revised  and  improved  by  Nordlander,  Die  Inschrift  des 
Konigs  Mesa  von  Moab,  Lpz.  1896  ;  by  Socin  and  Holzinger,  'Zur  Mesainschrift' 
{Berichte  der  K.  Sdchsisclien  Gesell.  d.  Wiss.,  Dec.  1897) ;  and  by  Lidzbarski, 
'Eine  Nachpriifung  der  Mesainschiift'  {Ephemeris,  i.  i,  p.  i  flf.  ;  text  in  his 
Altsemitische  Texte,  pt.  i,  Giessen,  1907)  ;  J.  Hal6vy,  Eevue  Simitique,  1900, 
pp.  236  ff.,  289  ff.,  1901,  p.  2Q7  ff.  ;  M.  J.  Lagrange,  Revue  biblique  Inter- 
nationale, 1901,  p.  522  ff.;  F.  Pratorius  in  ZDMG.  1905,  p.  33  ff.,  1906,  p.  402. 
Its  genuineness  was  attacked  by  A.  Lowy,  Die  Echtheit  der  Moabit,  Inschr.  im 
Louvre  (Wien,  1903),  and  G.  Jahn  in  Das  Buck  Daniel,  Lpz.  1904,  p.  122  ff. 
(also  in  ZDMG.  1905,  p.  723  ff.),  but  without  justification,  as  shown  by 
E.  KOnig  in  ZDMG.  1905,  pp.  233  ff.  and  743  ff.  [Cf.  also  Driver,  Notes  on  the 
Hebrew  Text  (if  the  Books  of  Samuel,  Oxford,  1890,  p.  Ixxxv  ff. ;  Cooke,  op.  cit.,  p.  i  ff.] 


lo  Introduction  C§  2  e,/ 

of  six  lines  (proLably  of  the  eighth  century  b.c.^)  discovered  in  June, 
1880,  in  the  tunnel  between  the  Virgin's  Spring  and  the  Pool  of 
Siloam  at  Jerusalem ;  (3)  about  forty  engraved  seal-stones,  some  of 
them  pre-exilic  but  bearing  little  except  proper  names  '^ ;  (4)  coins 
of  the  Maccabaean  prince  Simon  (from  '  the  2nd  year  of  deliverance', 
140  and  139  B.C.)  and  his  successors,^  and  the  coinage  of  the  revolts 
in  the  times  of  Vespasian  and  Hadrian. 

6  3.  In  the  whole  series  of  the  ancient  Hebrew  writings,  as  found  in 
the  Old  Testament  and  also  in  non-biblical  monuments  (see  above,  d), 
the  language  (to  judge  from  its  consonantal  formation)  remains,  as 
regards  its  general  character,  and  apait  from  slight  changes  in  form 
and  differences  of  style  (see  k  to  w),  at  about  the  same  stage  of 
development.  In  this  form,  it  may  at  an  early  time  have  been  fixed 
as  a  literary  language,  and  the  fact  tliat  the  books  contained  in  the 
Old  Testament  were  handed  down  as  sacred  writings,  must  have 
contributed  to  this  constant  uniformity. 

f     To  this  old  Hebrew,  the  language  of  the  Canaanitish  or  Phoenician  *  stocks 

•^   came  the  nearest  of  all  the  Semitic  languages,  as  is  evident  partly  from  the 

many  Canaanitisli  names  of  persons  and  places  with  a  Hebrew  form  and 

meaning  which  occur  in  the  Old  Testament  (e.g.  plSfiSpip,  IDD  H^lp^  &c.  ; 

^  Of  this  inscription — unfortunately  not  dated,  but  linguistically  and  palaeo- 
graphically  very  important— referring  to  the  boring  of  the  tunnel,  a  facsimile 
is  given  at  the  beginning  of  this  grammar.  See  also  Lidzbarski,  Nordsemitische 
Epigraphik,  i.  105,  163,  439  (bibliography,  p.  56  ff. ;  facsimile,  vol.  ii,  plate  xxi, 
1) ;  on  the  new  drawing  of  it  by  Socin  {ZBPV.  xxii.  p.  61  ff.  and  separately 
published  at  Freiburg  i.  B.  1899),  see  Lidzbarski,  Ephemeris,  i.  53  ff.  and  310  f. 
(text  in  Altsemit.  Texte,  p.  9  f.).  Against  the  view  of  A.  Fischer  {ZDMG.  1902, 
p.  800  f.)  that  the  six  lines  are  the  continuation  of  an  inscription  which 
was  never  executed,  see  Lidzbarski,  Ephemeris,  ii.  71.  The  inscription  was 
removed  in  1890,  and  broken  into  six  or  seven  pieces  in  the  process.  It  has 
since  been  well  restored,  and  is  now  in  the  Imperial  Museum  at  Constan- 
tinople. If,  as  can  hardly  be  doubted,  the  name  T\Vp  (i.  e.  emissio)  Is  8® 
refers  to  the  discharge  of  water  from  the  Virgin's  Spring,  through  the  tunnel 
(so  Stade,  Gesch.  Isr.  i.  594),  then  the  latter,  and  consequently  the  inscrip- 
tion, was  already  in  existence  about  736  b.  c.     [Cf.  Cooke,  op.  cit,  p.  15  ff.] 

*  M.  A.  Levy,  Siegel  u.  Gemmen,  dec,  Bresl.  1869,  p.  33  ff.  ;  Stade,  ZAW. 
1897,  p.  501  ff.  (four  old-Semitic  seals  published  in  1896)  ;  Lidzbarski, 
Handbuch,  i.  169  f.  ;  Ephemei-is,  i.  10  ff.  ;  W.  Nowack,  Lehrb.  d.  kebr.  Archaol. 
(^Freib.   1894),    i.  262  f. ;    I.  Benzinger,    Hebr.    Archaol.'^    (Tubingen,    1907), 

pp.  80,  225  ff.,  which  includes  the  beautiful  seal  inscribed  Cy^"!''  IDV  J?CK'^ 

from  the  castle-hill  of  Megiddo,  found  in  1904  ;  [Cooke,  p.  363]. 

*  De  Saulcy,  Numismatique  de  la  Terre  Sainte,  Par.  1874;  M.  A.  Levy,  Gesch. 
der  jud.  Miinzen,  Breslau,  1862;  Madden,  The  Coins  of  the  Jews,  Lond.  1881  ; 
Reinach,  Les  monnaies  juives,  Paris,  1888. — Cf.  the  literature  in  Schiirer's 
Gesch.  dcs  jiid.Volkes  im  Zeitalter  J,  C,  Lpz.  1901,  i.  p.  20  ff. ;  [Cooke,  p.  352  ff.]. 

*  |y?3,  ^P_V?3  is  the  native  name,  common  both  to  the  Canaanitish  tribes  in 
Palestine  and  to  those  which  dwelt  at  the  foot  of  the  Lebanon  and  on  the 
Syrian  coast,  whom  we  call  Phoenicians,  while  they  called  themselves  fV3D 
on  their  coins.     The  people  of  Carthage  also  called  themselves  so. 


§  2  J7-0      History  of  the  Hebrew  Language  1 1 

on  'Canaanite  glosses '^  to  Assyrian  words  in  the  cuneiform  tablets  of 
Tell-el-Amarna  [about  1400  b.  c]  cf.  H.  Winekler,  '  Die  Thontafeln  von  Tell- 
el-Amarna,'  in  Keilinschr.  Bibliothek,  vol.  v,  Berlin,  1896  f.  [transcription 
and  translation] ;  J.  A.  Knudtzon,  Die  El-Amarna-Tafeln,  Lpz.  1907  f.  ; 
H.  Ziramern,  ZA.  1891,  p.  154  S.  and  KAT.^,  p.  651  ff.),  and  partly  from  the 
numerous  remains  of  the  Phoenician  and  Punic  languages. 

The  latter  we  find  in  their  peculiar  writing  (§  i  k,  I)  in  a  great  number  of 
inscriptions  and  on  coins,  copies  of  which  have  been  collected  by  Gesenius, 
Judas,  Bourgade,  Davis,  de  Vogiie,  Levy,  P.  Schroder,  v.  Maltzan,  Euting, 
but  especially  in  Part  I  of  the  Corpus  Inscriptionum  Semiticarum,  Paris,  1881  If. 
Among  the  inscriptions  but  few  public  documents  are  found,  e.g.  two  lists 
of  fees  for  sacrifices ;  by  far  the  most  are  epitaphs  or  votive  tablets.  Of 
special  importance  is  the  inscription  on  the  sarcophagus  of  King  Esmunazar 
of  Sidon,  found  in  1855,  now  in  the  Louvre;  see  the  bibliography  in 
Lidzbarski,  Nordsem.  Epigr.,  i.  23  fif. ;  on  the  inscription,  i.  97  fif".,  141  f-, 
417,  ii.  plate  iv,  2  ;  [Cooke,  p.  30  ff.].  To  these  may  be  added  isolated  words 
in  Greek  and  Latin  authors,  and  the  Punic  texts  in  Plautus,  Poenulus  5,  1-3 
(best  treated  by  Gildemeister  in  Eitschl's  edition  of  Plautus,  Lips.  1884, 
torn,  ii,  fasc.  5).  From  the  monuments  we  learn  the  native  orthography, 
from  the  Greek  and  Latin  transcriptions  the  pronunciation  and  vocalization  ; 
the  two  together  give  a  tolerably  distinct  idea  of  the  language  and  its  relation 
to  Hebrew. 

Phoenician    (Punic)   words  occurring   in   inscriptions  are,    e.  g.   PK  God,  g 

DIN  man,  p  son,  T)2  daughter,  "^PO  king,  IDJJ  servant,  |n3  priest,  riQT  sacrifice, 

7V2  lord,  tfCB'  sun,  J'lK  land,  D*"  sea,  pK  stone,  5)03  silver,  7t~0  iron,  \C^  oil, 

ny  time,  ^p  grave,  DiifO  monument,  DpD  place,  33tJ'D  bed,  ^3  all,  TnS  one, 

CJK'  two,    B'^K'  three,    ynnx  four,    ^DJI  five,    B'B'  six,    yaC  seven,   "iK'y  ten, 

p    (  =  Hebr.  rTTl)  to  be,    yOiJ'  to  hear,   nflB  to  open,  "113  to  vow,   "^IH  to  bless, 

tJ'pa  to  seek,  &c.      Proper   names :    pjf  Sidon,   12?  Tyre,    X3n  Hanno,    py33n 

Hannibal,  &c.  See  the  complete  vocabulary  in  Lidzbarski,  Nordsem.  Epigr., 
i.  204  ff. 

Variations  from  Hebrew  in  Phoenician  orthography  and  inflection  are,  h 
e.g.  the  almost  invariable  omission  of  the  vowel  letters  (§  7  b),  as  n3  for  IT'S 

hmse,  ^p  for  bSp  voice,  pX  for  ]\T'^^  DJn3  for  Qianij)  priests,  D3^N  (in  Plant. 
alonim)  gods ;  the  fem.,  even  in  the  absolute  state,  ending  in  n  {ath)  (§  80  h) 
as  well  as  K  (6),  the  relative  tJ'K  (Hebr.  "IK'X),  &c.  The  differences  in  pro- 
nunciation are  more  remarkable,  especially  in  Punic,  where  the  i  was 
regularly  pronounced  as  m,  e.  g.  tDBCJ'  siijet  (judge),  E'/B'  salus  (three),  B'T 
ms  =  K'X")  head ;  i  and  e  often  as  the  obscure  dull  sound  of  y,  e.g.  ^3311  ynnynnu 
(occe   eum),  m  (D^N)  yth;  the  y  as  0,  e.g.  -\p)}Ki   Mocar   (cf.    nijjo    LXX, 

Gn  22^*  Mcyx<i).  See  the  collection  of  the  grammatical  peculiarities  in 
Gesenius,  Monumenta  Phoenicia,  p.  430  ff.  ;  Paul  Schroder,  Die  phoniz.  Sprache, 
Halle,  1869;  B.  Stade,  'Erneute  Priifung  des  zwischen  dem  PhOnic.  und 
Hebr.  bestehenden  Verwandtschaftsgrades,'  in  the  Morgenldnd.  Forschungen, 
Lpz.  1875,  p.  169  ff. 

4.  As  the  Hebrew  writing  ou  monuments  and  coins  mentioned  I 
in   d  consists  only  of   consonants,   so    also  the  writers  of  the  Old 

*  Cf.  inter  alia  :  aparu,  also  haparu  (Assyr.  epru,  ipru)  =  "IDy  ;  huUu  =  p'y 
(with  hard  y ;  cf.  §  6  c,  and  Assyr.  humri  =  '^yO'^ ,  hazzatu  =  T\\^)  ;  iazkur  = 
"laV,  zuruhu  =  ^'\'li] ,  abadat  =  rtTza ,  saftrt  =  lytj',  gate;  fca/nw  =  |t33,  belly; 
kiliibi  =  31^3,  net ;  saduk  ^  phx  (P^"^?) .  Slc.  [Cf.  BOhl,  Die  Sprache  d.  Amarnabrie/e, 
Lpz.  1909.] 


12  Introduction  [§  2  h-m 

Testament  books  used  merely  the  consonant-signs  (§  i  k),  and  even 
now  the  written  scrolls  of  the  Law  used  in  the  synagogues  must  not, 
according  to  ancient  custom,  contain  anything  more.  The  present 
pronunciation  of  this  consonantal  text,  its  vocalization  and  accentua- 
tion, rest  on  the  tradition  of  the  Jewish  schools,  as  it  was  finally  fixed 
by  the  system  of  punctuation  (§  7  h)  introduced  by  Jewish  scholars 
about  the  seventh  century  A.  D. ;  cf.  §  3  h. 
h  An  earlier  stage  in  the  development  of  the  Canaftnitish-Hebrew 
language,  i.e.  a  form  of  it  anterior  to  the  written  documents  now 
extant,  when  it  must  have  stood  nearer  to  the  common  language  of 
the  united  Semitic  family,  can  still  be  discerned  in  its  principal 
features: — (i)  from  many  archaisms  preserved  in  the  traditional 
texts,  especially  in  the  names  of  persons  and  places  dating  from 
earlier  times,  as  well  as  in  isolated  forms  chiefly  occurring  in  poetic 
style ;  (2)  in  general  by  an  a  2)ostenori  conclusion  from  traditional 
forms,  so  far  as  according  to  the  laws  and  analogies  of  phonetic 
change  they  clearly  point  to  an  older  phase  of  the  language ;  and 
(3)  ^y  comparison  with  the  kindred  languages,  especially  Arabic,  in 
which  this  earlier  stage  of  the  language  has  been  frequently  preserved 
even  down  to  later  times  (§  i  m,  n)-  In  numerous  instances  in 
examining  linguistic  phenomena,  the  same — and  consequently  so  much 
the  more  certain — result  is  attained  by  each  of  these  three  methods. 

Although  the  systematic  investigation  of  the  linguistic  development  in- 
dicated above  belongs  to  comparative  Semitic  philology,  it  is  nevertheless 
indispensable  for  the  scientific  treatment  of  Hebrew  to  refer  to  the  ground- 
forms  '  so  far  as  they  can  be  ascertained  and  to  compare  the  corresponding 
forms  in  Arabic.  Even  elementary  grammar  which  treats  of  the  forms  of  the 
language  occurring  in  the  Old  Testament  frequently  requires,  for  their 
explanation,  a  reference  to  these  ground-forms. 

/  6.  Even  in  the  language  of  the  Old  Testament,  notwithstanding 
its  general  uniformity,  there  is  noticeable  a  certain  progress  from 
an  earlier  to  a  later  stage.  Two  periods,  though  with  some 
reservations,  may  be  distinguished :  the  Jirist,  down  to  the  end  of  the 
Babylonian  exile ;  and  the  second,  after  the  exile. 
Tfl  To  the  former  belongs,  apart  from  isolated  traces  of  a  later 
revision,  the  larger  half  of  the  Old  Testament  books,  viz.  (a)  of  the 
prose  and  historical  writings,  a  large  part  of  the  Pentateuch  and 
of  Joshua,  Judges,  Samuel,  and  Kings  ;  (6)  of  the  poetical,  perhaps 

1  Whether  those  can   be  described  simply  as   'primitive  Semitic'  is  a 
question  which  may  be  left  undecided  here. 


§  2  n-g]     History  of  the  Hebrew  Language  13 

a  part  of  the  Psalms  and  Proverbs ;  (c)  the  writings  of  the  earlier 
prophets  (apart  from  various  later  additions)  in  the  following  chrono- 
logical order :  Amos,  Hosea,  Isaiah  I,  Micah,  Nahum,  Zephaniah, 
Habakkuk,  Obadiah  (?),  Jeremiah,  Ezekiel,  Isaiah  11  (eh.  40-55). 

The  beginning  of  this  period,  and  consequently  of  Hebrew  literature  W 
generally,  is  undoubtedly  to  be  placed  as  early  as  the  time  of  Moses,  although 
the  Pentateuch  in  its  present  form,  in  which  very  different  strata  may  be 
still  clearly  recognized,  is  to  be  regarded  as  a  gradual  production  of  the 
centuries  after  Moses.  Certain  linguistic  peculiarities  of  the  Pentateuch, 
which  it  was  once  customary  to  regard  as  archaisms,  such  as  the  epicene 
use  of  nyj  hoy,  youth,  for  nly3  girl,  and  NIH  for  KTI,  are  merely  to  be  attributed 
to  a  later  redactor  ;  cf.  §  1 7  c. 

The  linguistic  character  of  the  various  strata  of  the  Pentateuch  has  been  O 
examined  by  Ryssel,  Ue  Elohistae  Pentaieuchici  sermone,  Lpz.  1878;  KOnig,  Be 
criticae  saa-ae  argumento  e  linguae  legihus  repetito,  Lpz.  1879  (analysis  of  Gn  i-ii) ; 
F.  Giesebrecht,  'Der  Sprachgebr.  des  hexateuchischen  Elohisten,'  in  ZAW. 
1881,  p.  177  flf.,  partly  modified  by  Driver  in  the  Journal  of  Philology,  vol.  xi. 
p.  201  fif.  ;  Krautlein,  Die  sprachl.  Verschiedenheiten  in  den  Hexateuchquellen,  Lpz. 
1908. — Abundant  matter  is  afforded  also  by  Holzinger,  Einleitung  in  den 
Hexateuch,  Freib.  1 893  ;  Driver,  Introduction  to  the  Literature  of  the  Old  Testament  *, 
Edinburgh,  1908 ;  Strack,  Einleitung  ins  A.  T.^,  Munich,  1906 ;  KOnig, 
Einleitung  in  das  A.  T.,  Bonn,  1 893. 

6.  Even  in  the  writings  of  this  first  period,  which  embraces  w 
about  600  years,  we  meet,  as  might  be  expected,  with  considerable 
differences  in  linguistic  form  and  style,  which  are  due  partly  to 
differences  in  the  time  and  place  of  composition,  and  partly  to  the 
individuality  and  talent  of  the  authors.  Thus  Isaiah,  for  example, 
writes  quite  differently  from  the  later  Jeremiah,  but  also  differently 
from  his  contemporary  Micah.  Amongst  the  historical  books  of 
this  period,  the  texts  borrowed  from  earlier  sources  have  a  linguistic 
colouring  perceptibly  different  from  those  derived  from  later  sources, 
or  passages  which  balong  to  the  latest  redactor  himself.  Yet  the 
structure  of  the  language,  and,  apart  from  isolated  cases,  even 
the  vocabulary  and  phraseology,  are  on  the  whole  the  same,  especially 
in  the  prose  books. 

But  the  poetic  language  is  in  many  ways  distinguished  from  ^ 
prose,  not  only  by  a  rhythm  due  to  more  strictly  balanced  (parallel) 
members  and  definite  metres  (see  r),  but  also  by  peculiar  words 
and  meanings,  inflexions  and  syntactical  constructions  which  it  uses 
in  addition  to  those  usual  in  prose.  This  distinction,  however,  does 
not  go  far  as,  for  example,  in  Greek.  Many  of  these  poetic  pecu- 
liarities occur  in  the  kindred  languages,  especially  in  Aramaic,  as 
the  ordinary  modes  of  expression,  and  probably  are  to  be  regarded 
largely  as  archaisms  which  poetry  retained.     Some  perhaps,  also,  are 


14  Introduction  [§  2  r 

embellishments  which  the  Hebrew  poets  who  knew  Aramaic  adopted 
into  their  language.^ 

The  prophets,  at  least  the  earlier,  in  language  and  rhythm  are  to 
be  regarded  almost  entirely  as  poets,  except  that  with  them  the 
sentences  are  often  more  extended,  and  the  parallelism  i?  less  regular 
and  balanced  than  is  the  case  with  the  poets  properly  so  called.  The 
language  of  the  later  prophets,  on  the  contrary,  approaches  nearer 
to  prose. 

/•  On  the  rhythm  of  Hebrew  poetry,  see  besides  the  Commentaries  on  the 
poetical  books  and  Introductions  to  the  O.T.,  J.  Ley,  Grundzuge  des  Bhythmus, 
<rc,  Halle,  1875  ;  Leitfaden  der  Metrik  der  hebr.  Poesie,  Halle,  1887  ;  'Die  metr. 
Beschaffenheit  des  B.  Hiob,'  in  Theol.  Stud.  u.  Krit,  1895,  iv,  1897,  i ;  Grimme_, 
'Abriss  der  bibl.-hebr.  Metrik,'  ZDMG.  1896,  p.  529  flf.,  1897,  p.  683  ff.  ; 
Psalmenprobleme,  &c.,  Freiburg  (Switzerland),  1902  (on  which  see  Beer  in 
ThLZ.  1903,  no.  11);  'Gedanken  iiber  hebr.  Metrik,'  in  Altschiiler's  Viertel- 
jahrschrift,  i  (1903),  I  ff.  ;  DSller,  Bhythmus,  Metrik  u.  Strophik  in  d.  bibl.-hebr. 
Poesie,  Paderborn,  1899;  Schloegl,  De  re  metrica  veterum  Hebraeorum  dispuiatio, 
Vindobonae,  1899  (on  the  same  lines  as  Grimme) ;  but  especially  Ed.  Sievers, 
Metrische  Studien  :  i  Studien  sur  hebr.  Metrik,  pt.  I  Vntersuchungen,  pt.  2  Textproben, 
Lpz.  1901  :  ii  Bie  hebr.  Genesis,  i  Texle,  2  Zur  Quellenscheidung  u.  Texikritik,  Lpz. 
1904  f.  :  iii  Samuel,  Lpz.  1907  ;  Amos  metrisch  bearbeitet  (with  H.  Guthe),  Lpz. 
1907  ;  and  his  AUtest.  Miszellen  (i  Is  24-27,  2  Jona,  3  Deutero-Zechariah, 
4  Malachi,  5  Hosea,  6  Joel,  7  Obadiah,  8  Zephaniah,  9  Haggai,  10  Micah), 
Lpz.  1904-7. — As  a  guide  to  Sievers'  system  (with  some  criticism  of  his 
principles  see  Baumann, '  Die  Metrik  u.  das  A.T.,'  in  the  Theol.  Rundschau,  viii 
(1905),  41  ff. ;  W.  H.  Cobb,  A  criticism  of  systems  of  Hebrew  Metre,  Oxford,  1905  ; 
Cornill,  Einleitung  ins  A.T.^,  Tiibingen,  190-;,  p..  11  ff.  ;  Rothstein,  Zeitschr. 
fur  d.  ev.  Bel.-Unterricht,  1907,  p.  188  ff.  and  his  Grundziige  des  hebr.  Rhythmus, 
Lpz.  1909  (also  separately  Psalmentexte  u.  der  Text  des  Hohen  Liedes,  Lpz.  1909)  ; 
W.  R.Arnold,  'The  rhythms  of  the  ancient  Heb.,'  in  0.  T.  and  Semitic  Studies 
in  memory  of  W.  R.  Harper,  i.  165  ff.,  Chicago,  1907,  according  to  whom  the 
number  of  syllables  between  the  beats  is  only  limited  by  the  physiological 
possibilities  of  phonetics  ;  C.  v.  Orelli,  '  Zur  Metrik  der  alttest.  Propheten- 
schriften,'  in  his  Kommentar  su  den  kl.  Propheten^,  p.  236  ff.,  Munich,  1908. — 
In  full  agreement  with  Sievers  is  Baethgen,  Psalmen^,  p.  xxvi  ff.,  GSttingen, 
1904.    [Cf.  Budde  in  DB.  iv.  3  ff. ;  Duhm  in  EB.  iii.  3793  ff.] 

Of  all  views  of  this  matter,  the  only  one  generally  accepted  as  sound  was 
at  first  Ley's  and  Budde's  discovery  of  the  Qina-  or  Lamentation-Verse  {ZAW. 
1882,  5ff  ;  1891,  234  ff.  ;  1892,  31  ff.).  On  their  predecessors,  Lowth,  de 
Wette,  Ewald,  see  LOhr,  Klagelied^,  p.  9.  This  verse,  called  by  Duhm  *  long 
verse ',  by  Sievers  simply  '  five-syllabled '  (Fiinfer),  consists  of  two  members, 
the  second  at  least  one  beat  shorter  than  the  other.  That  a  regular  repetition 
of  an  equal  number  of  syllables  in  arsis  and  thesis  was  observed  by  other 
poets,  had  been  established  by  Ley,  Duhm,  Gunkel,  Grimme,  and  others, 
especially  Zimmern,  who  cites  a  Babylonian  hymn  in  which  the  members 
are  actually  marked  {ZA.  x.  i  ff.,  xii.  382  ff. ;  cf.  also  Delitzsch,  Das  babyl. 
Weltschopfungsepos,  Lpz.  1896,  pp.  60  ff.).  Recently,  however,  E.  Sievers,  the 
recognized  authority  on  metre  in  other  branches  of  literature,  has  indicated, 
in  the  works  mentioned  above,  a  number  of  fresh  facts  and  views,  which 
have  frequently  been  confirmed  by  the  conclusions  of  Ley  and  others.  The 
most  important  are  as  follows  : — 

Hebrew  poetry,  as  distinguished  from  the  quantitative  Classical  and  Arabic 

^  That  already  in  Isaiah's  time  (second  half  of  the  eighth  century  b.  c.) 
educated  Hebrews,  or  at  least  oflScers  of  state,  understood  Aramaic,  while 
the  common  people  in  Jerusalem  did  not,  is  evident  from  2  K  x8'^*  (Is  36^'_). 


§  2  s]         History  of  the  Hebrew  Language  15 

and  the  syllabic  Syriac  verse,  is  accentual.  The  number  of  unstressed 
syllables  between  the  beats  {ictus)  is,  however,  not  arbitrary,  but  the  scheme 
of  the  verse  is  based  on  an  irregular  anapaest  which  may  undergo  rhythmical 
modifications  (e.  g.  resolving  the  ictus  into  two  syllables,  or  lengthening  the 
arsis  so  as  to  give  a  double  accent)  and  contraction,  e.  g.  of  the  first  two 
syllables.  The  foot  always  concludes  with  the  ictus,  so  that  toneless  endings, 
■due  to  change  of  pronunciation  or  corruption  of  the  text,  are  to  be  dis- 
regarded, although  as  a  rule  the  ictus  coincides  with  the  Hebrew  word- 
accent.  The  metrical  scheme  consists  of  combinations  of  feet  in  series  (of  2, 
3  or  4),  and  of  these  again  in  periods — double  threes,  very  frequently,  double 
fours  in  narrative,  fives  in  Lamentations  (see  above)  and  very  often  else- 
where, and  sevens.  Sievers  regards  the  last  two  metres  as  catalectic  double 
threes  and  fours.  Connected  sections  do  not  always  maintain  the  same 
metre  throughout,  but  often  exhibit  a  mixture  of  metres. 

It  can  no  longer  be  doubted  that  in  the  analysis  of  purely  poetical 
passages,  this  system  often  finds  ready  confirmation  and  leads  to  textual  and 
literary  results,  such  as  the  elimination  of  glosses.  There  are,  however, 
various  difficulties  in  carrying  out  the  scheme  consistently  and  extending  it 
to  the  prophetical  writings  and  still  more  to  narrative  :  (i)  not  infrequently 
the  required  number  of  feet  is  only  obtained  by  sacrificing  the  clearly 
marked  parallelism,  or  the  grammatical  connexion  (e.  g.  of  the  construct 
state  with  its  genitive),  and  sometimes  even  by  means  of  doubtful  emenda- 
tions;  (2)  the  whole  system  assumes  a  correct  transmission  of  the  text  and 
its  pronunciation,  for  neither  of  which  is  there  the  least  guarantee.  To  sum 
up,  our  conclusion  at  present  is  that  for  poetry  proper  some  assured  and 
final  results  have  been  already  obtained,  and  others  may  be  expected, 
from  the  principles  laid  down  by  Sievers,  although,  considering  the  way  in 
which  the  text  has  been  transmitted,  a  faUltless  arrangement  of  metres  can- 
not be  expected.  Convincing  proof  of  the  consistent  use  of  the  same  metrical 
schemes  in  the  prophets,  and  a  fortiori  in  narrative,  can  hardly  be  brought 
forward. 

The  great  work  of  D.  H.  Miiller,  Bie Propheten  in  ihrer  urspmngl.  Form  (2  vols., 
Vienna,  1896  ;  cf.  his  Strophenbau  u.  Responsion,  ibid.  1898,  and  Komposition  u. 
Strophenhau,  ibid.  1907),  is  a  study  of  the  most  important  monuments  of 
early  Semitic  poetry  from  the  point  of  view  of  strophic  structure  and  the 
use  of  the  refrain,  i.  e.  the  repetition  of  the  same  or  similar  phrases  or  words 
in  corresponding  positions  in  different  strophes. 

The  arrangement  of  certain  poetical  passages  in  verse-form  required  by 
early  scribal  rules  (Ex  15^-";  Dt  32I-" ;  Ju  5  ;  i  S  21-'";  2  S  22,  231-^;  ^ 
18,  136;  Pr.  si'o-si;  I  Ch  \(,^-^^ :  cf.  also  Jo  129-2* ;  gg  32-8.  Est9'-'»)has 
nothing  to  do  with  the  question  of  metre  in  the  above  sense. 

Words  are  used  in  poetry,  for  which  others  are  customary  in  prose,  e.  g.  , 
KnJS  Mian  =  DIN:   mx  jpa^A  =  TITI ;    n^»  toord  =  ini:   TWU  to  see=-T\Vir\ ;   nflN 

V:  T  T     '  ~  ••.•;•'  T     •  T    T    '  TT  T    7  T    T 

to  coTOe  =  N^2. 

To  the  poetic  meanings  of  words  belongs  the  use  of  certain  poetic  epithets  as 
substantives ;  thus,  for  example,  TiiN  (only  in  constr.  st.  "lON)  the  strong  one 

for  Qod  ;  1''3N  the  strong  one  for  bull,  horse  ;  n33p  alba  for  luna ;  IJf  enemy  for 

Of  word-forms,  we  may  note,  e.g.  the  longer  forms  of  prepositions  of  place 
(§  103  n)  \by  =  i'y,  \bN  =  ^N,  ny=ny;  the  endings  ^__,  i  in  the  noun  (§  90) ; 

the  pronominal  sufBxes  10,  ilO_L,  iD_l  for  D,  D D (§  58)  ;  the  plural 

ending  p__  for  D"" (§  87  e).     To  the  syntax  belongs  the  far  more  sparing 

use  of  the  article,  of  the  relative  pronoun,  of  the  accusative  particle  riN  ;  the 
constinict  state  even  before  prepositions  ;  the  shortened  imperfect  with  the 
same  meaning  as  the  ordinary  form  (§  109  i) ;  the  wider  governing  power  of 
prepositions  ;  and  in  general  a  forcible  brevity  of  expression. 


i6  Introduction  [§  2  t-v 

t  7.  The  second  period  of  the  Hebrew  language  and  literature, 
after  the  return  from  the  exile  until  the  Maccabees  (about  160  B.C.), 
is  chiefly  distinguished  by  a  constantly  closer  approximation  of  the 
language  to  the  kindred  western  Aramaic  dialect.  This  is  due  to  the 
influence  of  the  Aramaeans,  who  lived  in  close  contact  with  the  recent 
and  thinly-populated  colony  in  Jerusalem,  and  whose  dialect  was 
already  of  importance  as  being  the  official  language  of  the  western 
half  of  the  Persian  empire.  Nevertheless  the  supplanting  of  Hebrew 
by  Aramaic  proceeded  only  very  gradually.  Writings  intended  for 
popular  use,  such  as  the  Hebrew  original  of  Jesus  the  son  of  Sirach 
and  the  book  of  Daniel,  not  only  show  that  Hebrew  about  170  b.c. 
was  still  in  use  as  a  literary  language,  but  also  that  it  was  still  at 
least  understood  by  the  people.^  When  it  had  finally  ceased  to  exist 
as  a  living  language,  it  was  still  preserved  as  the  language  of  the 
Schools — not  to  mention  the  numerous  Hebraisms  introduced  into  the 
Aramaic  spoken  by  the  Jews. 

For  particulars,  see  Kautzsch,  Gramm.  des  Bibl.-Aram.,  pp.  i-6.  We  may 
conveniently  regard  the  relation  of  the  languages  v^hich*  co-existed  in  this 
later  period  as  similar  to  that  of  the  Higli  and  Low  German  in  North 
Germany,  or  to  that  of  the  High  Gei-man  and  the  common  dialects  in  the 
south  and  in  Switzerland.  Even  amongst  the  more  educated,  the  common 
dialect  prevails  orally,  whilst  the  High  German  serves  essentially  as  the 
literary  and  cultured  language,  and  is  at  least  understood  by  all  classes 
of  the  people.  "Wholly  untenable  is  the  notion,  based  on  an  erroneous 
interpretation  of  Neh  8*,  that  the  Jews  immediately  after  the  exile  had  com- 
pletely forgotten  the  Hebrew  language,  and  therefore  needed  a  translation 
of  the  Holy  Scriptures. 

U  The  Old  Testament  writings  belonging  to  this  second  period,  in 
all  of  which  the  Aramaic  colouring  appears  in  various  degrees,  are  : 
certain  parts  of  the  Pentateuch  and  of  Joshua,  Ruth,  the  books  of  Ezra, 
Nehemiah,  Chronicles,  Esther;  the  prophetical  books  of  Haggai, 
Zechariah,  Isaiah  111(56-66),  Malachi,  Joel,  Jonah,  Daniel;  of  the  poet- 
ical books,  a  large  part  of  Proverbs,  Job,  Song  of  Songs,  Ecclesiastes, 
and  most  of  the  Psalms.  As  literary  compositions,  these  books  are  some- 
times far  inferior  to  those  of  the  first  period,  although  work  was  still 
produced  which  in  purity  of  language  and  aesthetic  value  falls  little 
short  of  the  writings  of  the  golden  age. 

D  Later  words  (Aramaisms)  are,  e.g.  niPIK  declaration,  D3N  compel,  13  son, 
yi   chalk,    |Dt  =  D}}   time,    5]|5T    raise  up,   *lDn   Pi.  reproach,  i>^J3  Pi.  roof  over, 

*  The  extensive  use  of  Hebrew  in  the  popular  religious  literature  which 
is  partly  preserved  to  us  in  the  Midrasim,  the  Misna,  and  the  Liturgy, 
indicates,  moreover,  that  Hebrew  was  widely  understood  much  later  than 
this.  Cf.  M.  H.  Segal,  '  ML^naic  Hebrew  and  its  relations  to  Biblical  Hebrew 
and  Aramaic,'  in  J.  Q.  R.,  1908,  p.  647  ff.  (also  separately). 


§§  i  w,  3  a]     History  of  the  Hebrew  Language        17 

nyO  stray,  5)3  rock,  "]^0  a^frtse,  PliD  =  }^i5  end,  b3p  =  ni5b  tafte,  yjn  =  }^Xn  J^rea/t, 
N3E'  6e  wiany,  tD7B'  =  ^5J3  '■"fe;  ^P.''^  =  n?^  ^^  strong. — Later  meanings  are,  e.g. 
ipN  (to  say)  to  command ;  njy  (to  answer)  to  begin  speaking. — Orthographical 
and  grammatical  peculiarities  are,  the  frequent  scriptio  plena  of  S  and  ''__ 
e.  g.  l>n'  (elsewhere  IH),  even  E'Tp  for  tJ'lp,  311  for  31  ;  the  interchange 
of  n and  N final ;  the  more  frequent  use  of  substantives  in  |i    | n^ 

&c.  Cf.  Dav.  Strauss,  Sprachl.  Studien  zu  d.  hebr.  Sirach/ragmenten,  Zurich,  1900, 
p.  19  ff. ;  for  the  Psalms  Choyne,  Origin  of  the  Psalter,  p.  461  S.,  and  especially 
Giesebrecht  in  ZAW.  1881,  p.  276  ff.  ;  in  general,  Kautzsch,  Die  Aramaismen 
im  A.  T.  (i,  Lexikal.  Teil),  Halle,  1902, 

But  all  the  peculiarities  of  these  later  writers  are  not  Aramaisms.  Several 
ilo  not  occur  in  Aramaic  and  must  have  belonged  at  an  earlier  period  to 
the  Hebrew  vernacular,  especially  it  would  seem  in  northern  Palestine. 
There  certain  parts  of  Judges,  amongst  others,  may  have  originated,  as  is 
indicated,  e.g.  by  •£J',  a  common  form  in  Phoenician  (as  well  as  l^N),  for 
"It^X  (§  36),  which  afterwards  recurs  in  Jonah,  Lamentations,  the  Song  of 

Songs,  the  later  Psalms,  and  Ecclesiastes. 

Rem.  I.   Of  dialectical  varieties  in  the  old  Hebrew  language,  only  one  W 
express  mention   occurs    in   the   0.  T.    (Ju  12*),    according  to   which  the 
Ephraimites  in   certain   cases  pronounced  the   B'  as   D.     (Cf.  Marquart  in 

ZAW.  1888,  p.  151  ff.)  Whether  in  Neh  13^*  by  the  speech  of  Ashdod  a  Hebrew, 
or  a  (wholly  different)  Philistine  dialect  is  intended,  cannot  be  determined. 
On  the  other  hand,  many  peculiarities  in  the  North  Palestinian  hooks 
(Judges  and  Hosea)  are  probably  to  be  regarded  as  differences  in  dialect, 
and  so  also  some  anomalies  in  the  Moabite  inscription  of  Mesa'  (see  above,  d). 
On  later  developments  see  L.  Metman,  Die  hebr.  Sprache,  ihre  Geschichte  u. 
lexikal.  Enticickelung  seit  Abschluss  des  Kanons  u.  ihr  Bau  in  d.  Gegenwart, 
Jerusalem,  1906. 

2.  It  is  evident  that,  in  the  extant  remains  of  old  Hebrew  literature, ^  the 
entire  store  of  the  ancient  language  is  not  preserved.  The  canonical  books 
of  the  Old  Testament  formed  certainly  only  a  fraction  of  the  whole  Hebrew 
national  literature. 

§  3.    Grammatical  Treatment  of  the  Hebrew  Language. 

Gesenius,  Gesch.  derhebr.  Sprache,  §§  19-39  ;  Oehler's  article,  'Hebr.  Sprache,' 
in  Schmid's  Encykl.  des  ges.  Erziehungs-  u.  Unterrichtswesens,  vol.  iii.  p.  346  ff. 
(in  the  2nd  ed.  revised  by  Nestle,  p.  314  ff.).  Cf.  also  the  literature  cited 
above  in  the  headings  of  §§  1  and  2  ;  also  BOttcher,  Lehrb.  der  hebr.  Spr.,  i.  Lpz. 
1866,  p.  30  ff. ;  L.  Geiger,  Das  Studium  der  Hebr.  Spr.  in  Deutschl.  vom  Ende  des 
XV.  bis  zur  Mitte  des  XVI.  Jahrh.,  Breslau,  1870 ;  B.  Pick,  'The  Study  of  the 
Hebrew  Language  among  Jews  and  Christians,'  in  Bibliotheca  Sacra,  1884, 
p.  450  ff.,  and  1885,  p.  470  ff.  ;  W.  Bacher,  article  'Grammar'  in  the  Jew. 
Encyclopaedia,  vol.  vi,  N«w  York  and  London,  1904.    Cf.  also  the  note  on  d. 

1.    At  the  time  when  the  old   Hebrew  language  was  gradually  a 
becoming    extinct,   and    the     formation    of    the    O.  T.    canon    was 

1  Tl^  in  the  Minor  Prophets  throughout  (Ho  3',  &c.)  is  due  merely  to 
a  caprice  of  the  Masoretes, 

2  According  to  the  calculation  of  the  Dutch  scholar  Leusden,  the  0.  T. 
contains  5,642  different  Hebrew  and  Aramaic  words;  according  to  rabbinical 
calculations,  79,856  altogether  in  the  Pentateuch.  Cf.  also  E.  Nestle,  ZAW, 
1906,  p.  2S^3  ;  H.  Strack,  ZAW.  1907,  p.  69  ff. ;  Blau,  '  Neue  masoret.  Studien,' 
in  JQR.  xvi.  357  ff.,  treats  of  the  number  of  letters  and  words,  and  the  ve  se- 
division  in  the  0.  T. 

COWLET  c. 


1 8  Introduction  [§36 

approaching   completion,   the  Jews  began  to  explain  and  critically 
revise   their  sacred   text,  and   sometimes   to   translate  it  into   the 
vernacular  languages  which  in  various  countries  had  become  current 
among  them.     The  oldest  translation    is  the  Greek  of  the  Seventy 
(more  correctly  Seventy-two)  Interpreters  (LXX),  which  was  begun 
with  the  Pentateuch  at  Alexandria  under  Ptolemy  Philadelphus,  but 
only  completed  later.     It  was  the  work  of  various  authoi's,  some  of 
whom  had  a  living  knowledge  of  the  original,  and  was  intended  for 
the  use  of  Greek-speaking  Jews,  especially  in  Alexandria.    Somewhat 
later  the  Aramaic  translations,  or  Targums  (D''0^3iri  i,  e.  interpreta- 
tions), were  foi'med  by  successive  recensions  made  in  Palestine  and 
Babylonia.     The  explanations,  derived  in  part  from  alleged  tradition, 
refer  almost  exclusively  to  civil  and  ritual  law  and  dogmatic  theology, 
and  are   no  more  scientific   in   character  than  much  of  the  textual 
tradition  of  that  period.      Both  kinds    of  tradition   are   preserved 
in  the  Talmud,  the  first  part  of  which,  the  Misna,  was  finally  brought 
to  its  present  form  towards  the  end  of  the  second  century ;    of  the 
remainder,  the  Gemara,  one  recension  (the  Jerusalem  or  Palestinian 
Gem.)  about  the  middle  of  the  fourth  century,  the  other  (the  Babylo- 
nian Gem.)  about  the  middle  of  the  sixth  century  a.d.     The  Mi§na 
forms  the  beginning  of  the  New-Hebrew  literature;  the  language  of 
the  Gemaras  is  for  the  most  part  Aramaic. 
b      2.    To  the  interval  between  the  completion  of  the  Talmud  and 
the  earliest  grammatical  writers,  belong  mainly  the  vocalization  and 
accentuation  of  the  hitherto  unpointed  text  of  the  0.  T.,  according  to 
the  pronunciation  traditional  in  the  Synagogues  and  Schools  (§  7  h,  i), 
as  well  as  the  greater  part  of  the  collection  of  critical  notes  which 
bears  the   name  of  Masora  (•^'jiOO  traditio  1).^     From   this  the  text 
which  has  since  been  transmitted  with  rigid  uniformity  by  the  MSS., 

'  On  the  name  Masora  (or  Massora,  as  e.g.  E.  KSnig,  Einleitung  in  das  A.  T.. 
p.  38  fif. ;  Lehrgeb.  d.  hebr.  Sprache,  ii.  358  fif.),  and  the  great  difficulty  of  satis- 
factorily explaining  it,  cf.  De  Lagarde,  Mitleilungen,  i.  91  S.  W.  Bacher's 
derivation  of  the  expression  (in  JQR.  1891,  p.  785  ff.  ;  so  also  C.  Levias  in 
the  Hebrew  Union  College  Annual,  Cincinnati,  1904,  p.  147  ff.)  from  Ee  20" 
(JT'l^n  n"lDD ;  moo,  i.e.  iTJpiD,  being  an  equally  legitimate  form)  is 
rightly  rejected  by  Konig,  1.  c.  The  correctness  of  the  form  niDD  (by  the 
side  of  the  equally  well-attested  form  JTIDIO)  does  not  seem  to  us  to  be 
invalidated  by  his  arguments,  nor  by  Blau's  proposal  to  read  D^iDD  {JQK.  xii. 
241).  The  remark  of  Levias  (I.e.)  deserves  notice, that  with  the  earlier  Masoretes 
miDD  is  equivalent  to  orthography,  i.  e.  plene-  and  defective  writing,  and  only 
later  came  to  mean  traditio. — G.  Wildboer,  in  ZAW.  1909,  p.  74,  contends 
that  as  ">DD  to  hand  on  is  not  found  in  the  O.T.,  it  must  be  a  late  denomina- 
tive in  this  sense. 


§3c,rf]    Grammatical  Treatment  of  the  Language     19 

and  is  still  the  received  text  of  the  O.T.,  has  obtained  the  name  of  the 
Masoretic  Text. 

E.  F.  K.  Rosenmiiller  already  (Handbuch  fiir  d.  Liter,  der  bibl.  Kritik  u.  C 
Exegese,  1797,  i.  247;  Vorrede  sur  Stereotyp-Ausg.  des  A.  T.,  Lpz.  1834)  main- 
tained that  our  0.  T.  text  was  derived  from  Codices  belonging  to  a  single 
recension.  J.  G.  Sommer  (cf.  Cornill,  ZAW.  1892,  p.  309),  Olshausen  (since 
1^53))  ^nd  especially  De  Lagarde  (Proverbien,  1863,  p.  i  ff.),  have  even  made  it 
probable  that  the  original  Masoretic  text  was  derived  from  a  single  standard 
manuscript.  Cf.,  however,  E.  KCnig  in  Ztschr.  f.  kirchl.  Wiss.,  1887,  p.  279  f., 
and  especially  his  Einleitung  ins  A.  T.,  p,  88  ff.  Moreover  a  great  many  facts, 
which  will  be  noticed  in  their  proper  places,  indicate  that  the  Masora  itself  is 
by  no  means  uniform  but  shows  clear  traces  of  different  schools  and  opinions  ; 
cf.  H.  Strack  in  Semitic  Studies  in  memory  of .  .  .  Kohut,  Berlin,  1897,  p.  563  ff. 
An  excellent  foundation  for  the  history  of  the  Masora  and  the  settlement  of 
the  masoretic  tradition  was  laid  by  Joh.  Buxtorf  in  his  Tiberias  seu  Commen- 
iarius  Masorethicus,  first  published  at  Basel  in  1620  as  an  appendix  to  the 
Rabbinical  Bible  of  1618  f.  For  more  recent  work  see  Geiger,  Jiidische  Ztschr., 
iii.  78  ff.,  followed  by  Harris  in  JQR.  i.  128  ff,  243  ff. ;  S.  Frensdorff.  Ochla 
W'ochla,  Hanover,  1864  ;  and  his  Massor.  Wiirierb.,  part  i,  Hanover  and  Lpz. 
1876  ;  and  Ch.  D.  Ginsburg,  The  Massora  compiled  from  Manuscripts,  tfcc,  3  vols., 
Lond.  1880  ff.,  and  Introduction  to  the  Massoretico-critical  edition  of  the  Hebr.  Bible, 
Lond.  1897  (his  text,  reprinted  from  that  of  Jacob  b.  Hayyim  [Venice,  1524-5] 
with  variants  from  MSS.  and  the  earliest  editions,  was  published  in  2  vols. 
at  London  in  1894,  2nd  ed.  1906;  a  revised  edition  is  in  progress);  H. 
Hyvemat,  'La  langue  et  le  langage  de  la  Massore'  (as  a  mixture  of  New- 
Hebrew  and  Aramaic),  in  the  Revue  biblique,  Oct.  1903,  p.  529  ff.  and  B: '  Lexique 
massor6tique,'  ibid.,  Oct.  1904,  p.  521  ff.,  1905,  p.  481  ff.,  and  p.  515  ff.  In  the 
use  of  the  Massora  for  the  critical  construction  of  the  Text,  useful  work  has 
been  done  especially  by  S.  Baer,  in  the  editions  of  the  several  books  (only 
Exod.-Deut.  have  still  to  appear),  edited  from  1869  conjointly  with  Fr. 
Delitzsch,  and  since  1891  by  Baer  alone.     Cf.  also  §  7  /*. 

The  various  readings  of  the  Q*re  (see  §  17)  form  one  of  the  oldest  and  most 
important  parts  of  the  Masora.  The  punctuation  of  the  Text,  however,  is  not 
to  be  confounded  with  the  compilation  of  the  Masora.  The  former  was 
settled  at  an  earlier  period,  and  is  the  result  of  a  much  more  exhaustive  labour 
than  the  Masora,  which  was  not  completed  till  a  considerably  later  time. 

3.  It  was  not  until  about  the  beginning  of  the  tentli  century  that  (I 
the  Jews,  following  the  example  of  the  Arabs,  began  their  grammatical 
compilations.  Of  the  numerous  grammatical  and  lexicographical 
works  of  R.  Sa'adya,' beyond  fragments  in  the  commentary  on  the  Sepher 
Yesira  (ed.  Mayer-Lambert,  pp.  42,  47,  75,  &c.),  only  the  explanation 
in  Arabic  of  the  seventy  (more  correctly  ninety)  hapax  legomena  in 
the  O.  T.  has  been  preserved.  "Written  likewise  in  Arabic,  but  fre- 
quently translated  into  Hebrew,  were  the  still  extant  works  of  the 
grammarians  R.  Yehuda  Hayyug  (also  called  Abu  Zakarya  Yahya,  about 
the  year  1000)  and  R.  Yona  (Abu  '1-Walid  Merwan  ibn  Ganah,  about 
1030).  By  the  aid  of  these  earlier  labours,  Abraham  ben  Ezra  (com- 
monly called  Aben  Ezra,  ob.  1167)  and  R.  David  Qirahi  (ob.  c.  1235) 
especially  gained  a  classical  reputation  by  their  Hebrew  grammatical 
writings. 

^  On  his  independent  attitude  towards  the  Masoretic  punctuation,  see 
Delitzsch,  Comm.  su  den  Psalmen*,  p.  39. 

C  2 


20  Introduction  [§  3 «.  / 

From  these  earliest  grammarians  are  derived  many  principles  of  arrange- 
ment and  technical  terms,  some  of  which  are  still  retained,  e.  g.  the  naming 
of  the  conjugations  and  weak  vexbs  according  to  the  paradigm  of  bVS,  certain 
voces  memoriales,  as  DDB'IJB  and  the  like.^ 

€  4.  The  father  of  Hebrew  philology  among  Christians  was  John 
Reuchliu  (ob.  1522),^  to  whom  Greek  literature  also  is  so  much 
indebted.  Like  the  grammarians  who  succeeded  him,  till  the  time 
of  John  Buxtorf  the  elder  (ob.  1629),  he  still  adhered  almost  entirely 
to  Jewish  tradition.  From  the  middle  of  the  seventeenth  century  the 
field  of  investigation  gradually  widened,  and  the  study  of  the  kindred 
languages,  chiefly  through  the  leaders  of  the  Dutch  school,  Albert 
Schultens  (ob.  1750)  and  N.  W.  Schroder  (ob.  1798),  became  of 
fruitful  service  to  Hebrew  grammar. 

f  5.  In  the  nineteenth  century '  the  advances  in  Hebrew  philology 
are  especially  connected  with  the  names  of  W.  Gesenius  (born  at 
Nordhausen,  Feb.  3,  1786;  from  the  year  1810  Professor  at  Halle, 
where  he  died  Oct.  23,  1842),  who  above  all  things  aimed  at  the 
comprehensive  observation  and  lucid  presentation  of  the  actually 
occurring  linguistic  phenomena  ;  H.  Ewald  (ob.  1875,  at  Gottingen  ; 
Krit.  Gramm.  der  Hebr.  Spr.,  Lpz.  1827;  Ausfuhrl.  Lehrb.  d.  hebr. 
Sjyr.,  8th  ed.,  Gbtt.  1870),  who  chiefly  aimed  at  referring  linguistic 
forms  to  general  laws  and  rationally  explaining  the  latter  ;  J.  Olshausen 
(ob.  1882,  at  Berlin;  Lehrb.  der  hebr.  Sjtrache,  Brunswick,  1861) 
who  attempted  a  consistent  explanation  of  the  existing  condition  of 
the  language,  from  the  presupposed  primitive  Semitic  forms,  preserved 
according  to  him  notably  in  old  Arabic.  F.  Bottcher  {Ausfuhrl. 
Lehrb.  d.  hebr.  Spr.  ed.  by  F.Miihlau,  2  vols.,  Lpz.  1866-8)  endeavoured 
to  present  an  exhaustive  synopsis  of  the  linguistic  phenomena,  as 
well  as  to  give  an  explanation  of  them  from  the  sphere  of  Hebrew 

•  On  the  oldest  Hebrew  grammarians,  see  Strack  and  Siegfried,  Lehrb.  d. 
neuhebr.  Spr.  u.  Liter.,  Carlsr.  1884,  p.  107  fif.,  and  the  prefaces  to  the  Hebrew 
Lexicons  of  Gesenius  and  Fiirst ;  Berliner.  Beitrage  zur  hebr.  Gramm.  im  Talmud 
u.  Midrasih,  Berlin,  1879;  Baer  and  Strack,  Die  Dikduke  ha-i'amim  des  Ahron 
ben  Moscheh  ben  Ascher  u.  andere  alte  grammatisch-massorethische  Lehrstiicke,  Lpz. 
1879,  and  P.  Kahle's  criticisms  in  ZDMG.  Iv.  170,  n.  2  ;  Ewald  and  Dukes, 
Beitrage  z.  Gesch.  der  altesfen  Auslegung  u.  Spracherklarvng  des  A.  T.,  Stuttg.  1844, 
3  vols.  ;  Hupfeld,  De  rei  grammaticae  apud  Judaeos  initiis  antiquissimisque  scri- 
pioribus,  Hal.  1846  ;  W.  Bacher,  'Die  Anfange  der  hebr.  Gr.,'  in  ZDMG.  1S95, 
I  ff.  and  335  ff.  ;  and  Die  hebr.  Sprachwissenschaft  vo7n  10.  bis  sum  16.  Jahrh., 
Trier,  1892. 

2  A  strong  impulse  was  naturally  given  to  these  studies  by  the  introduction 
of  printing — the  Psalter  in  1477,  the  Bologna  Pentateuch  in  1482,  the  Soncino 
0.  T.  complete  in  1488  :  see  the  description  of  the  twenty-four  earliest 
editions  (down  to  1528)  in  Ginsburg's  Introduction,  p.  779  ff. 

'  Of  the  literature  01  the  subject  down  to  the  year  1850,  see  a  tolerably 
full  account  in  Steinschneider'a  Bibliogr.  Handb.f.  hebr.  Sprachkunde,  Lpz.  1859. 


§  3 17]     Grammatical  Treatment  of  the  Language      21 

alone.  B.  Stade,  on  the  other  liand  {Lehrb.  der  hebr.  Gr.,  pt.  i.  Lpz. 
1879),  adopted  a  strictly  scientific  method  in  endeavouring  to  reduce 
the  systems  of  Ewald  and  Olshausen  to  a  more  fundamental  unity. 
E.  Kouig^  in  his  very  thorough  researches  into  the  phonology  and 
accidence  starts  generally  from  the  position  reached  by  the  early 
Jewish  grammarians  (in  his  second  part  '  with  comparative  reference 
to  the  Semitic  languages  in  general ')  aud  instead  of  adopting  the  usual 
dogmatic  method,  takes  pains  to  re-open  the  discussion  of  disputed 
grammatical  questions.  The  syntax  Konig  has  '  endeavoured  to  treat 
in  sevei'al  respects  in  such  a  way  as  to  show  its  affinity  to  the  common 
Semitic  syntax  '. — Among  the  works  of  Jewish  scholars,  special  atten- 
tion may  be  called  to  the  grammar  by  S.  D.  Luzzatto  written  in 
Italian  (Padua,  1853-69). 

The  chief  requirements  for  one  who  is  treating  the  grammar  of 
an  ancient  language  are — (i)  that  he  should  observe  as  fully  and 
accurately  as  possible  the  existing  linguistic  phenomena  and  describe 
them,  after  showing  their  organic  connexion  (the  empirical  and 
historico-critical  element) ;  (2)  that  he  should  try  to  explain  these 
facts,  partly  by  comparing  them  with  one  another  aud  by  the  analogy 
of  the  sister  languages,  partly  from  the  general  laws  of  philology 
(the  logical  element). 

Such  observation  has  more  and  more  led  to  the  belief  that  the  a- 
original  text  of  the  O.  T.  has  suffered  to  a  much  greater  extent  than 
former  scholars  were  inclined  to  admit,  in  spite  of  the  number  of 
variants  in  jJarallel  passages:  Is  2'*^  =  Mi  4'"^-,  1336-39  =  2X18'^- 
2o'^  Jer  52  =  2  K  24'«-25''»,  2  S  22=^^  18,  f  14  =  ^/^  53,  >/.4o»''  = 
^  70,  >//•  io8  =  V'  57**^'  and  60' '^•.  Cf.  also  the  parallels  between  the 
Chronicles  and  the  older  historical  books,  and  F.  Vodel,  Die  konsonant. 
Yarianten  in  den  doppelt  iiberlief.  poet.  Stucken  d.  masoret.  Textes, 
Lpz.  1905.  As  to  the  extent  and  causes  of  the  corruption  of  the 
Masoretic  text,  the  newly  discovered  fragments  of  the  Hebrew 
Ecclesiasticus  are  very  instructive;    cf.  Smend,  Gott.  gel.  Anz.,  1906, 

P-  763- 

The  causes  of  unintentional  corruption  in  the  great  majority  of 

cases  are  : — Interchange  of  similar  letters,  which  has  sometimes  taken 
place  in  the  early  '  Phoenician  '  writing;  transposition  or  omission  of 


'  Ilistorisch-krit.  Lehrgeb.  der  hebr.  Sprache  mit  stetcr  Besiehung  auf  Qitncki  und 
die  anderen  Autoritdlen :  I,  'Lehre  von  der  Sohrift,  der  Aussprache,  dero  Pron. 
u.  dem  Verbum,'  Lpz.  1881  ;  II.  i,  '  Abscliluss  der  speziellen  Formenlehre  u. 
generelle  Forraenl.,'  1895;  ii.  2,  '  Historisch-kompar.  Syntax  d,  hebr.  Spr.,' 
1897. 


22  hiti'oduction  [§  4 

single  letters,  words,  or  even  whole  sentences,  which  are  then  often 
added  in  the  margin  and  thence  brought  back  into  the  text  in  the 
wrong  place ;  such  omission  is  generally  due  to  homoioteleuton  (of. 
(jinsburg,  Introd.,  p.  171  ff.),  i.e.  the  scribe's  eye  wanders  from  the 
place  to  a  subsequent  word  of  the  same  or  similar  form.  Other 
( auses  are  dittography,  i.  e.  erroneous  repetition  of  letters,  words, 
and  even  sentences ;  its  opposite,  haplography ;  and  lastly  wrong 
division  of  words  (cf.  Ginsburg,  Introd.,  p.  158  ff.),  since  at  a  certain 
period  in  the  transmission  of  the  text  the  words  were  not  separated.^ — 
Intentional  changes  are  due  to  corrections  for  the  sake  of  decency  or 
of  dogma,  and  to  the  insertion  of  glosses,  some  of  them  very  early. 

Advance  in  grammar  is  therefore  closely  dependent  on  progress 
in  textual  criticism.  The  systematic  pursuit  of  the  latter  has  only 
begun  in  recent  years:  cf.  especially  Doorninck  on  Ju  1-16,  Leid. 
1879;  Wellhausen,  Text  der  Bh.  Sam,.,  Gott.  187 1  ;  Cornill,  Ezechiel, 
Lpz.  1886  ;  Klostermann,  Bh.  Sam.  u.  d.  Kon.,  Nordl.  1887  ;  Driver, 
Notes  on  tlte  Hehr.  text  of  the  Books  of  Sam.,  Oxf.  1890;  Kloster- 
mann, Deuterojesaja,  Munich,  1893  ;  Oort,  Textus  hebr.  emendationes, 
Lugd.  1900;  Burney  on  Kivigs,  Oxf.  1903;  the  commentaries  of  Marti 
and  Nowack ;  the  Internat.  Crit.  Comm. ;  Kautzsch,  Die  heil. 
Schriften  des  A.T.^,  1909-10.  A  critical  edition  of  the  O.T.  with  full 
textual  notes,  and  indicating  the  different  documents  by  colours,  is 
being  published  in  a  handsome  form  by  P.  Haupt  in  The  Sacred  Books 
of  the  Old  Test.,  Lpz.  and  Baltimore,  1893  ff.  (sixteen  paits  have 
appeared  :  Exod.,  Deut.,  Minor  Prophets,  and  Megilloth  are  still  to 
come);  'KiiieX,  Biblia  hebraica',  1909,  Masoretic  text  from  Jacob  b. 
Hayyim  (see  c),  with  a  valuable  selection  of  variants  from  the 
versions,  and  emendations. 

§  4.    Division  and  Arrangement  of  the  Grammar. 

The  division  and  arrangement  of  Hebrew  grammar  follow  the 
three  constituent  parts  of  every  language,  viz.  (i)  articulate  sounds 
represented  by  letters,  and  united  to  form  syllables,  (2)  words,  and 
(3)  sentences. 

The  first  part  (the  elements)  comprises  accordingly  the  treatment 
of  sounds  and  their  representation  in  writing.  It  describes  the  nature 
and  relations  of  the  sounds  of  the  language,  teaches  the  pronunciation 

1  This  scriptio  continna  is  also  found  in  Phoenician  inscriptions.  The 
inscription  of  Me"a'  always  divides  the  words  by  a  point  (and  so  the  Siloam 
inscription  ;  see  tlie  facsimile  at  the  beginning  of  tliis  grammar),  and  fre- 
quently marks  the  close  of  a  sentence  by  a  stroke. 


§  4]  A7'rangement  of  the  Grammar  23 

of  the  written  signs  (orthoepy),  and  the  established  mode  of  writing 
(orthography).  It  then  treats  of  the  sounds  as  combined  in  syllables 
and  words,  and  specifies  the  laws  and  conditions  under  which  this 
combination  takes  place. 

The  second  part  (etymology)  treats  of  words  in  their  character 
as  parts  of  speech,  and  comprises:  (i)  the  principles  oiihe  formation 
of  words,  or  of  the  derivation  of  the  different  parts  of  speech  from 
the  roots  or  from  one  another ;  (2)  the  principles  of  inflexion,  i.  e. 
of  the  various  forms  which  the  words  assume  according  to  their 
relation  to  other  words  and  to  the  sentence. 

The  third  part  (syntax,  or  the  arrangement  of  words)  :  (i)  shows 
how  the  word-formations  and  inflexions  occurring  in  the  language  are 
used  to  express  different  shades  of  ideas,  and  how  other  ideas,  for 
which  the  language  hus  not  coined  any  forms,  are  expressed  by 
periphrasis ;  (2)  states  the  laws  according  to  which  the  parts  of 
speech  are  combined  in  sentences  (the  principles  of  the  sentence, 
or  syntax  in  the  stricter  sense  of  the  term). 


FIRST    PART 

ELEMENTARY   PRINCIPLES  OR   THE   SOUNDS  AND 

CHARACTERS 

CHAPTER,  I 

THE   INDIVIDUAL   SOUNDS   AND   CHARACTERS 

§  5.    The  Consonants :  their  Forms  and  Names. 

(Cf.  the  Table  of  Alphabets.) 

Among  the  abundant  literature  on  the  subject,  special  attention  is  directed 
to  :  A.  Berliner,  Beitrage  zurhebr.  Gramm.,  Berlin,  1879,  p.  15  ff.,  on  the  names, 
forms,and  pronunciation  of  the  consonants  in  Talmud  and  Midrash ;  H.  Strack, 
Schreibkunst  u.  Schrift  bei  d.  Hebraern,  PRE?,  Lpz.  1906,  p.  766  ff. ;  Benzinger, 
Hebr.  Archdologie^,  Tiibingen,  1907,  p.  172  ff. ;  Nowack,  Lehrbicch  d.  hebr.  Archdol, 
Freiburg,  1894,  i.  279  fif.;  Lidzbarski,  Handbuch  d.  nordsem.  Epigraphik,  Weimar, 
1898,  i.  I73ff. ;  also  his  art.  '  Hebrew  Alphabet,'  in  the  Jewish  Encyclopaedia,  i, 
1 901,  p.  439  fF.  (cf.  his  Ephemeris,  i.  316  ff.) ;  and  'Die  Namen  der  Alphabet- 
buchstaben  ',  in  Ephemeris,  ii.  125  ff.;  Kenyon,  art.  '  Writing,'  in  the  Dictionary 
of  the  Bible,  iv.  Edinb.  1902,  p.  944  ff. ;  NOldeke,  '  Diesemit.  Buchstabennamen,' 
in  Beitr.  sur  semit.  Sprachwiss.,  Strassb.  1904,  p.  124  ff. ;  F.  Praetorius,  Ueber  den 
Ursprung  des  kanaan.  Alphabets,  Berlin,  1906;  H.  Grimme,  'Zur  Genesis  des 
semit.  Alphabets,'  in  ZA.  xx.  1907,  p.  49  ff.  ;  R.  Stiibe,  Grundlinien  su  einer 
Entwickelungsgesch,  d.  Schrift,  Munich,  1907  ;  Jermain,  In  the  path  of  the  Alphabet, 
Fort  Wayne,  1907. — L.  Blau,  Studien  zum  althebr.  Buchwesen,  dc,  Strassb.  1903  ; 
and  his  '  Ueber  d.  Einfluss  d.  althebr.  Buchwesens  auf  d.  Originale  ',  &c.,  in 
Festschr.  zu  Ehren  A.  Berliners,  Frkf.  1903. 

The  best  tables  of  alphabets  are  those  of  J.  Euting  in  G.  Bickell's  Outlines 
of  Heb.  Gram,  transl.  by  S.  I.  Curtiss,  Lpz.  1877  ;  in  Pt.  vii  of  the  Oriental  Series 
of  the  Palaeographical  Soc,  London,  1882  ;  and,  the  fullest  of  all,  in  Chwol- 
son's  Corpus  inscr.  Hebr.,  Petersburg,  1882;  also  Lidzbarski's  in  the  Jewish 
Encycl.,  see  above. 

a      1.  The  Hebrew  letters  now  in   use,   in  which    both   the  manu- 
scripts of  the  O.  T.  are  written  and  our  editions  of  the  Bible  are 
printed,  commonly  called  the  square  character  (V?"??  ^^?)>  ^l^o  the 
Assyrian  character  (^l^tS'K  '3),*  are  not  those  originally  employed. 
Old   Hehrcio  (or    Old  Canaanitish^)  writing,   as    it  was  used  on 

^  The  name  'l^E'N  (Assyria)  is  here  used  in  the  widest  sense,  to  include  the 

countries  on  the  Mediterranean  inhabited  by  Aramaeans ;  cf.  Stade  in 
ZAW.  1882,  p.  292  f.  On  some  other  names  for  Old  Hebrew  writing,  cf. 
G.  Hoffmann,  ibid.  1881,  p.  334  ff.  ;  Buhl,  Car^on  and  Text  of  the  0.  T.  (transl. 
by  J.  Macpherson),  Edinb.  1893,  p.  200. 

'  It  is  tacitly  assumed  here  that  this  was  the  mother  of  all  Semitic 
alphabets.     In  ZDMG.  1909,  p.  189  ff.,  however,  Pratorius  has  shown  good 


I  §  5  a]     The  Consonants :  their  Foiins  and  Names      25 

public  monuments  in  the  beginning  of  the  ninth  and  in  the  seconit 
half  of  the  eighth  century  B.C.,  is  to  be  seen  in  the  inscription  of 
Mesa',  as  well  as  in  that  of  Siloam.  The  characters  on  the  Macca- 
baean  coins  of  the  second  century  B.C.,  and  also  on  ancient  gems, 
still  bear  much  resemblance  to  this  (cf  §  2  d).  With  the  Old  Hebrew 
writing  the  Phoenician  is  nearly  identical  (see  §  i  A;,  ^  2  f,  and  the 
Table  of  Alphabets).  From  the  analogy  of  the  history  of  other  kinds 
of  writing,  it  may  be  assumed  that  out  of  and  along  with  this  monu- 
mental character,  a  less  antique  and  in  some  ways  more  convenient, 
rounded  style  was  early  developed,  for  use  on  softer  materials,  skins, 
bark,  papyrus,  and  the  like.  This  the  Samaritans  retained  after  their 
separation  from  the  Jews,  while  the  Jews  gradually  '  (between  the 
sixth  and  the  fourth  century)  exchanged  it  for  an  Aramaic  character. 
From  this  gradually  arose  (from  about  the  fourth  to  the  middle  of  the 
third  century)  what  is  called  the  square  character,  which  consequently 
bears  great  resemblance  to  the  extant  forms  of  Aramaic  writing,  such 
as  the  Egyptian- Aramaic,  the  Nabatean  and  especially  the  Palmyrene. 
Of  Hebrew  inscriptions  in  the  older  square  character,  that  of  'Araq 
al-Emir  (15^  miles  north-east  of  the  mouth  of  the  Jordan)  probably 
belongs  to  183  B.C.'' 

The  Jewish  sarcophagus-inscriptions  of  the  time  of  Christ,  found  in 
Jerusalem  in  1905,  almost  without  exception  exhibit  a  pure  square  character. 
This  altered  little  in  the  course  of  centuries,  so  that  the  age  of  a  Hebrew  MS. 
cannot  easily  be  determined  from  the  style  of  the  writing.  The  oldest  known 
biblical  fragment  is  the  Nash  papyrus  (found  in  1902),  containing  the  ten 
commandments  and  the  beginning  of  Dt  6*'*,  of  the  end  of  the  first  or 
beginning  of  the  second  century  a.  d.  ;  cf.  N.  Peters,  Die  dlteste  Abschr.  der  10 
Geboie,  Freibg.  i.  B.  1905.  Of  actual  MSS.  of  the  Bible  the  oldest  is  probably 
one  of  820-850  A.  D.  described  by  Ginsburg,  Introd.,  p.  469  ff.,  at  the  head  of 
his  sixty  principal  MSS.  ;  next  in  age  is  the  codex  of  Moses  ben  Asher  at 
Cairo  (897  a.  d.,  cf.  the  art.  '  Scribes'  in  the  Jew.  Encycl.  xi  and  Gottheil  in 
JQR.  1905,  p.  32).  The  date  (916  a.  d.)  of  the  Codex  prophetarum  Babylon. 
Petropol.  (see  §  8  jr,  note)  is  quite  certain. — In  the  synagogue-rolls  a  distinc- 
tion is  drawn  between  the  Tam-character  (said  to  be  so  called  from  Rabbi 
Tam,  grandson  of  R.  Yishaqi,  in  the  twelfth  century)  with  its  straight  strokes, 
square  corners  and  '  tittles '  (tagin),  in  German  and  Polish  MSS.,  and  the 
foreign  character  with  rounded  letters  and  tittles  in  Spanish  MSS.  See 
further  E.  KOnig,  Einl.  in  das  A.  T.,  Bonn,  1893,  p.  16  ff. 


grounds  for  believing  that  the  South  Semitic  alphabet  is  derived  not  from 
the  Mesa,'  character,  or  from  some  kindred  and  hardly  older  script,  but  from 
some  unknown  and  much  earlier  form  of  writing. 

^  On  the  effect  of  the  transitional  mixture  of  earlier  and  later  forms  on  the 
constitution  of  the  text,  see  R.  Kittel,  Ueher  d.  Notwendigk.  d.  Herausg.  einer 
neuen  hebr.  Bibel,  Lpz.  1901,  p.  20  fif. — L.  Blau,  '  Wie  lange  stand  die  althebr. 
Schrift  bei  den  Juden  im  Gebrauch?'  in  Kaufmanngedenkbuch,  Breslau,  1900, 
p.  44  ff. 

'  Not  176,  as  formerly  held.     Driver  and  Lidzbarski  now  read  n"'3iy, 

correctly,  not  rfilD. 


S6        The  Individual  Sounds  and  Characters       [§56 

2.  The  Alphabet  consists,  like  all  Semitic  alphabets,  solely  of 
consonants,  twenty-two  in  number,  some  of  which,  however,  liave  also 
a  kind  of  vocalic  power  (§  7  6).  The  following  Table  shows  their 
form,  names,  pronunciation,  and  numerical  value  (see  k') : — 


FOEM. 

NAME. 

PRONUNCIATION. 

NUMERICAL 
VALUE. 

N 

'Aleph 

'  spiritus  lenis 

I 

2 

Beth 

b  (hh,  but  see  §  6  w) 

2 

a 

Gimel  {Giml) 

g{gK    „    „      u    ) 

3 

n 

Daleth 

d  {dh,    „     „       „    ) 

4 

n 

He 

h 

5 

1 

Wdw{Wau) 

w  {u)  ' 

6 

r 

Zdyln 

z,  as  in  English  (soft  s) 

7 

n 

HHh 

h,  a  strong  guttural 

8 

\2 

Teth 

t,  empliatic  t 

9 

> 

Yod 

y  (0 ' 

10 

3,  final  T 

Kaph 

h  {kh,  but  see  §  6  «) 

20 

^ 

Lamed 

/ 

30 

D,  final  D 

Mem 

m 

40 

3,  final  } 

mn 

n 

60 

D 

Sdmekh 

s 

60 

V 

'Ayin 

'  a  peculiar  guttural  (see 
beloR-) 

70 

3,  final  C) 

Pe 

p  if,  see  §  6  n) 

80 

V,  final  y 

Sdde 

s,  emphatic  s 

90 

P 

Qof 

q,  a  strong  k  *  formed  at 
the  back  of  the  palate 

100 

"1 

ReH 

r 

200 

fb' 

iin 

S 

300 

]t^ 

Sin^ 

s,  pronounced  sh 

n 

Taw  {Tau) 

t  {th,  but  see  ^  6  n) 

400 

I 


'  Philippi,  'Die  Aussprache  der  semit.  Consonanten  1  und  ^'  in  ZDMG. 

1886,  p.  639  fif.,  1897,  p.  66  flf.,  adduces  reasons  in  detail  for  the  opinion  that 

'  the  Semitic  1  and  "•  are  certainly  by  usage  consonants,  although  by  nature 

they  are  vowels,  viz.  m  and  i,  and  consequently  are  consonantal  vowels ' : 
cf.  §  8  w.  ^  J  , 

^  As  &  representation  of  this  sound  the  Latin  q  is  very  suitable,  since  it 
occupies  in  the  alphabet  the  place  of  tlie  Semitic  p  (Greek  K6vva). 

'  Nestle  {Actes  du  onzieme  Congres  .  .  .  des  Orientalistes,  1897,  iv.  llsflF.)  has 
shown  that  the  original  order  was  K'   b. 


§  5  c-f]     The  Consonants :  their  Form  and  Names    27 

3.  As  the  Table  shows,  five  letters  have  a  special  form  at  the  end  C 
t)f  the  word.  They  are  called  final  letters,  and  were  combined  by  the 
Jewish  grammarians  in  the  mnemonic  word  K??.'??  Kamnephds,  or 
better,  with  A.  Miiller  and  Stade,  K???'??  i-  e.  as  the  breaker  in  pieces} 
Of  these,  "],  |,  S],  y  are  distinguished  from  the  common  form  by  the 
shaft  being  drawn  straight  down,  while  in  the  usual  form  it  is  bent 
round  towards  the  left.^  In  the  case  of  D  the  letter  is  completely 
closed. 

4.  Hebrew  is  read  and  written  from  right  to  left.^  "Words  must  d 
not  be  divided  at  the  end  of  tl>e  lines  ;  ■•  but,  in  order  that  no  empty 
space  may  be  left,  in  MSS.  and  printed  texts,  certain  letters  suitable 
for  the  purpose  are  dilated  at  the  end  or  in  the  middle  of  the  line. 
In  oiir  printed  texts  these  literae  dilatahiles  are  the  five  following : 
Q  n  "7  n  {>?  (mnemonic  word  DHp'!?^  '%altem).  In  some  MSS.  other 
letters  suitable  for  the  purpose  are  also  employed  in  this  way,  as 

n,  3,  "1 ;    cf.  Strack  in  the  Theol  Lehrb.,  1882,  No.  22;  Nestle,  ZAW. 

1906,  p.  170 f. 

Rem.  I.     The  forms  of  the  letters  originally  represent  the  rude  outlines  of  e 
perceptible  objects,  the  names  of  which,  respectively,  begin  with  the  consonant 
represented  (akrophony).    Thus  Yod,  in  the  earlier  alphabets  the  rude  picture 
of  a  hand,  properly  denotes  hand  (Heb.  1^),  but  as  a  letter  simply  the  sound 

'  (j/),  with  which  this  word  begins;  'Ayin,  originally  a  circle,  properly  an 
eye  (py),  stands  for  the  consonant  y.  In  the  Phoenician  alphabet,  especiallj', 
the  resemblance  of  the  forms  to  the  objects  denoted  by  the  name  is  still  for 
the  most  part  recognizable  (see  the  Table).  In  some  letters  (i^  )^  T,  £3,  tJ')  the 
similarity  is  still  preserved  in  the  square  character. 

It  is  another  question  whether  the  present  names  are  all  original.  They 
may  be  merely  due  to  a  later,  and  not  always  accurate,  interpretation  of  the 
forms.  Moreover,  it  is  possible  that  in  the  period  from  about  1 500  to  1000  b.  c. 
the  original  forms  underwent  considerable  change.  . 

The  usual  explanation  of  the  present  names  of  the  letters  ^  is  :   Pj^N  ox,  /* 

'  In  the  Talmud,  disregarding  the  alphabetical  order,  ^QV~|0  o/thy  watcher, 

i.e.  prophet.     See  the  discussions  of  this  mnemonic  word  by  Nestle,  ZAW. 

1907,  p.  119  ff.,  K6nig,  Bacher  (who  would  read  '!]^a>rfjp  =  proceed ing/rom  thy 

prophets,  Is  52^),  Krauss,  Marmorstein,  ibid.  p.  278  ff.  All  the  twenty-two 
letters,  together  with  the  five  final  forms,  occur  in  Zp3^ 

*  Chwolson,  Corpus  Inscr.  Hebr.,  col.  68,  rightly  observes  that  the  more 
original  forms  of  these  letters  are  preserved  in  the  literae  finales.  Instances  of 
them  go  back  to  the  time  of  Christ. 

*  The  same  was  originally  the  practice  in  Greek,  which  only  adopted  the 
opposite  direction  exclusively  about  400  b.c.  On  the  boustrophedon  writing 
(alternately  in  each  direction)  in  early  Greek,  early  Sabaean,  and  in  the 
Safa-inscriptions  of  the  first  three  centuries  a.  d.,  cf.  Lidzbarski,  Ephemeris,  i. 
ii6f. 

*  This  does  not  apply  to  early  inscriptions  or  seals.  Cf.  Mela',  11.  1-5, 
7,  8,  &c.,  Siloam  2,  3,  5,  where  the  division  of  words  appears  to  be  customary. 

*  We  possess  Greek  transcriptions  of  the  Hebrew  names,  dating  from  the 
fifth  century  b.  c.  The  LXX  give  them  (in  almost  the  same  form  as  Eusebius, 
J'raep.  Evang.  10.  5)  in  La  1-4,  as  do  also  many  Codices  of  the  Vulgate  (e.  g.  the 


28        The  Individual  Sounds  and  Characters        [§  5  ^ 

n*2  house,  ^03  camel  (according  to  Lidzbarski,  see  below,  perhaps  originally 

jna  axe  or  pick-axe),  TO"^  door  (jproperly  folding  door  ;  according  to  Lidzbarski, 

perhaps  Tl  the  female  breast),  NH  air-hole  (?),  lattice-window  (?),  11  hook,  nail,  p) 

tceapow  (according  to  Nestle,  comparing  the  Greek  f^jra,  rather  JT'I  olive-tree), 

rrin  /ence,  barrier  (but  perhaps  only  differentiated  from  n  by  the  left-hand 

stroke),  n"'tp  a  winding  (?),  according  to  others  a  leather  bottle  or  a  snake  (but 

perhaps  only  differentiated  from  D  by  a  circle  round  it),  HV  hand,  P|3  ben/ 

/lawci,  IJ^p  ox-goad,  D^IO  wa<er,    pj  fish  (Lidzbarski,   'perhaps  originally  t^PIJ 

snake,'  as  in  Ethiopic),   T]pD  prop  (perhaps  a  modification  of  T),  PS?  e2/e,  J<B 

(also  '•Q)  mouth,  i^'^  fish-hook  {?),  P]ip  ej/e  o/a  needle,  according  to  others  back  of 

the  head  (Lidzb,,  'perhaps  nCJ'p  bow'),  B''"'}  /leacf,  pB*  tooth,  in  sigrn,  cross. 

^  With  regard  to  the  origin  of  this  alphabet,  it  may  be  taken  as  proved  that 
it  is  not  earlier  (or  very  little  earlier)  than  the  fifteenth  century  b.  c,  since 
otherwise  the  el-Amarna  tablets  (§  2/)  would  not  have  been  written  ex- 
clusively in  cuneiform.^  It  seems  equally  certain  on  various  grounds,  that 
it  originated  on  Canaanitish  soil.  It  is,  however,  still  an  open  question 
whether  the  inventors  of  it  borrowed 

(a)  From  the  Egyptian  system — not,  as  was  formerly  supposed,  by  direct 
adoption  of  hieroglyphic  signs  (an  explanation  of  twelve  or  thirteen  characters 
was  revived  by  J.  Halevy  in  Eev.  Semit.  1901,  p.  356  fif.,  1902,  p.  331  ff.,  and  in 
the  Verhandlungen  des  xiii. .  . .  Orient.-Kongr.  su  Hamh.,  Leiden,  1904,  p.  199  ff.; 
but  cf.  Lidzbarski,  Ephemeris,  i.  261  ff.),  or  of  hieratic  characters  derived  from 
them  (so  E.  de  Rouge),  but  by  the  adoption  of  the  acrophonic  principle  (see  e) 
by  which  e.  g.  the  hand,  in  Egyptian  tot,  represents  the  letter  t,  the  lion  = 
laboi,  the  letter  I.  This  view  still  seems  the  most  probable.  It  is  now 
accepted  by  Lidzbarski  ('Der  Ursprung  d.  nord-  u.  siidsemit.  Schrift'  in 
Ephemeris,  i  (1900),  109  ff.,  cf.  pp.  134  and  261  ff.),  though  in  his  Nordsem. 
Epigr.  (1898)  p.  173  ff.  he  was  still  undecided. 

(&)  From  the  Babylonian  (cuneiform)  system.  Wuttke's  and  W.  Deecke's 
derivation  of  the  old-Semitic  alphabet  from  new- Assyrian  cuneiform  is 
impossible  for  chronological  reasons.  More  recently  Peters  and  Hommel 
have  sought  to  derive  it  from  the  old-Babylonian,  and  Ball  from  the  archaic 
Assyrian  cuneiform.  A  vigorous  discussion  has  been  aroused  by  the  theory 
of  Frdr.  Delitzsch  (in  Die  Entstehung  des  alt.  Schriftsystems  od.  der  Urspr.  der 
Keilschriftzeichen  dargel.,  Lpz.  1897;  and  with  the  same  title  'Ein  Nachwort', 
Lpz.  1898,  preceded  by  a  very  clear  outline  of  the  theory)  that  the  old-Semitic 
alphabet  arose  in  Canaan  under  the  influence  both  of  the  Egyptian  system 
(whence  the  acrophonic  principle)  and  of  the  old-Babylonian,  whence  the 
principle  of  the  graphic  representation  of  objects  and  ideas  by  means  of 
simple,  and  mostly  rectilinear,  signs.  He  holds  that  the  choice  of  the 
objects  was  probably  (in  about  fifteen  cases)  iailuenced  by  the  Babylonian 
system.  The  correspondence  of  names  had  all  the  more  effect  since,  accord- 
ing to  Zimmern  {ZDMG.  1896,  p.  667  ff.),  out  of  twelve  names  which  are 
certainly  identical,  eight  appear  in  the  same  order  in  the  Babylonian  arrange- 
ment of  signs.     But  it  must  first  be  shown  that  the  present  names  of  the 

Cod.  Amiatinus)  in  fi//  iii,  112,  119,  but  with  many  variations  from  the 
customary  forms,  which  rest  on  the  traditional  Jewish  pronunciation.  The 
forms  Deleth  (and  delth),  Zai,  Sen  (LXX  also  x"''"*  cf.  Hebr.  JB'  tooth)  are  to  be 
noticed,  amongst  others,  for  Daleth,  Zain,  Sin.  Cf.  the  tables  in  Niildekc, 
Beitrdge  zur  sem.  Sprachwiss.,  p.  126  f.  In  his  opinion  (and  so  Lidzbarski, 
Ephemeris,  i.  134)  the  form  and  meaning  of  the  names  point  to  Phoenicia  as 
the  original  home  of  the  alphabet,  since  alf,  bet,  dalt,  udw,  taw,  pei  =  pi,  pi, 
mouth,  and  the  vowel  of  pu>  =  ros,  head,  are  all  Hebraeo-Phoenician. 

'  In  the  excavations  at  Jericho  in  April,  1907,  E.  Sellin  found  ajar-handle 
witli  the  Canaanite  characters  n*,  which  he  dates  (probably  too  early)  about 
1 500  B  c. 


§  5  A]     The  Consonants :  their  Forjus  and  Names      29 

'Phoenician'  letters  really  denote  the  original  jncture.  The  identity  of 
the  objects  may  perhaps  be  due  simply  to  the  choice  of  the  commonest  things 
(animals,  implements,  limbs)  in  both  systems. 

The  derivation  of  the  Semitic  alphabet  from  the  signs  of  the  Zodiac  and 
their  names,  first  attempted  by  Seyffarth  in  1834,  has  been  revived  by 
Winckler,  who  refers  twelve  fundamental  sounds  to  the  Babylonian  Zodiac. 
Hommel  connects  the  original  alphabet  with  the  moon  and  its  phases,  and 
certain  constellations ;  cf.  Lidzbarski,  Ephemeris,  i.  269  ff.,  and  in  complete 
agreement  with  him,  Benzinger,  Hebr.  Archdologie' ,  p.  173  ff.  This  theory 
is  by  no  means  convincing. 

(c)  From  the  hieroglyphic  system  of  writing  discovered  in  1894  by 
A.  J.  Evans  in  inscriptions  in  Crete  (esp.  at  Cnossus)  and  ehewhere. 
According  to  Kluge  (1897)  and  others,  this  represents  the  '  Mycenaean  script ' 
used  about  3000-iooo'B.  c,  and  according  to  Fries  ('  Die  neuesten  Forschungen 
iiber  d.  Urspr.  des  phOniz.  Alph.'  in  ZDPV.  xxii.  118  ff.)  really  supplies  the 
original  forms  of  the  Phoenician  alphabet  as  brought  to  Palestine  by  the 
Philistines  about  iioo  B.C.,  but  'the  Phoenician-Canaanite- Hebrews  gave  to 
the  Mycenaean  signs  names  derived  from  the  earlier  cuneiform  signs'. 
The  hypothesis  of  Fries  is  thus  connected  with  that  of  Delitzsch.  But 
although  the  derivation  of  the  Phoenician  forms  from  'Mycenaean'  types 
appears  in  some  cases  very  plausible,  in  others  there  are  grave  difficulties, 
and  moreover  the  date,  1 100  B.C.,  assigned  for  the  introduction  of  the  alphabet 
is  clearly  too  late.     [See  Evans,  Scripta  Minoa,  Oxf.  1909,  p.  80  ff.] 

(d)  From  a  system,  derived  from  Asia  Minor,  closely  related  to  the  Cypriote 
syllabary  (Praetorius,  Der  Urspr.  des  kanaan.  Alphabets,  Berlin,  1906).  On  this 
theory  the  Canaanites  transformed  the  syllabic  into  an  apparently  alphabetic 
writing.  In  reality,  however,  they  merely  retained  a  single  sign  for  the 
various  syllables,  so  that  e.  g.  p  is  not  really  q,  but  qa,  qe,  qi,  &c.     Of  the  five 

Cypriote  vowels  also  they  retained  only  the  star  (in  Cypriote  =  a)  simplified 
into  an  'dlef  (see  alphabetical  table)  to  express  the  vowels  at  the  beginning  of 
syllables,  and  i  and  u  as  Yod  and  Waw.  Praetorius  claims  to  explain  about 
half  the  twenty-two  Canaanite  letters  in  this  way,  but  there  are  various 
objections  to  his  ingenious  hypothesis. 

2.  As  to  the  order  of  the  letters,  we  possess  early  evidence  in  the  alphabetic^  Ji 

poems:  ^  9  (N— 3,  cf.  ^  10^  p,  and  vv^*~"  p-fl  ;  cf.  Gray  in  the  Expositor,  1906, 

p.  233  ff.,  and  Rosenthal,  ZAW.  1896,  p.  40,  who  shows  that  \p  ^3.15.17  3^  ^^  3 

exactly  fit  in  between  n    D    "■    and  that  ^  10^'^  therefore  has  the  reverse 

order  p   3   ^)  ;  also  xp^p  25  and  34  (both  without  a  separate  1-verse  and  with 

B  repeated  at  the  end^) ;  37,  m,  112, 119  (in  which  every  eight  verses  begin 

with  the  same  letter,  each  strophe,  as  discovered  by  D.  H.  Miiller  of  Vienna, 
containing  the  eight  leading  words  of  ^  19*  ^■,  tord,  'eduth,  &c.)  ;  La  1-4  (in  2-4 
D  before  y^,  in  chap.  3  every  three  verses  with  the  same  initial,  see  LShr, 

ZAW.  1904,  p.  I  ff.,  in  chap.  5  at  any  rate  as  many  verses  as  letters  in  the 
alphabet)  ;  Pr  2\^-^'^,  3110-31  (Jq  the  LXX  with  B  before  y') ;  also  in  Na  i^-io 
Pastor  Frohnmeyer  of  Wurttemberg  (ob.  1880)  detected  traces  of  an  alpha- 
betic arrangement,  but  the  attempt  of  Gunkel,  Bickell,  Arnold  {ZAW.  1901, 

^  On  the  supposed  connexion  of  this  artificial  arrangement  with  magical 
formulae  ('the  order  of  the  letters  was  believed  to  have  a  sort  of  magic 
power')  cf.  Lohr,  ZAW.  1905,  p.  173  ff.,  and  Klagelieder'^,  GOtt.  1907,  p.  vii  ff. 

*  On  this  superfluous  B  cf.  Grimrae,  Euphemistic  liturgical  appendices,  Lpz. 
1901,  p.  8  ff.,  and  Nestle,  ZAW.  1903,  p.  340 f.,  who  considers  it  an  appendage 
to  the  Greek  alphabet. 

3  [Perhaps  also  originally  in  if/  34.]  B  before  y  is  probably  due  to  a  magic 
alphabet,  see  above,  n.  i.  According  to  BOhmer,  ZAW.  1908,  p.  53  ff.,  the 
combinations  3S,  1}^  in   &c.,  were  used  in  magical  texts;  Dy  was  excluded, 

but  by  a  rearrangement  we  get  PjD  and  y]}. 


30         The  Individual  Sounds  and  Characters    [§  5  i-m 

p.  225  ff.),  Ilappel  {Der  Ps.  Ilah  ,  Wiirzb.  1900)  to  discover  further  traces, 
has  not  been  successful.  [Cf.  Gray  in  Expositor,  1898,  p.  207  fif. ;  Driver,  in  tlie 
Century  Bible,  Nahum,  p. 26.] — Bickell,  Zfschr  f.  Kath.  Theol.,1882,  p.  319  ff.,  had 
already  deduced  from  the  versions  the  alphabetical  character  of  Ecclus  51'^"'°, 
with  the  omission  of  the  "1-verse  and  with  D'  at  the  end.     His  conjectures 

have  been  brilliantly  confirmed  by  the  discovery  of  the  Hebrew  original. 

although  the  order  from  2  to  p  is  partly  disturbed  or  obscured.     If  "I  before  i* 

is  deleted,  ten  letters  are  in  their  right  positions,  and  seven  can  be  restored 
to  their  places  with  certainty.  Cf  N.  Schlogl,  ZDMG.  53,  669  ff. ;  C.  Taylor 
in  the  appendix  to  Schechter  and  Taylor,  The  Wisdom  of  Ben  Sira,  Cambr.  1899, 
p.  Ixxvi  ff.,  and  in  the  Journ.  of  Philol.,  xxx  (1906),  p.  95  ff.  ;  JQli.  1905, 
p.  238  ff.  ;  Lohr,  ZAW.  1905,  p.  183  ff.  ;  I.  Levy,  KEJ.  1907,  p.  62  ff. 

The  sequence  of  the  three  softest  labial,  palatal,  and  dental  sounds  3  3  *1 

and  of  the  three  liquids  ?,  O  3^  indicates  an  attempt  at  classification.  At 
the  same  time  other  considerations  also  appear  to  have  had  influence.  Thus 
it  is  certainly  not  accidental,  that  two  letters,  representing  a  hand  {Yod, 
Kaph),  as  also  two  (if  Qoph  =  ha.ck  of  the  head)  which  represent  the  head,  and 
in  general  several  forms  denoting  objects  naturally  connected  {Mem  and  Nun, 
•  'Ayin  and  Pe),  stand  next  to  one  another. 

^  The  order,  names,  and  numerical  values  of  the  letters  have  passed  over  from 
the  Phoenicians  to  the  Greeks,  in  whose  alphabet  the  letters  A  to  T  are 
borrowed  from  the  Old  Semitic.  So  also  the  Old  Italic  alphabets  as  well  as 
the  Roman,  and  consequently  all  alphabets  derived  eitlier  from  this  or  from 
the  Greek,  are  directly  or  indirectly  dependent  on  the  Phoenician. 
fC  3.  a.  In  default  of  special  arithmetical  figures,  the  consonants  were  used 
also  as  numerical  signs ;  cf.  G.  Gundermann,  Die  Zahlseichen,  Giessen,  1899, 
p.  6  f.,  and  Lidzbarski,  Ephemeris,  i.  io5  ff.  The  earliest  traces  of  this  usage 
are,  however,  first  found  on  the  Maccabean  coins  (see  above,  §  2  d,  end). 
These  numerical  letterswere  afterwards  commonly  employed,  e.g.  for  marking 
the  numbers  of  chapters  and  verses  in  the  editions  of  the  Bible.  The  units 
are  denoted  by  K-tD,  the  tens  by  ""—if,  100-400  by  p-D,  the  numbers  from 
500-900  by  n  (  =  400),  with  the  addition  of  the  remaining  hundreds,  e.g.  pn 
500.  In  compound  numbers  the  greater  precedes  (on  the  right),  thus  K"!  11, 
NDp  121.  But  15  is  expressed  by  ID  9  +  6,  not  n^  (which  is  a  form  of  the 
divine  name,  being  the  first  two  consonants  of  mn"').''  For  a  similar  reason 
tt3  is  also  mostly  written  for  16,  instead  of  V,  which  in  compound  proper 
names,  like  PNI*,  also  represents  the  name  of  God,  nilT'. 

The  thousands  are  sometimes  denoted  by  the  units  with  two  dots  placed 

above,  e.  g.  N  1000. 

/      b.   The  reckoning  of  the  years  in  Jewish  writings  (generally  m*2fv  ofter 

the  creation)  follows  either  the  full  chronology  (pITSl  tS^Qp  or  '3  'Si?),  with  the 

addition  of  the  thousands,  or  the  abridged  chronology  (pDp  'S/),  in  which  they 

are  omitted.  In  the  dates  of  the  first  thousand  years  after  Christ,  the 
Christian  era  is  obtained  by  the  addition  of  240,  in  the  second  thousand 
years  by  the  addition  of  1 240  (i.  e.  if  the  date  falls  between  Jan.  i  and  the 
Jewish  new  year;  otherwise  add  1239),  the  thousands  of  the  Creation  era 
being  omitted. 
Ifl  4.  Abbreviations  of  words  are  not  found  in  the  text  of  the  0.  T.,  but  they 
occur  on  coins,  and  their  use  is  extremely  frequent  amongst  the  later  Jews.' 

'  See  note  3  on  p.  29. 

'  On  the  rise  of  this  custom  (n^  having  been  originally  used  and  afterwards 
\n),  cf.  Nestle  in  ZAW.  1884,  p.  250,  where  a  trace  of  this  method  of  writing 
occurring  as  early  as  Origen  is  noted. 

'  Cf.  Jo.  Buxtorf,  De  abbreviaturis  Hebr,,  Basel,  1613,  &c. ;    Pietro  Perrcau. 


§  5  «,  6  a]  The  Consonants :  their  Forms  and  Names  31 

A  point,  or  later  an  oblique  stroke,  serves  as  the  sign  of  abridgement  in  old 
MSS.  and  editions,  e.  g.  ''«'"'  for  ^NI")K'^,  'D  for  ^jSq  aliqiiis,  "^  for  "I3"n  aliquid, 
'VA  for  ">Di31  et  comphns,  i.e.   and   so   on.     Also   in   the   middle   of  what  is 

npparently  a  word,  such  strokes  indicate  that  it  is  an  abbreviation  or  a  vox 
■memoricdis  (of.  e.  g.  §  15  d  CND).  Two  such  strokes  are  employed,  from  §  41  d 
onward,  to  mark  the  different  classes  of  weak  verbs. — Note  also  '•^  or  ""^  (also 

'n)fornin\ 

T     : 

5.  Peculiarities  in  the  tradition  of  the  0.  T.  text,  which  are  already  fi 
mentioned  in  the  Talmud,  are — (i)  The  15  puncta  extraordinaria,  about  which 
the  tradition  (from  Siphri  on  Nu  9^"  onwards)  differs  considerably,  even  as  to 
their  number;  on  particular  consonants,  Gn  16*,  i8^  iq^^-^'',  Nu  9^"  ;  or  on 
whole  words,  Gn  33^  37",  Nu  339^  21=0,  29I6,  Dt  2928,  2  S  1920,  Is  448,  Ez  4120, 
46^2,  \p  2712, — all  no  doubt  critical  marks  ;  cf.  Strack,  Prolegomena  Critica,  p.  88 
ff. ;  L.  Blau,  Musoretische  Untermchtmgen,  Strassburg,  1891,  p.  6  ff.,  and  Einleitung 
in  die  hi.  Schrifi,  Budapest,  1894;  KOnigsberger,  Jiid.  Lit.-Blatt,  1891,  nos.  29-31, 
and  Aus  Masorah  u.  Talmudkritik,  Berlin,  1892,  p.  6  ff. ;  Mayer-Lambert,  BE  J. 
30  (1895),  no.  59  ;  and  especially  Ginsburg,  Introd.,  p.  318  If.  ;  also  on  the  ten 
points  found  in  the  Pentateuch,  see  Butin  (Baltimore,  1906),  who  considers 
that  they  are  as  old  as  the  Christian  era  and  probably  mark  a  letter,  &c.,  to 
be  deleted.     (2)  The  literae  majusculae  (e.g.  3  Gn  1^,  1  Lv  11*2  ^s  the  middle 

consonant  of  the  Pentateuch,  "•  Nu  14"),  and  minuscvlue  (e.  g.  PI  Gn  2^).  (3)  The 
literae  suspensae  (Ginsburg,  Introd.,  p.  3345.)  3  Ju  iS^**  (which  points  to  the 
reading  HB'D  for  HlfJlO),  y  1^  80"  (the  middle  of  the  Psalms  i)  and  Jb  38"-i5. 
(4)  The  'mutilated'  Wdw  in  n)h^  Nu  25",  and  p  Ex  3225  (QniDpn),  and 
Nu  72  (DnipDH).  (5)  Mem  clausum  in  nniD?  Is  9*,  and  Mem  apertum  in 
CVIID  on  Neh  2".  (6)  Nun  inversum  before  Nu  ic^^,  and  after  ver.  36,  as  also 
before  f  10723-28  and  *" ;  according  to  Ginsburg,  Introd.,  p.  341  ff.,  a  sort  of 
bracket  to  indicate  that  the  verses  are  out  of  place  ;  cf.  Krauss,  ZAW.  1902, 
p.  57  ff.,  who  regards  the  inverted.  Nuns  as  an  imitation  of  the  Greek  obelus. 

§  6.    Pronunciation  and  Division  of  Consonants. 

P.  Ilaupt,  'Die  Semit.  Sprachlaute  u.  ihre  Umschrift,'  in  Beilrdge sur  Assyrio- 
logie  u.  vergleich.  semit.  Sprachwissenschaft,  by  Delitzsch  and  Haupt,  i,  Lpz.  1889, 
249  ff.  ;  E.  Sievcrs,  Metrische  Sludien,  i,  Lpz.  1901,  p.  14  ff. 

1.  An  accurate  knowledge  of  the  original  phonetic  value  of  each  a 
consonant  is  of  the  greatest  importance,  since  very  many  grammatical 
peculiarities  and  changes  (§  18  ff.)  only  become  intelligible  from  the 
nature  and  pronunciation  of  the  sounds.  This  knowledge  is  obtained 
partly  from  the  pronunciation  of  the  kindred  dialects,  especially  the 
still  living  Arabic,  partly  by  observing  the  affinity  and  interchange 

Oceano  delle  abbreviature  e  sigle^,  Parma,  1883  (appendix,  1884)  ;  Ph.  Lederei-, 
Hebr.  u.  Chald.  Abbreviaturen,  Frankf.  1893;  Handler,  Lexicon  d.  Abbreviaturen 
(annexed  to  G.  Dalman's  Aram.-neukebr.  WB.,  Frankf.  1897)  ;  Levias,  art. 
'  Abbreviations,'  in  the  Jew.  EncycL,  i.  39  ff. ;  F.  Perles,  '  Zur  Gesch.  der  Abbrev. 
im  Hebr.'  {Archiv  f.  Stenogr..  1902,  p.  41  ff.).  On  abbreviations  in  biblical 
MSS.  see  Ginsburg,  Introd.,  165  ff. 

^  According  to  Blau,  Studien  zum  althebr.  Buchwesen,  Strassburg,  1902,  p.  167, 
properly  a  large  y,  called  t'lHya  because  suspended  between  the  two  halves  of 

the  Psalter,  and  then  incorrectly  taken  for  a  littera  suspensa. 


32        The  Individual  Sounds  and  Characters     [§  6  b-e 

of  sounds  on  Hebrew  itself  (§  19),  and  partly  from  the  tradition  of 
the  Jews.' 

The  pronunciation  of  Hebrew  by  the  modern  German  Jews,  which  partly 
resembles  the  Syriac  and  is  generally  called  '  Polish ',  differs  considerably 
from  that  of  the  Spanish  and  Portuguese  Jews,  which  approaches  nearer  to 
the  Arabic.  The  pronunciation  of  Hebrew  by  Christians  follows  the  latter 
(after  the  example  of  Reuchlin),  in  almost  all  cases. 
O  The  oldest  tradition  is  presented  in  the  transcription  of  Hebrew  names  in 
Assyrian  cuneiform  ;  a  later,  but  yet  in  its  way  very  important  system  is 
seen  in  the  manner  in  which  the  LXX  transcribe  Hebrew  names  with  Greek 
letters.'  As,  however,  corresponding  signs  for  several  sounds  (D,  V,  2f,  p,  tJ') 

are  wanting  in  the  Greek  alphabet,  only  an  approximate  representation  was 
possible  in  these  cases.  The  same  applies  to  the  Latin  transcription  of  Hebrew 
words  by  Jerome,  according  to  the  Jewish  pronunciation  of  his  time.* 

On  the  pronunciation  of  the  modern  Jews  in  North  Africa,  see  Barges  in 
the  Journ.  Asiat.,  Nov.  1848 ;  on  that  of  the  South  Arabian  Jews,  J.  D^renbourg, 
Manuel  du  ledeur,  &c.  (from  a  Yemen  MS.  of  the  year  1390),  Paris,  187 1 
(extra it  6  du  Journ.  Asiat.  1870), 

C  2.  With  regard  to  the  pronunciation  of  the  several  gutturals  and 
sibilants,  and  of  D  and  p,  it  may  be  remarked : — 

I.  Among  the  gutturals,  the  glottal  stop  N  is  the  lightest,  corresponding  to 
the  spiritus  lenis  of  the  Greeks.  It  may  stand  either  at  the  beginning  or  end 
of  a  syllable,  e.  g.  "IDX  'dmdr,  DK'{<1  j/d'sdm.  Even  be/ore  a  vowel  N  is  almost 
lost  to  our  ear,  like  the  h  in  hour  and  in  the  French  habit,  homme.  After  a 
vowel  N  generally  (and  at  the  end  of  a  word,  always)  coalesces  with  it,  e.  g. 
K^p  qdrd  for  an  original  qard' ,  Arab,  qdra'd  ;  see  further,  §  23  a,  27  jr. 

d  n  before  a  vowel  corresponds  exactly  to  our  h  (spiritus  asper)  ;  after  a 
vowel  it  is  either  a  guttural  (so  always  at  the  end  of  a  syllable  which  is  not 
final,  e.  g.  "ijSnj)  ndhpakh ;  at  the- end  of  a  word  the  consonantal  H  has  a  point 
— Mappiq — in  it,  see  §  14),  or  it  stands  inaudible  at  the  end  of  a  word, 
generally  as  a  mere  orthographic  indication  of  a  preceding  vowel,  e.  g.  itpH 
gala  ;  cf.  §§  7  &  and  75  a. 

e  V  is  related  to  X ,  but  is  a  much  stronger  guttural.  Its  strongest  sound  is 
a  rattled,  guttural  g,  cf.  e.g.  n^y,  LXX  rdfa,  ITlby  Tofioppa;  elsewhere,  a 
weaker  sound  of  the  same  kind,  which  the  LXX  reproduce  by  a  spiritus  {lenis 
or  asper),  e  g.  ""pJJ  'HXi,  pb^V  'A/jiaXtic.*  In  the  mouth  of  the  Arabs  one  hears 
in  the  former  case  a  sort  of  guttural  r,  in  the  latter  a  sound  peculiar  to  them- 
selves formed  in  the  back  of  the  throat. — It  is  as  incorrect  to  omit  the  ]} 

*  Cf.  C.  Meinhof,  'Die  Aussprache  des  Hebr.,'  in  Neue  Jahrb.f.  Philol.  u. 
Padag.,  1885,  Bd.  132,  p.  146  ff.  ;  M.  Schreiner,  'Zur  Gesch.  der  Ausspr.  des 
Hebr.,'  in  ZAW.  1886,  p.  213  ff. 

^  Cf.  Frankel,  Vorstudien  su  der  Septuag.,  Lpz.  1841,  p.  90 ff.;  C.  KSnneke, 
'Gymn.-Progr.,'  Stargard,  1885.  On  the  transcription  of  eleven  Psalms  in 
a  palimpsest  fragment  of  the  Hexapla  at  Milan,  see  Mercati,  Atti  delta  R. 
Accad.,  xxxi,  Turin,  1896.     [Cf.  Burkitt,  Fragments  of . .  .  Aquila,  Ca.mhr.  1897, 

'  Numerous  examples  occur  in  Hieronymi  quaestiones  hebraicae  in  libro  geneseos, 
edited  by  P.  de  Lagarde,  Lpz.  1868 ;  cf.  the  exhaustive  and  systematic  dis- 
cussion by  Siegfried,  'Die  Aussprache  des  Hebr.  bei  Hieronymus,'  in  ZAW. 
1884,  pp.  34-83. 

*  It  is,  however,  doubtful  if  the  LXX  always  consciously  aimed  at  repro- 
ducing the  actual  differences  of  sound. 


§  ef-n]  Pronunciation  and  Division  of  Consonants    33 

entirely,  in  reading  and  transcribing  words  ('•py  Eli,  pboy  Amalek),  as  to 

pronounce  it  exactly  like  g  or  like  a  nasal  ng.  The  stronger  sound  might  be 
approximately  transcribed  by  gh  or  'gr ;  but  since  in  Hebrew  the  softer  sound 
was  the  more  common,  it  is  sufiScient  to  represent  it  by  the  sign  ',  as  PSIK 

'arba',  nj?  'ad. 

n  is  the  strongest  guttural  sound,  a  deep  guttural  ck,  as  heard  generally   / 
in  Swiss  German,  somewhat  as  in  the  German  Achat,  Macht,  Sache,  Docht, 
Zucht  (not  as  in  Licht,  Knecht),  and  similar  to  the  Spanish  j.     Like  JJ  it  was, 
however,  pronounced  in  many  words  feebly,  in  others  strongly. 

As  regards  1,  its  pronunciation  as  a  palatal  (with  a  vibrating  uvula)  seems  n- 
to  have  been  the  prevailing  one.     Hence  in  some  respects  it  is  also  classed 
with  th©  gutturals  (§  22  g,  r).     On  the  Ungual  1,  cf.  0. 

2.  The  Hebrew  language  is  unusually  rich  in  sibilants.    These  have,  at  any  f^ 
rate  in  some  cases,  arisen  from  dentals  which  are  retained  as  such  in  Aramaic 
and  Arabic  (see  in  the  Lexicon  the  letters  T,  Jf  and  K*). 

B'  and  1^  were  originally  represented  (as  is  still  the  case  in  the  unpointed  I 
texts)  by  only  one  form  ^ ;  but  that  the  use  of  this  one  form  to  express  two 

different  sounds  (at  least  in  Hebrew)  was  due  only  to  the  poverty  of  the 
alphabet,  is  clear  from  the  fact  that  they  are  differentiated  in  Arabic  and 
Ethiopic  (cf.  Neldeke  in  Ztschr.f.  wissensch.  Theol.,  1873,  p.  121  ;  Brockelraann, 
Grundriss,  i.  133).  In  the  Masoretic  punctuation  they  were  distinguished  by 
means  of  the  diacritical  point  as  B'  (jah)  and  B'  (i).* 

The  original  difference  between  the  sounds  '{}'  and  D"  sometimes  marks  A* 
a  distinction  in  meaning,  e.  g.  *1DD  to  close,  Ipty  to  hire,  PSD  to  he  foolish,  7Db>  to 
he  prudent,  to  be  wise.     Syriac  always  represents  both  sounds  by  D,  and  in 
Hebrew  also  they  are  sometimes  interchanged ;  as  "13D  for  "15b'  to  hire,  Ezr  4" ; 
nh^^  for  r\^b3D  folly,  Ec  i". 

T  (transcribed  (  by  the  LXX)  is  a  soft  whizzing  s,  the  French  and  English  2,  / 
altogether  different  from  the  German  z  {ts). 

3.  to,  p,  and  probably  X  are  pronounced  with  a  sti'ong  articulation  and  fn 

with  a  compression  of  the  larynx.  The  first  two  are  thus  essentially  different 
from  n  and  3,  which  correspond  to  our  t  and  k  and  also  are  often  aspirated 
(see  below,  n).  Jf  is  distinguished  fi'om  every  other  s  by  its  peculiar  articu- 
lation, and  in  no  way  corresponds  to  the  German  s  or  ts;  we  transcribe  it 
by  s ;  cf.  G.  Hiising,  "^  Zum  Lautwerte  des  If,'  in  OLZ.  x.  467  ff. 

3.  Six  consonants,  the  weak  and  middle  hard  Palatals,  Dentals,  fi 
and  Labials  n  B  3  1  3  3  ("Mn:3) 

have  a  twofold  pronunciation,  (i)  a  harder  sound,  as  mutes,   like 

*  The  modern  Samaritans,  however,  in  reading  their  Hebrew  Pentateuch 
pronounce  K'  invariably  as  C 

*  The  original  value  of  D,  and  its  relation  to  the  original  value  of  b'  and  B*, 
is  still  undetermined,  despite  the  valuable  investigations  of  P.  Haupt,  ^DMG. 
1880,  p.  762  f,  ;  D.  H.  Miiiler,  '  Zur  Geschichte  der  semit.  Zischlaute,'  in  the 
Verhandlungen  des  Wiener  Orient.  Congresses,  Vienna,  1888,  Semitic  section, 
p.  229  ff.;  De  Lagarde,  'Samech,'  in  the  NGGW.  1891,  no.  5,  esp.  p.  173; 
Aug.  Muller,  ZAW.  1891,  p.  267  ff. ;  NSldeke,  ZDMG.  1893,  p.  100  f.  ;  E.  Glaser, 
Zwei  Wiener  Publicationen  iiher  Kabaschitisch-punische  Dialekte  itt  Sii darabien, Munich , 
1902,  pp.  19  ff. — On  the  phonetic  value  of  X  see  G.  Hiising,  OLZ.  1907, 
p.  467  ff. 

OOWLKT  D 


34        The  Individual  Sounds  and  Characters     [§  6  o,  p 

]c,p,  t,  or  initial  b,  g  (hard),  d;  and  (2)  a  softer  sound  as  spirantes} 
The  harder  sound  is  the  original.  It  is  retained  at  the  beginning  of 
syllables,  when  there  is  no  vowel  immediately  preceding  to  influence 
the  pronunciation,  and  is  denoted  by  a  point,  Dages  lene  (§  13),  placed 
in  the  consonants,  viz.  2  b,  i,  g,  "^  d,  3  k,  Q  p,  r\  t.  The  weaker  pro- 
nunciation appears  as  soon  as  a  vowel  sound  immediately  precedes. 
It  is  occasionally  denoted,  esp.  in  MSS.,  by  Raphe  (§14  e),  but  in 
printed  texts  usually  by  the  mere  absence  of  the  Dages.  In  the  case 
of  3,  3,  D,  n,  the  two  sounds  are  clearly  distinguishable  even  to  our  ear 
as  b  and  v,  k  and  German  (weak)  ch,  j)  and  ph,  t  and  th  (in  thin).  The 
Greeks  too  express  this  twofold  pronunciation  by  special  characters  : 
3  K,  3  X  J  S  "■'  ^  ^  '  '^  "^j  ^  ^-  ^^  ^^®  same  way  3  should  be  pronounced 
like  the  North  German  g  in  Tage,  Wagen,  and  T  like  th  in  the,  as 
distinguished  from  3  and  "1. 

For  more  precise  information  on  the  cases  in  which  the  one  or  the  other 
pronunciation  takes  place,  see  §  21.  The  modern  Jews  pronounce  the 
aspirated  3  as  r,  the  aspirated  T\  as  s,  e.g.  31  rav  (or  even  raf),  n^3  hais. 

The  customary  transcription  (used  also  in  this  Grammar)  of  the  spirants 
3    3    n  by  hh,  kh,  th  is  only  an  unsatisfactory  makeshift,  since  it  may  lead 

(esp.  in  the  case  of  hh  and  kh)  to  an  erroneous  conception  of  the  sounds  as 
real  aspirates,  h-h,  k-h. 

0      4.  According  to  their  special  character  the  consonants  are  divided 

into — 

(a)  Gutturals  n  y  n  N; 

(6)  Palatals  P  3  ^ ; 

(c)   Dentals  D  t3  T  ; 

{d)  Labials  B  3; 

(e)   Sibilants  5f  D  B'  tr  T; 

(/)  Sonants  ^1,  bl,  0  3. 

In  the  case  of  "1  its  hardest  pronunciation  as  a  palatal  (see  above, 
g,  end)  is  to  be  distinguished  from  its  more  unusual  sound  as  a  lingual, 
pronounced  in  the  front  of  the  mouth. 

On  the  twofold  pronunciation  of  r  in  Tiberias,  of.  Delitzsch,  Physiol,  und 
Musik,  Lpz.  1868,  p.  10  ff.;  Baer  and  Strack,  Dikduke  ha-famim,  Lpz.  1879, 
p.  5,  note  a,  and  §  7  of  the  Hebrew  text,  as  well  as  p.  82. 

p  In  accordance  with  E.  Sievers,  Metrische  Stvdien,  i.  1 4,  the  following 
scheme  of  the  Hebrew  phonetic  system  is  substituted  for  the  table 
formerly  given  in  this  grammar  : — 

i.  Throat  sounds  (Gutturals) :  N  n  J?  n . 


'  So  at  any  rate  at  the  time  when  the  present  punctuation  arose. 


§6q-s,'ja]  Pronunciation  and  Division  of  Consonants  35 


ii.  Mouth-sounds: 


w. 

m. 

e. 

P 

m. 

Palatal     2 

3 

3 

Dental    ^ 

n 

D 

1 

n 

Labial     3 

a 

n 

0 

T 

DtJ'K' 

X 

...      M 

i'n 

0  3 

Mutes  and 


2.  Sibilants: 

3.  Sonants  : 

Rem.  I.     The  meaning  of  the  letters  at  the  top  is,  w.  =  weak,  m.  =midtlle  (1 
hard,  e.  =  emphatic.     Consonants  which  are  produced  by  the  same  organ  of 
speech  are  called  homorganic  (e.g.  3  and  3  as  palatals),   consonants  whose 

sound  is   of  the  same  nature  homogeneous  (e.g.  1  and  "i  as  semi-vowels).     On 

their  homorganic  character  and  homogeneity  depends  the  possibility  of 
interchange,  whether  within  Hebrew  itself  or  with  the  kindred  dialects. 
In  such  cases  the  soft  sound  generally  interchanges  with  the  soft,  the  hard 
with  the  hard,  &c.  (e.g.  1=T,  n  =  tr,  tD  =  X).  Further  transitions  are  not, 
however,  excluded,  as  e.g.  the  interchange  of  n  and  p  (n  =  3=p).     Here  it  is 

of  importance  to  observe  whether  the  change  takes  place  in  an  initial, 
medial,  or  final  letter  ;  since  e.g.  the  change  in  a  letter  when  medial  does 
not  always  prove  the  possibility  of  the  change  when  initial.  That  in  certain 
cases  the  character  of  the  consonantal  sound  also  influences  the  preceding  or 
following  vowel  will  be  noticed  in  the  accidence  as  the  instances  occur. 

Rem.  2.  Very  probably  in  course  of  time  certain  nicer  distinctions  of  f 
pronunciation  became  moi-e  and  more  neglected  and  finally  were  lost.  Thus 
e.g.  the  stronger  y  'gt,  which  was  known  to  the  LXX  (see  above,  e),  became 
in  many  cases  altogether  lost  to  the  later  Jews ;  by  the  Samaritans 
and  Galileans  y  and  PI  were  pronounced  merely  as  K,  and  so  in  Ethiopic, 
y  like  N,  n  like  h,  ^  like  s. 

Rem.  3.    The  consonants  which  it  is  usual  to  describe  especially  as  weak,  S 
are  those  which  readily  coalesce  with  a  preceding  vowel  to  form  a  long  vowel, 
viz.  N,  1,  ■•  (as  to  n,  cf.  §  23  fc),  or  those  which  are  most  frequently  affected 

by  the  changes  described  in  §  19  b-l,  as  again  N,  ),  "",  and  3,  and  in  certain 

cases  n  and  7  ;  finally  the  gutturals  and  1  for  the  reason  given  in  §  22  &  and  q. 

§  7.  The  Vowels  in  General,  Vowel  Letters  and  Vowel  Signs. 

1.  The  original  vowels  in  Hebrew,  as  in  the  other  Semitic  tongues,  a 

are  a,  i,  u.     E  and  0  always  arise  from  an  obscuring  or  contraction 

of  these  three  pure  sounds,  viz.  e  by  modification  from  ?  or  a ;  short 

0  from  u]    e  by  contraction  from  ai  (properly  ay) ;   and  6  sometimes 

by  modification  (obscuring)  from  d,  sometimes  by  contraction  from  au 

(properly  axo)} 

In  Arabic  writing  there  are  vowel  signs  only  for  a,  i,  u ;  the  combined 
sounds  ay  and  aw  are  therefore  retained  uncontracted  and  pronounced  as 

diphthongs  (at  and  au),  e.  g.  tDitJ?  Arab,  saut,  and  D"'5"'y  Arab,  'ainain.     It  was 

'  In  proper  names  the  LXX  often  use  the  diphthongs  ai  and  av  where  the 
Hebrew  form  has  e  or  0.  It  is,  however,  very  doubtful  whether  the  al  and  av 
of  the  LXX  really  represent  the  true  pronunciation  of  Hebrew  of  that  time  ; 
see  the  instructive  statistics  given  by  Kittel  in  Haupt's  SBOT.,  on  1  Ch  i***". 

D  2 


36        The  Individual  Sounds  and  Characters     [§  7  b-d 

only  in  later  Arabic  that  they  became  in  pronunciation  e  and  6,  at  least  after 
weaker  or  softer  consonants;  cf.  p3  Arab,  hain,  6en,  Di*  Arab,  yaum,  yom. 
The  same  contraction  appears  also  in  other  languages,  e.g.  in  Greek  and 
Latin  {$avna,  Ionic  eai/xa;  plaustrum  =  plostrum),  in  the  French  pronunciation 
of  ai  and  au,  and  likewise  in  the  German  popular  dialects  (Oge  for  Auge,  &c.). 
Similarly,  the  obscuring  of  the  vowels  plays  a  part  in  various  languages  (cf. 
e.  g.  the  a  in  modern  Persian,  Swedish,  English,  &c.).* 

b  2.  The  partial  expression  of  the  vowels  by  certain  consonants 
(n,  1,  ';  k),  which  sufficed  during  the  lifetime  of  the  language,  and 
for  a  still  longer  period  afterwards  (cf.  §  i  k),  must  in  the  main  have 
passed  through  the  following  stages  ^ : — 

(a)  The  need  of  a  written  indication  of  the  vowel  first  made  itself 
felt  in  cases  where,  after  the  rejection  of  a  consonant,  or  of  an  entire 
syllable,  a  long  vowel  formed  the  final  sound  of  the  word.  The  first 
step  in  such  a  case  was  to  retain  the  original  final  consonant,  at  least 
as  a  vowel  letter,  i.  e.  merely  as  an  indication  of  a  final  vowel.  In 
point  of  fact  we  find  even  in  the  Old  Testament,  as  already  in  the 
Mesa'  inscription,  a  n  employed  in  this  way  (see  below)  as  an  indica- 
tion of  a  final  o.  From  this  it  was  only  a  step  to  the  employment 
of  the  same  consonant  to  indicate  also  other  vowels  when  final  (thus, 
e.g.  in  the  inflection  of  the  verbs  n'^b,  the  vowels  d,^  e,  e).  After  the 
employment  of  1  as  a  vowel  letter  for  6  and  4,  and  of  ■•  for  e  and  i, 
had  been  established  (see  below,  e)  these  consonants  were  also  em- 
ployed— although  not  consistently — for  the  same  vowels  at  the  end 
of  a  word. 

C  According  to  §  91  6  and  d,  the  suffix  of  the  3rd  sing.  masc.  in  the  noun  (as 
in  the  verb)  was  originally  pronounced  in.  But  in  the  places  where  this 
in  with  a  preceding  a  is  contracted  into  6  (after  the  rejection  of  the  n),  we 
find  the  H  still  frequently  retained  as  a  vowel  letter,  e.  g.  Tf)"^]},  nhlD  Gn  49", 
cf.  §  91  e  ;  so  throughout  the  MeSa'  inscription  nJOS,  nh^li  (also  nri3), 
nb3  na  rO  nbnnSn  ;  on  the  other  hand  already  in  the  Siloam  inscription 
^V"i  ,*  no""  Mesa',  1. 8  =  1"'D"'  his  days  is  unusual,  as  also  ntJH  1.  20  if  it  is  for  V^^l 
his  chiefs.  The  verbal  forms  with  n  suffixed  are  to  be  read  nOpH^l  (1.  6), 
nanoXI  (l.  12  f.)  and  nB'">3''1  (1.  19). 

d  As  an  example  of  the  original  consonant  being  retained,  we  might  also 
include  the  i  of  the  constr.  state  plur.  masc.  if  its  e  (according  to  §  89  d)  is 

^  In  Sanskrit,  in  the  Old  Persian  cuneiform,  and  in  Ethiopic,  short  a  alone 
of  all  the  vowels  is  not  represented,  but  the  consonant  by  itself  is  pronounced 
with  short  a. 

'  Cf.  especially  Stade,  Lehrb.  der  hebr.  Or.,  p.  34  ff. 

'  According  to  Stade,  the  employment  of  n  for  a  probably  took  place 
first  in  the   case  of  the   locative  accusatives  which   originally  ended   in 

n ,  as  nsiK,  nonp. 

*  The  form  lyT  contradicts  the  view  of  Oort,  Theol.  Tijds.,  1902,  p.  374,  that 
the  above  instances  from  the  MSia'-inscription  are  to  be  read  benhu,  bahu,  lahu, 
which  were  afterwards  vocalized  aa  beno,  bo,  to. 


§  7  ^./]         Vowel  Letters  and  Vowel  Signs  37 

contracted  from  an  original  ay.  Against  this,  however,  it  may  be  urged  that 
the  Phoenician  inscriptions  do  not  usually  express  this  e,  nor  any  other  final 
vowel.^ 

(6)  The  employment  of  1  to  denote  6,  H,  and  of  ^  to  denote  e,  i,  may  e 

have  resulted  from  those  cases  in  which  a  "I  with  a  preceding  a  was 

contracted  into  au  and  further  to  6,  or  with  a  preceding  u  coalesced 

into  4,  and  where  ^  with  a  has  been  contracted  into  ai  and  further 

to  e,  or  with  a  preceding  i  into  i  (cf.  §  24).   In  this  case  the  previously 

existing  consonants  were  retained  as  vowel  letters  and  were  further 

applied  at  the  end  of  the  word  to  denote  the  respective  long  vowels. 

Finally  N  also  will  iu  the  first  instance  have  established  itself  as 

a  vowel  letter  only  where  a  consonantal  N  with  a  preceding  a  had 

coalesced  into  d  or  d. 

The  orthography  of  the  Siloam  inscription  coiTesponds  almost  exactly  with    / 
the  above  assumptions.     Here  (as  in  the  M§la'  inscr,)  we  find  all  the  long ' 
vowels,  which  have  not  arisen  from  original  diphthongs,  without  vowel  letters, 

thus  K^N,  D3Vn,  f»''P  (or  IP»D)  ;   HbK,  bp,  ^bp,  "1??.     On  the  other  hand 

KJfiO  (from  mausa'),  1)]}  (from  'aud)  ;    JCD  also,  if  it  is  to  be  read  \\p''K),  is  an 

instance  of  the  retention  of  a  "•  which  has  coalesced  with  i  into  i.     Instances 

of  the  retention  of  an  originally  consonantal  K  as  a  vowel  letter  are  D^riNlO, 

KSiD,  and  iTp,  as  also  K'NH.     Otherwise  final  a  is  always  represented  by-"^ 

H:  ilDN    riM.  mT.  n3p3.    To  this  D*  alone  would  form  an  exception  (cf. 

however  the  note  on  DV,  §  96),  instead  of  Di*  (Arab,  yaum)  day,  which  one 

would  expect.  If  the  reading  be  correct,  this  is  to  be  regarded  as  an 
argument  that  a  consciousness  of  the  origin  of  many  long  vowels  was  lost 
at  an  early  period,  so  that  (at  least  in  the  middle  of  the  word)  the  vowel 
letters  were  omitted  in  places  where  they  should  stand,  according  to  what 
has  been  stated  above,  and  added  where  there  was  no  case  of  contraction. 
This  view  is  in  a  great  measure  confirmed  by  the  orthography  of  the  Mesa' 
inscription.  There  we  find,  as  might  be  expected,  pH  {  =  Daibon,  as  the 
Aai0wv  of  the  LXX  proves),  piin  (6  from  au),  and  r\h''ll  (e  from  ai),  but  also 
even  '«:jj^n^  instead  of  ^JJJB'Vl  (from  haus-),  3t}'K1  =  3''K'iX3,  n3  four  times, 
nha  once,  for  n""?  and  nh"!  (from  bait);  n^^  =  n^^^,  I^^H^  °^  P*?- 

^  Thus  there  occurs,  e.g.  in  Melit.  i,  1.  3  333B' =  132  ^pB*  the  two  sons; 
elsewhere  3  for  ^3  (but  ""J  in  the  MeSa'  and  Siloam  inscrr.),  T  for  iTf  (the 
latter  in  the  Siloam  inscr.),  n3n  =  ^133  (so  MeSa*)  or  '•JT'Sa,  &c.  Cf.  on 
the  other  hand  in  MSSa',  33K  =  03S  (unless  it  was  actually  pronounced  'anokh 
by  the  Moabites !).  As  final  o  is  represented  by  n  and  K  and  final  i  by  '', 
so  final  M  is  almost  everywhere  expressed  by  1  in  MeSa',  and  always  in  the 
Siloam  inscription.  It  is  indeed  not  impossible  that  Hebrew  orthography 
also  once  passed  through  a  period  in  which  the  final  vowels  were  left  always 
or  sometimes  undenoted,  and  that  not  a  few  strange  forms  in  the  present 
text  of  the  Bible  are  to  be  explained  from  the  fact  that  subsequently  the 
vowel  letters  (especially  1  and  ■•)  were  not  added  in  all  cases.  So  Chwolson^ 
'  Die  Quiescentia  ""in  in  der  althebr.Orthogr.,'  in  Travaux  du  Congres ..  .des  Orien- 
talistes,  Petersb.  1876  ;  cf.  numerous  instances  in  Ginsburg,  Introd.,  p.  146  ff. 

*  ^3i?{J'n  is  the  more  strange  since  the  name  of  king  yK'in  is  represented 
as  An  si'  in  cuneiform  as  late  as  728  b.c. 


^ 


38       The  Individual  Sounds  and  Characters     [§  7  g,  a 

g      (c)  In  the  present  state  of  Old  Testament  vocalization  as  it  appears 
in  the  Masoretic  text,  the  striving  after  a  certain  uniformity  cannot 
be    mistaken,  in   spite  of  the  inconsistencies  which  have  crept   in. 
Thus  the   final  long  vowel  is,   with  very  few  exceptions  (cf.  §  9  c£, 
and  the  very  doubtful  cases  in  §  8  k),  indicated  by  a  vowel  letter — 
and  almost  always  by  the  same  letter  in  certain  nominal  and  verbal 
endings.     In  many  cases  the  use  of  1  to  mark  an  6  or  'A,  arising  from 
contraction,  and  of  "•  for  e  or  i,  is  by  far  the  more  common,  while  we 
seldom   find   an  originally  consonantal   N  rejected,  and  the   simple 
phonetic  principle  taking  the  place  of  the  historical  orthography. 
On  the  other  hand  the  number  of  exceptions  is  very  great.     In  many 
cases  (as  e.g.  in  the  plural  endings  D^-^-  and  rt)  the  vowel  letters  are 
habitually   employed   to   express   long  vowels   which   do   not  arise 
through  contraction,  and  we  even  find  short  vowels  indicated.     The 
conclusion  is,  that  if  there  ever  was  a  period  of  Hebrew  writing  when 
the  application  of  fixed  laws  to  all  cases  was  intended,  either  these 
laws  were  not  consistently  carried  out  in  the  further  transmission  of 
the  text,  or  errors  and  confusion  afterwards  crept  into  it.     More- 
over much  remained  uncertain  even  in  texts  which  were  plentifully 
provided  with  vowel  letters.    For,  although  in  most  cases  the  context 
was  a  guide  to  the  correct  reading,  yet  there  were  also  cases  where, 
of  the  many  possible  ways  of  pronouncing  a  word,  more  than  one 
appeared  admissible.* 
//      3.  When  the  language  had  died  out,  the  ambiguity  of  such  a  writing 
mufct  have  been  found  continually  more  troublesome  ;    and  as  there 
was  thus  a  danger  that  the  correct  pronunciation  might  be  finally 
lost,  the  vowel  signs  or  vowel  points  were  invented  in  order  to  fix  it. 
By  means  of  these  points  everything  hitherto  left  uncertain  was  most 
accurately  settled.     It  is  trr.e  that  there  is  no  historical  account 
of   the  date   of  this  vocalization  of  the  O.  T.  text,  yet  we  may  at 
least  infer,  from  a  comparison  of  other  historical  facts,  that  it  was 
gradually  developed  by  Jewish  grammarians  in  the  sixth  and  seventh 
centuries  a.d.  under  the  influence  of  different  Schools,  traces  of  which 
have  been   preserved  to  the  present  time  in  various  differences  of 
ti  adition.^    They  mainly  followed,  though  with  independent  regard  to 

1  Thus  e.  g.  PDp  can  be  read  qatal,  qaial,  qatol,  (ftol,  qotel,  qiftel,  qatfel,  quttal, 
qifel,  and  several  of  these  forms  have  also  different  senses. 

'  The  most  important  of  these  differences  are,  (a)  those  between  the 
Orientals,  1.  e.  the  scholars  of  the  Babylonian  Schools,  and  the  Occidentals, 
i.  e.  the  scholars  of  Palestine  (Tiberias,  &c.) ;  cf.  Ginsburg,  Introd.,  p.  197  ff. ; 
(6)  amongst  the  Occidentals,  between  Ben-Naphtali  and  Ben-Asher,  who 
flourished  in  the  first  half  of  the  tenth  century  at  Tiberias ;  cf.  Ginsburg, 
Introd.,  p.  241  fif.    Both  sets  of  variants  are  given  by  Baer  in  the  appendices 


§§  7 ».  8]        Vowel  Letters  and  Vowel  Signs  39 

the  peculiar  nature  of  the  Hebrew,  the  example  and  pattern  of  the 

older  Syrian  punctuation.' 

See  Gesenius,  Gesch.  d.  hebr.  Spr.,  p.  182  ff.  ;  Hupfeld,  in  Theol.  Studien  u. 
Kritiken,  1830,  pt.  iii,  who  shows  that  neither  Jerome  nor  the  Talmud 
mentions  vowel  signs  ;  Berliner,  Beitrage  sur  hebr.  Gramm.  im  Talm.  u.  Mulraschy 
p.  26  ff.  ;  and  B.  Pick,  in  Hebraica,  i,  3,  p.  153  ff.  ;  Abr.  Qeiger,  '  Zur  Nakdanim- 
[Punctuators-]Literatur,'  in  Jiid.  Ztschr.  filr  Wissensch.  u.  Leben,  x.  Breslau, 
1872,  p.  10  ff.  ;  H.  Strack,  Prolegomena  critica  in  Vet.  Test.  Hebr.,  Lips.  1873  ; 
'  Beitrag  zur  Gesch.  des  hebr.  Bibeltextes,'  in  Theol.  Stud.  u.  Krit.,  1875,  p.  736  ff, 
as  also  in  the  Ztschr./.  die  ges.  luth.  Theol.  u.  K.,  1875,  p.  619  ff. ;  '  Massorah,'  in 
tlie  Protest.  Real.-Enc.^,  xii.  393  ff.  (a  good  outline)  ;  A.  Merx,  in  the  Verhand- 
lungen  des  Orienialistenkongresses  zu  Berlin,  i.  Berlin,  1881,  p.  164  ff.  and  p.  188  ff. ; 
H.  Graetz,  'Die  Anfange  der  Vokalzeichen  im  Hebr.,'  in  Monatsschr.  f.  Gesch. 
M.  Wissensch.  d.  Judenth.,  1881,  pp.  348  ff.  and  395  ff. ;  Hersmann,  Zur  Gesch.  des 
Streites  iiber  die  Entsiehung  der  hebr.  Punktation,  Kuhrort,  1885  ;  Harris,  'The 
Rise ...  of  the  Massorah,'  JQR.  i.  1889,  p.  1 28  ff.  and  p.  223  ff. ;  Mayer-Lambert, 
REJ.  xxvi.  1893,  p.  274  ff. ;  J.  Bachrach,  Das  Alter  d.  bibl.  Vocalisation  u.  Accen- 
tuation, 2  pts.  Warsaw,  1897,  and  esp.  Ginsburg,  Inirod.  (see  §  3  c),  p.  287  ff.  ; 
Budde,  'Zur  Gesch.  d.  Tiberiens.  Vokalisation,'  in  Orient.  Stitdien  zu  Ehren 
Th.  Noldekes,  i.  1906,  651  ff.  ;  Bacher,  '  Diakrit.  Zeichen  in  vormasoret.  Zeit,' 
in  ZAW.  1907,  p.  285  ;  C.  Levias,  art.  'Vocalization,'  in  the  Jewish  Encycl. — 
On  the  hypothesis  of  the  origin  of  punctuation  in  the  Jewish  schools  for 
children,  cf.  J.  Derenbourg  in  the  Rev.  Crit.,  xiii.  1879,  no.  25. 

4.  To  complete  the  histoi-ical  vocalization  of  the  consonantal  text  i 
a  phonetic  system  was  devised,  so  exact  as  to  show  all  vowel-changes 
occasioned  by  lengthening  of  words,  by  the  tone,  by  gutturals,  &c., 
which  in  other  languages  are  seldom  indicated  in  writing.  The  pro- 
nunciation followed  is  in  the  main  that  of  the  Palestinian  Jews  of 
about  the  sixth  century  A.D.,  as  observed  in  the  solemn  reading  of  the 
sacred  writings  in  synagogue  and  school,  but  based  on  a  much  older 
tradition.  That  the  real  pronunciation  of  early  Hebrew  is  consistently 
preserved  by  this  tradition,  has  recently  been  seriously  questioned  on 
good  grounds,  especially  in  view  of  the  transcription  of  proper  names 
in  the  LXX.  Nevertheless  in  many  caseSj  internal  reasons,  as  well  as 
the  analogy  of  the  kindred  languages,  testify  in  a  high  degree  to  the 
faithfulness  of  the  tradition.  At  the  same  recension  of  the  text,  or 
soon  after,  the  various  other  signs  for  reading  (§§  11-14,  16)  were 
added,  and  Ihe  accents  (§  15). 

§  8.    The  Voivel  Signs  in  particular. 

P.  Haupt,  '  The  names  of  the  Hebrew  vowels,'  JAOS.  xxii,  and  in  the  Johns 
Hopkins  Semitic  Papers,  Newhaven,  J  901,  p.  7  ff.  ;  C.  Levias  in  the  Hebr.  Union 
Coll.  Annual,  Cincinnati,  1904,  p.  138  ft". 

to  his  critical  editions.  Our  printed  editions  present  uniformly  the  text  of 
Ben-Asher,  with  the  exception  of  a  few  isolated  readings  of  Ben-Naphtali, 
and  of  numerous  later  corruptions. 

1  See  Geiger,  'Massorah  bei  d.  Syrern,'  in  ZDMG.  1873,  p.  148  ff. ;  J.  P. 
Martin,  Hist,  de  la ponctuation  ou  de  la  Massore  chez  les  Sjfi-iens,  Par.  1875  ;  E.  Nestle, 
in  ZDMG.  1876,  p.  525  ff. ;  Wsingarten,  Die  syr.  Massora  nach  Bar  Hebraeus, 
Halle,  1887. 


40         The  Individual  Sounds  and  Characters       [§  8  a 

Preliminary  Remark. 

The  next  two  sections  (§§  8  and  9)  have  been  severely  criticized  (Philippi, 
ThLZ.  1897,  no.  2)  for  assigning  a  definite  quantity  to  each  of  the  several 
vowels,  whereas  in  reality  ___    ___^  _:_  are  merely  signs  for  a,  e,  0:  'whether 

these  are  long  or  short  is  not  shown  by  the  signs  themselves  but  must  be 
inferred  from  the  rules  for  the  pause  which  marks  the  breaks  in  continuous 
narrative,  or  from  other  circumstances.'  But  in  the  twenty-fourth  and  sub- 
sequent German  editions  of  this  Grammar,  in  the  last  note  on  §  8  a  [English 
ed.  p.  38,  note  4],  it  was  stated  :  'it  must  be  mentioned  that  the  Masoretes 
are  not  concerned  with  any  distinction  between  long  and  short  vowels,  or  in 
general  with  any  question  Of  quantity.  Their  efforts  are  directed  to  fixing 
the  received  pronunciation  as  faithfully  as  possible,  by  means  of  writing. 

For  a  long  time  only  D'^Dplp  nVDB'  seven  kings  were  reckoned  (vox  memor.  in 

Elias  Levita  ^n*?X  1t2N*1),  Sureq  and  Qibbus  being  counted  as  one  vowel. 

The  division  of  the  vowels  in  respect  of  quantity  is  a  later  attempt  at  a 
scientific  conception  of  the  phonetic  system,  which  was  not  invented  but 
only  represented  by  the  Masoretes  (Qimchi,  Mikhlol,  ed.  Rittenb.  136  a, 
distinguishes  the  five  long  as  mothers  from  their  five  daughters).' 

I  have  therefore  long  shared  the  opinion  that  'the  vowel-system  repre- 
sented by  the  ordinary  punctuation  (of  Tiberias)  was  primarily  intended  to 
mark  only  differences  of  quality'  (Sievers,  Metrische  Siudien,  i.  17).  There  is, 
liowever,  of  course  a  further  question  how  far  these  '  later '  grammarians 
were  mistaken  in  assigning  a  particular  quantity  to  the  vowels  represented 
by  particular  signs.  In  Philippi's  opinion  they  were  mistaken  (excluding  of 
course  i,  e,  6  when  written  plene)  in  a  very  great  number  of  cases,  since  not 

only  does  stand,  according  to  circumstances,  for  d  or  a,  and  ___  for  S  or  a, 

but  also  __  for  e  or  e,  and  _:_  for  0  or  0,  e.  g.  133  and  fop^  out  of  pause  kdbed, 
qaSn  (form  PDp),  but  in  pause  kabed,  qaton. 

I  readily  admit,  with  regard  to  Qames  and  S'gol,  that  the  account  formerly 
given  in  §  8  f.  was  open  to  misconstruction.  With  regard  to  Sere  and  Holem, 
however,  I  can  only  follow  Philippi  so  long  as  his  view  does  not  conflict  with 
the  (to  me  inviolable)  law  of  a  long  vowel  in  an  open  syllable  before  the  tone 
and  (except  Pathah)  in  a  final  syllable  with  the  tone.  To  me  n|}3  =  fca6^cf, 
&c.,  is  as  impossible  as  e.g.  2i)}  =  'inab  or  'i\'\2  =  bdrakh,  in  spite  of  the  analogy 

cited  by  Sievers  (p.  18,  note  i)  that  'in  old  German  e.g.  original  t  and  u 
often  pass  into  I  and  0  dialectical! y,  while  remaining  in  a  closed  syllable. 

a  1-  The  full  vowels  (in  contrtist  to  the  half-vowels  or  vowel  trills, 
§  10  a-f),  classified  according  to  the  three  principal  vowel  sounds 
(§  7  a),  are  as  follows : — 

First  Class.     A- sound. 
'  I,  __  '  Qdmes  denotes  either  a,  d,  more  strictly  &  (the  obscure 
Swedish  a)  and  a,^  as   T^  yad  (hand),  D'K'K"!  ra'ma 
.    \  (heads),  or  h,  (in  future  transcribed  as  0),  called  Qdmes 

hdtilph,  i.e.  hurried  Qames.     The  latter  occurs  almost 
exclusively  as  a  modification  of  u;  of.  c  and  §  9  w. 
\  2.  -^  Fdthdh,  a,  HS  bath  (daughter). 

*  In  early  MSS.  the  sign  for  Qames  is  a  stroke  with  a  point  underneath,  i.  e. 
according  to  Nestle's  discovery  {ZDMG.  1892,  p.  411  f.),  Pathah  with  i/oton,  the 
latter  suggesting  the  obscure  pronunciation  of  Qames  as  3.  Cf.  also  Ginsburg, 
Introd.,  p.  609. 

*  Instead   of  the  no  doubt   more   accurate  transcription  a,  a  we  have 


§8*,  c]  The  Vowel  Signs  in  particular  41 

Also   3,  -^  S^gol,  an  open  e,  e  (<?  or  a),  as  a  modification  of  a,'  either 
in  an  untoned  closed  syllable,  as  in  the  first  syllable  of  D^l*  yddkhem 
(your  hand)  from  yddkhem — or  in  a  tone-syllable  as  in  HpQ  pesah ; 
I  cf.  Trao^a,  and  on  the  really  monosyllabic  character  of  such  forma- 

tions, see  §  28  e.  But  S^gdl  in  an  open  tone-syllable  with  a  following 
^  as  in  n3v3  gHend  (cf.  §  75/),  TIJ  V^dekhd  (cf.  §  91  i),  is  due 
to  contraction  from  ay. 

Second  Class.     I-  and  E-sounds. 
''-r-  Hireq  with  yod,  almost  always  i,  as  P'''^??  saddtq  (righteous).  J) 
-r-  either  t  (see  below,   i),  as  D^p"^??  saddiqim,  only  ortho- 
graphically  different  from  D^^^^f  (Dpn2f),— or  ?,  as  ipl^f 
stc^go  (his  righteousness). 
'__  Sert  or  ^ere  with  yod  =  e,  e.g.  iri^3  6e<^o  (his  house). 
-^  either  e,  but  rarely  (see  below,  i),  or  e  as  CB'  sew  (name). 
Sere  can  only  be  e,  in  my  opinion,  in  few  cases,  such  as 
I  those  mentioned  in  §  2  9  /. 

^j-  S^gol,  a,  a  modification  of  I,  e.g.  ''V?^'  Aa/«t  (ground-form 
^!/?)  >  '1?'  ^(^^  (ground-form  sm). 
r/nVd  Class.     U-  and  0-sounds. 
^  Silreq,  usually  -A,  HID  milth  (to  die),  rarely  it.  C 

-:^  QibhUs,  either  u,  e.g.  D?p  sulldm  (ladder),  or  il,  e.g.  ^J^p 
g-wmw  (rise  up),  instead  of  the  usual  ID^p. 
S  and  -^  Holem,  6  and  J,  b^p  qol  (voice),  3T  ro6/t  (multitude). 
Often  also  a  defective  -—  for  6 ;  rarely  ^  for  o. 
On  the  question  whether  -:_  under  some  circumstances 
represents  6,  see  §  93  ^. 
-J-  On  Qdmes  hdtdph  =  0,  generally  modified  from  u,  as  "PC 
hoq  (statute),  see  above,  a. 

retained  d,  d  in  this  grammar,  as  being  typographically  simpler  and  not 
liable  to  any  misunderstanding.  For  Qames  hatuph,  in  the  previous  German 
edition  expressed  by  a,  we  have,  after  careful  consideration,  returned  to  0 
The  use  of  the  same  sign  for  a  (oj  and  a,  shows  that  the  Massoretes  did 

not  intend  to  draw  a  sharp  distinction  between  them.  We  must  not,  how- 
ever, regard  the  Jewish  grammarians  as  making  a  merely  idle  distinction 
between  Qdmes  rahdb,  or  broad  Qames,  and  Qdmes  hatuph,  or  light  Qames.  It 
is  quite  impossible  that  in  the  living  language  an  d  lengthened  from  a,  as  in 
ddbdr,  should  have  been  indistinguishable  from  e.g.  the  last  vowel  in  3B'*1 

or  the  first  in  D^K'lp. — The  notation  a,  e,  6  expresses  here  the  vowels  essen- 
tially long,  either  naturally  or  by  contraction  ;  the  notation  d,  e,  6  those 
lengthened  only  by  the  tone,  and  therefore  changeable ;  a,  S,  0  the  short 
vowels.  As  regards  the  others,  the  distinction  into  *  and  J,  it  and  u  is 
sufficient ;  see  §  9. — The  mark  '  stands  in  the  following  pages  over  the  tone- 
syllable,  whenever  this  is  not  the  last,  as  is  usual,  but  the  penultimate 
Byllable  of  the  word,  e.  g.  2p\ 
'  These  S'gois,  modified  from  o,  are  very  frequent  in  the  language,     Tho 


0 


42         The  Individual  Sounds  and  Characters    [§  8  d-g 

u      The  names  of  the  vowels  are  mostly  taken  from  the  form  and  action  of  the 

<  < 

mouth  in  producing  the  various  sounds,  as  nriSI  opening ;  '•IX  a  wide  parting 

(of  the  mouth),  also  1I1K'  (  =  ^)  breaking,  parting  (cf.  the  Arab,  kasr) ;  p')^n 
(also  p'ln)  naiYOw  opening ;  u?\n  closing,  according  to  others  fullness,  i.  e.  of 
the  mouth  (also  D12  XPD  '  fullness  of  the  mouth).  y^P  ^  ^^so  denotes  a  slighter, 
as  p'l/lty  and  p2p  (also  D^S  p3p)  a  firmer,  compression  or  contraction  of 
the  mouth.  S'gOl  (?i3D  bunch  of  grapes)  takes  its  name  from  its  form.  So 
n^TpJ  ^b^  {three  points)  is  another  name  for  Qihbus. 
e  Moreover  the  names  were  mostly  so  formed  (but  only  later),  that  the 
sound  of  each  vowel  is  heard  in  the  first  syllable  (J^Cp  for  yop,  riHS  for 
nnS ,  ^"lif  for  t^Jf) ;  in  order  to  carry  this  out  consistently  some  even  write 
Sdgol,  Qomes-hatuf,  Qiibbus. 

J  2.  As  the  above  examples  show,  the  vowel  sign  stands  regularly 
under  the  consonant,  after  which  it  is  to  be  pronounced,  "J  m,  1  rd, 
1  re,  "3  rw,  &c.  The  Pathah  called  furtivum  (§  22/)  alone  forms  an 
exception  to  this  rule,  being  pronounced  before  the  consonant,  D'"^  rvP^h 
(wind,  spirit).  The  Holem  (without  wduo)  stands  on  the  left  above  the 
consonant;  ^  ro  (but  ^  =  Zd).  If  K,  as  a  vowel  letter,  follows  a  conso- 
nant which  is  to  be  pronounced  with  0,  the  point  is  placed  over  its 
right  arm,  thus  N3,  B'Ni ;  but  e.g.  DN3,  since  N  here  begins  a  syllable. 

^  No  dot  is  used  for  the  Holem  when  0  (of  course  without  loaw)  is  pro- 
nounced after  sUn  or  before  sin.  Hence  Kp'B'  ions  (hating),  NtJ'i  w*io  (to  bear), 
n^D  moU  (not  nB'b)  ;  but  ICB'  'iomer  (a  watchman).  When  0  precedes  the 
iin,  the  dot  is  placed  over  its  right  arm,  e.g.  b'B"]*  yirpb§  (he  treads  with  the 
feet),  D^xb'iin  hannos^im  (those  who  carry). 

In  the  sign  i,  the  1  may  also  be  a  consonant.  The  i  is  then  either  to  be 
I'ead  6w  (necessarily  so  when  .a  consonant  otherwise  without  a  vowel  precedes, 
e.  g.  np  lowe,  lending)  or  wo,  when  a  vowel  already  precedes  the  "I,  e.  g.  py 
'dwon  (iniquity)  for  jiiy.  In  more  exact  printing,  a  distinction  is  at  least 
made  between  \  {wo)  and  "i  (i.  e.  either  0  or,  when  another  vowel  follows  the 
waw,  610  '). 

Babylonian  punctuation  (see  §  8  gr,  note  1)  has  only  one  sign  for  it  and  tone- 
bearing  Pathah  ;  see  also  Gaster,  'Die  Unterschiedslosigkeit  zwischen  Pathach 
u.  Segol,'  in  ZAW.  1894,  p.  60  ff. 

'  On  the  erroneous  use  of  the  term  melo  pum,  only  in  Germany,  for  sureq 
(hence  also  pronounced  melu  pum  to  indicate  u),  see  E.  Nestle,  ZDMG.  1904, 
p.  597  ff.  ;  Bacher,  ibid.,  p.  799  ff.,  Melopum  ;  Simonsen,  ibid.,  p.  807  ff. 

2  The  usual  spelling  ^Ipp  and   nTlS  takes  the  words  certainly  rightly  as 

Hebrew  substantives;  according  to  De  Lagarde  {Gott.  gel.  Am.  1886,  p.  873, 
and  so  previously  Luzzatto),  fOp  and  nriQ  are  rather  Aram,  participles,  like 

Dages,  &c.,  and  consequently  to  be  transliterated  QcUmx  and  Pdtka/i. 

'  Since  1 846  we  have  become  acquainted  with  asystem  of  vocalization  different 
in  many  respects  from  the  common  method.  The  vowel  signs,  all  except  ^^ 
are  there  placed  above  the  consonants,  and  differ  almost  throughout  in  form, 


§  8  A]  The  Vowel  Signs  m  particular  43 

3.  The  vowels  of  the  first  class  are,  with  the  exception  of  ""^^  in  h 
the  middle  and  n___j  K_.j  n__  at  the  end  of  the  word  (§  9  a-d,f), 
represented  onlt/  by  vowel  signs,  but  the  long  vowels  of  the  I-  and 
U-class  largely  by  vowel  letters.  The  vowel  sound  to  which  the  letter 


and  some  even  as  regards  the  sound  which  they  denote:  -^-  =  d,  a,  -ii--tone- 
hearing  a  and  e,  -^  =e,e,-^  =  i,\^  -^  =  6,  o,  _1_  or  ^  =  m.  In  an  unsharpened 
syllable  -^-  =  toneless  a,  and  e,  and  also  Hateph  Pathah  ;  -=_  =  toneless  6  and 
Hateph  S^ghol ;  ^  =  i,  J±- =u,  -^  =  6,  and  Hateph  Qames.  Lastly  in  tone- 
less syllables  before  DageS,  -^  =a,  -H-  =J  _z_  =i  -i_  =  M  J2--=a.    §*wa  is  ^^ 

The  accents  differ  less  and  stand  in  some  cases  under  the  line  of  the  consonants. 
Besides  this  complicated  system  of  theCodex  Babylonicus  (see  below)and  other 
MSS.,  there  is  a  simpler  one,  used  in  Targums.  It  is  still  uncertain  whether  the 
latter  is  the  foundation  of  the  former  (as  Merx,  Cfirest.  Targ.  xi,  and  Bacher, 
ZDMG.  1895,  p.  15  ff.),  or  is  a  later  development  of  it  among  the  Jews  of  South 
Arabia  (as  Praetorius,  ZDMG.  1899,  p.  181  ff.).  For  the  older  literature  on 
this  Babylonian  punctuation  (vD2  1^153),  as  it  is  called,  see  A.  Harkavy  and 

H.  L.  Strack,  Katalog  der  hebr.  Bibelhandschr.  der  Kaiserl.  offentl.  Bibliothek  su 
St.  Petersb.,  St.  Petersb.  and  Lpz.,  1875,  parts  i  and  ii,  p,  223  ff.  A  more 
thorough  study  of  the  system  was  made  possible  by  H.  Strack's  facsimile 
edition  o{  the  Prophetarum postetiorum  codex  Babylonicus  Petropolitanus  (St.  Petersb., 
1876,  la.  fol.)  of  the  year  916,  which  Firkowitsch  discovered  in  1839,  in  the 
synagogue  at  Tschufutkale  in  the  Crimea.  The  MS.  has  been  shown  by 
Ginsburg  {Recueil  des  travaux  rediges  en  memoire  .  . .  de  Chwolson,  Berlin,  1899, 
p.  149,  and  Introd.,  pp.  216  ff.,  475  f.)  to  contain  a  recension  of  the  Biblical  text 
partly  Babylonian  and  partly  Palestinian ;  cf.  also  Barnstein,  The  Targum  of 
Onkelos  to  Genesis,  London,  1896,  p.  6  f.  Strack  edited  a  fragment  of  it  in  Hosea 
et  Joel  prophetae  ad  Jidem  cod.  Babylon.  Petrop.,  St.  Petersb.  1875.  Cf.  also  the 
publication  by  A.  Merx,  quoted  above,  §  7  A,  and  his  Chrestomathia  Targumica, 
Berlin,  1888;  G.  Margoliouth,  in  the  PSBA.  xv.  4,  and  M.  Gaster,  ibid.; 
P.  Kahle,  Der  masoret.  Text  des  A.  T.  nach  d.  ijberlief.  der  babyl.  Juden,  Lpz.  1902, 
with  the  valuable  review  by  Rahlfs  in  GOA.  1903,  no.  5  ;  Nestle,  ZDMG.  1905, 
p.  719  (Babylonian -i^=y.  According  to  the  opinion  formerly  pi-evailing, 
this  Babylonian  punctuation  exhibits  the  system  which  was  developed  in  the 
Eastern  schools,  corresponding  to  and  contemporaneous  with  the  Western  or 
Tiberian  system,  although  a  higher  degree  of  originality,  or  approximation 
to  the  original  of  both  systems  of  punctuation,  was  generally  conceded  to  the 
latter.  Recently,  however,  Wickes,  Accents  of  the  Twenty-one  Books,  Oxford, 
1887,  p.  142  ff,  has  endeavoured  to  show,  from  the  accents,  that  the 
'  Babylonian  '  punctuation  may  certainly  be  an  Oriental,  but  is  by  no  means 
the  Oriental  system.  It  is  rather  to  be  regarded,  according  to  him,  as  a  later 
and  not  altogether  successful  attempt  to  modify,  and  tlius  to  simplify,  the 
system  common  to  all  the  Schools  in  the  East  and  West.  Strack,  Wiss. 
Jahresb.  der  ZDMG.  1879,  p.  124,  established  the  probability  that  the  vowels 
of  the  superlinear  punctuation  arose  under  Arab  influence  from  the  vowel 
letters  NV  (so  previously  Pinsker  and  Graetz),  while  the  Tiberian  system 
shows  Syrian  influence. 

A  third,  widely  different  system  (Palestinian),  probably  the  basis  of  the 
other  two,  is  described  by  A.  Neubauer,  JQE,  vii.  1895,  p.  361  ff.,  and 
Friedlander,  ibid.,  p.  564  ff.,  and  PSBA.  1896,  p.  86  ff.  ;  C.  Levias,  Journ.  of 
Sem.  Lang,  and  Lit.,  xv.  p.  157  ff.  ;  and  esp.  P.  Kahle,  Beitr.  zu  der  Gesch. 
der  hebr.  Punktation,'  in  ZAW.  1901,  p.  273  ff.  and  in  Der  masoret.  Text  des  A.  T. 
(see  above),  chiefly  dealing  with  the  Berlin  MS.  Or.  qu.  680,  which  contains 
a  number  of  variants  on  the  biblical  text,  and  frequently  agrees  with  tlie 
transcriptions  of  the  LXX  and  Jerome. 


44         'J^he  Iridividual  Sounds  and  Characters    [§  8  i-n» 

points  is  determined  more  precisely  by  the  vowel  sign  standing  before, 
above,  or  within  it.     Thus — 

1  may  be  combined  with  HirSq,  Sere,  S^gdl  C-^,  ''.^^  ''—.). 

1  with  Siireq  and  Holem  (^  and  i).^ 

In  Arabic  the  long  a  also  is  regularly  expressed  by  a  vowel  letter,  viz.  ^AUph 
(N-__),  so  that  in  that  language  three  vowel  letters  correspond  to  the  three 

vowel  classes.     In  Hebrew  K  is  rarely  used  as  a  vowel  letter ;   see  §  9  6 
and  §  23  g. 

I  4.  The  omission  of  the  vowel  letters  when  writing  ?,  H,  e,  6  is  called 
scriptio  defectiva  in  contrast  to  scriptio  plena,  p'^p,  Dip  are  written 
plene,   fvp,  Dp  defective. 

Cf.  Bardowitz,  Studien  sur  Gesch.  der  Orthogr.  im  Althehr.,  1894;  Lidzbarski, 
Ephem.,  i.  182,  275  ;  Marmorstein, '  Midrasch  der  voUen  u.  defekt.  Schreibung,' 
in  ZAW.  1907,  p.  33  flf. 

k  So  far  as  the  choice  of  the  full  or  defective  mode  of  writing  is  con- 
cerned, there  are  certainly  some  cases  in  which  only  the  one  or  the 
other  is  admissible,  Thus  the  full  form  is  necessary  at  the  end  of  the 
word,  for  -A,  6,  o,  i,  e,  e,  as  well  as  for  e  in  7)}h  &c.  (§9/),  also  generally 
with  d,  a  (cf.  however  §  9  d),  e.g.  I^LSp,  'r\bo\>,  "•T,  ^^^D.  (But  the 
Masora  requires  in  Jer  26®,  44^;  Ezr6'^';  2  Ch32^^  ."lia  instead  of  V.^a ; 
Zp  2'  ^ia  [perhaps  an  error  due  to  the  following  ■•]  for  ^^13;  Is  40^^  .IPl 
[followed  by  ^J  for  \-ipl ;  JeraS''  .".i^a  for  V.ib.)  On  the  other  hand  the 
defective  writing  is  common  when  the  letter,  which  would  have  to  be 
employed  as  a  vowel  letter,  immediately  precedes  as  a  strong  consonant, 
e.g.  D^^a  {nations)  for  D''^i3,  nIVO  {commandments)  for  nilXO. 

/  That  much  is  here  arbitrary  (see  §  7  g),  follows  from  the  fact  that  sometimes 
the  same  word  is  written  very  differently,  e.g.  ^niD'pH  Ez  i6«" :  ^nbpHand  also 
^riiOpri  Jer  23*  ;  cf.  §  25  b.     Only  it  may  be  observed, 

(a)  That  the  scriptio  plena  in  two  successive  syllables  was  generally 
avoided;   cf.  e.g.  «'33  but  D^N33;   p^-^Jf,  but  D^p"^y ;    bSp,  r\\b\>  ■    J/B^.^; 

(b)  That  in  the  later  Books  of  the  0.  T.  (and  regularly  in  post-biblical 
Hebrew)  the  full  form,  in  the  earlier  the  defective,  is  more  usual. 

m  5.  In  the  cognate  dialects,  when  a  vowel  precedes  a  vowel-letter 
which  is  not  kindred  (heterogeneous),  e.g.  1-^,  ^^^y  V__,  ''__,  ^__, 
a  diphthong  {au,  ai)^  is  formed  if  the  heterogeneous  vowel  be  a.  This 
is  also  to  be  regarded  as  the  Old  Hebrew  pronunciation,  since   it 

*  After  the  example  of  the  Jewish  grammarians  the  expression,  'the  vowel 
letter  rests  {quiescee)  in  the  vowel-sign,'  has  become  customary.  On  the  other 
hand,  the  vowel  letters  are  also  called  by  the  grammarians,  matres  lectionis  or 
supports  (fulcra). 

'  Cf.  T.  C.  Foote,  The  diphthong  ai  in  Hebrew  (Johns  Hopkins  Univ.  Circulars, 
June,  1903,  p.  70  £f.). 


§  9  a-c]  The  Vowel  Signs  in  particular  45 

agrees  with  the  vocalic  character  of  1  and  *  (§  5  6,  note  2).  Thus  such 
words  as  11,  '•n,  ''^3,  ^Vb'Vj  13 ^  n^2  are  not  to  be  pronounced  according  to 
the  usual  Jewish  custom  ^  as  vdv,  hay,  gdy,  'asHy,  gev,  hayith  (or 
even  as  vaf,  &c. ;  cf.  ruodern  Greek  av  af,  ev  ef  for  av,  cv),  but  with  the 
Italian  Jews  more  like  wdu,  hat,  &c.  The  sound  of  V—-  is  the  same 
as  1^^,  i.e.  almost  like  du,  so  that  1-:^  is  often  written  defectively 
for  IV- 

§  9.    Character  of  the  several  Vowels. 

Numerous  as  are  the  vowel  signs  in  Hebrew  writing,  they  are  yet  a 
not  fully  adequate  to  express  all  the  various  modifications  of  the  vowel 
sounds,  especially  with  respect  to  length  and  shortness.  To  understand 
this  better  a  short  explanation  of  the  character  and  value  of  the  several 
vowels  is  required,  especially  in  regard  to  their  length  and  shortness 
as  well  as  to  their  changeableness  (§§  25,  27). 

I.     First  Class.    A-sound. 

1.  Qames  (-.^),  when  it  represents  a  long  a,  is,  by  nature  and  origin, 
of  two  kinds  : — 

(i)  The  essentially  long  d  (in  Arabic  regularly  written  N-^^),  which 
is  not  readily  shortened  and  never  wholly  dropped  (§25  c),  e.g.  3Jn3 
l<fithdbh  (writing);  very  seldom  with  a  following  N,  as  K'KT  2  Si2''* 
(see  the  examples  in  §  72  p)."^ 

The  writing  of  DKp  Ho  10^*  for  Dp  would  only  be  justifiable,  if  the  a  O 
of  this  form  were   to   be   explained  as  a  contraction   of  aa  ;   cf.  however 
§  72  a;  JN"!!  Neh  13I*  for  J"*!  {dag)  is  certainly  incorrect. — The  rarity  of  the 

d  in  Hebrew  arises  from  the  fact  that  it  has  for  the  most  part  become  an 
obtuse  6  ;  see  below,  q. 

(2)-«,  lengthened  only  by  position  (i.e.  tone-long  or  at  all  events  C 
lengthened  under  the  influence  of  the  tone,  according  to  the  laws 
for  the  formation  of  syllables,  §  27  e-h),  either  in  the  tone-syllable 
itself  (or  in  the  secondary  tone-syllable  indicated  by  Metheg,  see 
below),  or  just  before  or  after  it.  This  sound  is  invariably  lengthened 
from  an  original  a,*  and  is  found  in  open  syllables,  i.  e.  syllables  ending 
in  a  vowel  (§266),  e.g.  ^S,  7^^,  D^pJ,  T'DK  (Arab.  Idkd,  qdtdld, 
ydqUmu,  'dstru),  as  well  as  in  closed  syllables,  i.e.  those  ending  in 

^  In  MSS.  1  and  ^  in  such  combinations  as  \3  *n  are  even  marked  with 
Mappiq  (§  14  a). 

*  Of  a  different  kind  are  the  cases  in  which  N  has  lost  its  consonantal 
sound  by  coalescing  with  a  preceding  a,  §  23  a-d. 

'  In  Arabic  this  a  is  always  retained  in  an  open  syllable. 


46         The  Individual  Sounds  and  Characters    [§  9  d~f 

a  consonant,  as  1J,  2?i3  (vulgar  Arab,  ydd,  kaukdb).  In  a  closed  syllable, 
however,  it  can  only  stand  when  this  has  the  tone,">5"1,  D^iV;  whereas 
in  an  open  syllable  it  is  especially  frequent  before  the  tone,  e.g.  ■^2"|J, 
I^T,  03^.  Where  the  tone  is  moved  forward  or  weakened  (as  happens 
most  commonly  in  what  is  called  the  construct  state  of  nouns,  cf.  §  89  a) 
tlie  original  short  d  {Pathah)  is  retained  in  a  closed  syllable,  while  in 
an  open  syllable  it  becomes  ^^wd  (§27  i)  :  0311,  constr.  state  DPl] 
{mhdm);  -in-l,  -in-n  (d'bhdr)',  hl^p^,  D^^i?.  For  examples  of  the 
retention,  in  the  secondary  tone-syllable,  of  a  lengthened  from  d,  see 

§  93  a^- 
d      In  some  terminations  of  the  verb  {^  in  the  2nd  sing.  masc.  perf., 

J  in  the  2nd  pi.  fern,  of  the  imperat.,  as  well  as  in  the  3rd  and  2nd 

pi.  fern,  of  the  imperf.),  in  ^^  thou  (masc.)  and  in  the  suffixes  ^  and  ^; 

the  final  a  can  stand  even  without  a  vowel  letter.     A  n  is,  however, 

in  these  cases  (except  with  H)  frequently  added  as  a  vowel  letter. 

On  -Tf-  for  0  see  below,  /. 

e  2.  Pathah,  or  short  d,  stands  in  Hebrew  almost  exclusively  in 
a  closed  syllable  with  or  without  the  tone  {bb\>,  ^^f^P)-  In  places 
where  it  now  appears  to  stand  in  an  open  syllable  the  syllable  was 
originally  closed,  and  a  helping  vowel  (d,  ?)  has  been  inserted  after 
the  second  radical  merely  to  make  the  pronunciation  easier,  e.g.  ^'D? 
(ground-form  nahl),  n^|  (Arab,  bait),  see  §  28  d,  and  with  regard  to 
two  cases  of  a  different  kind,  §  26  g,  h.  Otherwise  a  in  an  open 
syllable  has  almost  without  exception  passed  into  a  {-^,  see  above,  c. 

On  the  very  frequent  attenuation  of  a  to  i,  cf.  below,  h.  On  the  rare,  and 
only  apparent  union  of  Pathah  with  K  (^-^)y  s^®  §  ^3  d,  end.  On  a  as 
a  helping-vowel,  §  22  f  (Pathah  furtivum),  and  §  28*. 

f  3.  Segol  (e,  e  \a])  by  origin  belongs  sometimes  to  the  second,  but  most 
frequently  to  the  first  vowel  class  (§270,  p,  u).  It  belongs  to  the  first  class 
when  it  is  a  modification  of  a  (as  the  Germ.  Bad,  pi.  Bader;  Eng.  man, 
pi.  men),  either  in  a  toneless  syllable,  e.g.  D^lv  i^^^  yadkhem),  or  with 
the  tone,  e.  g.  H?  f^^om  'ars,  n.i?.  Arab,  qdrn,  npj?  Arab.  qdmh.  This 
S^gol  is  often  retained  even  in  the  strongest  tone-syllable,  at  the  end 
of  a  sentence  or  of  an  important  clause  (in  pause),  as  ^^J^,  P'^^lf. 
(malakh,  sadaq).  As  a  rule,  however,  in  such  cases  the  Pathah  which 
underlies  the  S^gol  is  lengthened  into  Qames,  e.g.  npj?,  pp,  A  S^gol 
apparently  lengthened  from  ^^wd,  but  in  reality  traceable  to  an 
original  d,  stands  in  pausal  forms,  as  ''IS  (ground-form  pdry),  *n^*. 
{ydhy),  &c.  On  the  cases  where  a  ^  (originally  consonantal)  follows 
this  S^gol,  see  §  75/,  and  §  91  ^. 


§  9  g-m]         Character  of  the  several  Vowels  47 

II.     Second  Class.    I-  and  E-sounds. 

4.  The  long  t  is  frequently  even  in  the  consonantal  writing  indicated  /r 
by  ^  (a  fully  written  Hireq  ^-^)  ;  but  a  naturally  long  i  can  be  also 
written  defectively  (§  8  i),  e.g.  P^"^??  {righteous),  plur.  D"*{?"^?f  saddlqim; 
'^T!  iM  fi'^''^)i  plur.  ^^<'?,1 .  "Whether  a  defectively  written  Hireq  is  long 
may  be  best  known  from  the  origin  of  the  form  ;  often  also  from  the 
nature  of  the  syllable  (§  26),  or  as  in  ^>'")^"'.  from  the  Metheg  attached  to 

it  (§16/). 

5.  The  short  Hireq  (always'  written  defectively)  is  especially  frequent  h 
in  sharpened  syllables  (^'^i?,  "'BN)  and  in  toneless  closed  syllables  (''i'^l'? 
2)salm);  cf.  however  Sipjl  in  a  closed  tone-syllable,  and  even  fS-^l,  with 

a  helping  S^gol,  for  wayytphn.  It  has  arisen  very  frequently  by 
attenuation  from  a,  as  in  ''"1?'^  from  original  ddbdre,  ''Pllf  (ground-form 
sddq),^  or  else  it  is  the  original  ?,  which  in  the  tone-syllable  had 
become  e,  as  in  ''J?^.**  {thy  enemy)  from  Sl^N  (ground-form  'dyih)?  It 
is  sometimes  a  simple  helping  vowel,  as  in  ri^3,  §  28  e. 

The  earlier  grammarians  call  every  Hireq  yrriiien  fidly ,  Hireq  magnum  ;  every 
one  written  defectively,  Hireq  parvum, — a  misleading  distinction,  so  far  as 
quantity  is  concerned. 

6.  The  longest  e  *-^  (more  rarely  defective  -^,  e.g.  ^.^  for  TJ^  ? 
Is  3*;  at  the  end  of  a  word  also  H — )  is  as  a  rule  contracted  from  W  ay 
{ai),  §  7  a,  e.g.  ''9''n  {palace),  Arab,  and  Syriac  haikal. 

7.  The  Sere  without  Yodh  mostly  represents  the  tone-long  e,  which,  k 
like  the  tone -long  a  (see  c),  is  very  rarely  retained  except  in  and  before 
the  tone-syllable,  and  is  always  lengthened  from  an  original  i.  It 
stands  in  an  open  syllable  with  or  before  the  tone,  e.g.  "^SD  (ground- 
form  siphr)  book,  n3K'  (Arab,  stndt)  sleep,  or  with  Metheg  (see  §  16  c?,/) 
in  the  secondary  tone-syllable,  e.g.  *ri7i<ip  my  request,  i^^fji  let  us  go. 
On  the  other  hand  in  a  closed  syllable  it  is  almost  always  with  the 
tone,  as  |3  son,  D?i<  dumb. 

Exceptions  :   (a)  e  is  sometimes  retained  in  a  toneless  closed  syllable,  in  / 
monosyllabic  words  before  Maqqeph,   e.  g.  ~^y   Nu  35^^,  as  well  as  in  the 
examples  of  ndsog  ^dhor  mentioned  in  §  29 /(on  the  quantity  cf.  §  8  6  3  end)  ; 
(6)  in  a  toneless  open  final  syllable,  Sere  likewise  occurs  in  examples  of  the 

nasog  'akor,  as  N;f>  Ex  16"  ;  cf.  Ju  g^K 

8.  The  S^gol  of  the  I(E)-class  is  most  frequently  an  e  modified  from  M 
originali,  either  replacing  a  tone-long  e  which  has  lost  the  tone,  e.g. 

^  At  least  according  to  the  Masoretic  orthography  ;  cf.  Wellhausen,  Text 
der  Bb.  Sam. ,  p.  18,  Rem-. 

'  Jerome  (cf.  Siegfried,  ZAW.  1884,  p.  77)  in  these  cases  often  gives  a  for  i. 

'  Cf.  the  remarks  of  I.  Guidi, '  La  pronuncia  del  sere,'  in  the  Verhandl.  d-:s 
Hamburger  Orient. -Kongr.  of  1902,  Leiden,  1904,  p.  208  ff.,  on  Italian  e  for 
Latin  t,  as  in  fede  ^Jtdem,  pece=picem. 


48         TJie  Individual  Sounds  and  Characters    [§  9  n-r 

"1^  from  \^  (give),  T)??)'  [thy  creator)  from  "l-f',  or  in  the  case  discussed 
in  §  93  0,  ^?p^,  "'ItJ?  from  the  ground-forms  hilq,  'izr  ;  cf.  also  §  64  /. 
S^gol  appears  as  a  simple  helping- vowel  in  cases  such  as  1BD  for  siphr, 
bf^  for  yigl  (§  28  e). 

III.     Third  Class.     U-  and  O-sounds. 

n      9.  For  the  U-£oimd  there  is — 

(i)  the  long  ti,  either  (a)  written  fully,  ^  Sureq,  e.g.  ?^32  {boundary), 
or  (b)  defectively  written  ^:-  QibhUs  ''\h'2^_ ,  \^T)12'] ; 

(2)  the  short  u,  mostly  represented  by  QibhUs,  in  a  toneless  closed 
syllable  and  especially  common  in  a  sharpened  syllable,  in  e.g.  iCr'^ 
(table),  nSD  Q)ooth). 

O      Sometimes  also  m  in  a  sharpened  syllable  is  written  ^,  e.g.  nS^H  ^  102' 

n-iV  Jb  s'',  D^13  Jer.  3i3«,  inS^K'D  Is  5',  D*Giny  Gn  2^^  for  HSn,  &c. 

For  this  u  the  LXX  write  0,  e.  g.  D?"iy  'OSoXXd/^,  from  which,  however,  it 

only  follows,  that  this  m  was  pronounced  somewhat  indistinctly.  The  LXX 
also  express  the  sharp  Hireq  by  «,  e.g.  n!3X  = 'E/t/xTjp.     The  pronunciation  of 

the  Qibbus  like  the  German  ii,  which  was  formerly  common,  is  incorrect, 
although  the  occasional  pronunciation  of  the  U  sounds  as  ii  in  the  time  of  the 
punctators  is  attested,  at  least  as  regards  Palestine  ^ ;  cf.  the  Turkish  biilbul 
for  the  Persian  bvdbul,  and  the  pronunciation  of  the  Arabic  dunyd  in  Syria  as 
diinyd. 

p  10.  The  0-sound  bears  the  same  relation  to  U  as  the  E  does  to  I 
in  the  second  class.     It  has  four  varieties : — 

(i)  The  6  which  is  contracted  from  aw  (=aw),  §  7  a,  and  accord- 
ingly is  mostly  written  fully  ;  ^  {Holem  plenum),  e.g.  l^iC  (a  whij)), 
Arab,  saitf,  >T^'iV  (^iniquity)  from  Hp^y.  More  rarely  defectively,  as 
'I'lb'  (thine  ox)  from  "'itJ'  Arab.  /aur. 

q  (2)  The  long  6  which  arose  in  Hebrew  at  an  early  period,  by  a  general 
process  of  obscuring,  out  of  an  original  d^  while  the  latter  has 
been  retained  in  Arabic  and  Aramaic.  It  is  usually  written  fully  in 
the  tone-syllable,  defectively  in  the  toneless,  e.g.  ^t?'p  Arab,  qdtil. 
Aram.  qAtel,  ni^K  Arab,  'lldh,  Aram.  'Hdh,  plur.  Cl^n^X;  pitT  {hg), 
Arab,  sdq  ;  "li^a  {hero),  Arab,  gabbdr  ;  DHin  {seal),  Arab,  hdtdm  ;  pQl 
{pomegranate),  Arab,  rilmmdn ;  JiobK'  {dominion),  Aram,  l??^  and 
lOpB'  Arab,  mltdn;  Dv^  {j)eace),  Aram.  D?^,  Arab,  sdldm.  Some- 
times the  form  in  d  also  occurs  side  by  side  with  that  in  6  as  IJ"]?'  and 
JV'iK'  (coa<  0/  mai7 ;  see  however  §  29  w).     Cf.  also  §  68  6. 

r  (3)  The  tone-long  0  which  is  lengthened  from  an  original  w,  or 
from  an  0  arising  from  u,  by  the  tone,  or  in  general  according  to  the 

*  Cf.  Delitzsch,  Physiologie  u.  Musik,  Lpz.  1868,  p.  15  f. 

*  Cf.  above,  b,  end.  On  Jerome's  transliteration  of  0  for  d,  see  ZAW,  1884, 
P-  75- 


§  9  s,  <]  Character  of  the  several  Vowels 


49 


laws  for  the  formation  of  syllables.  It  occurs  not  only  in  the  tone- 
syllable,  but  also  in  an  open  syllable  before  the  tone,  e.g.  ^IP  (ground- 
form  quds)  sanctuary;  ^1'3  for  buirakh,  ^^pfl  >/'  104^,  as  well  as 
(with  Metheg)  in  the  secondary  tone-syllable  ;  Ovv"^,  ^^J?3-  But  the 
original  6  (w)  is  retained  .n  a  toneless  closed  syllable,  whereas  in 
a  toneless  open  syllable  it  is  weakened  to  S^a-d.  Cf.  73  all,  but 
"^3  {kol},  D^3  (Jcidlam);  Vop^,  ^S^p^  and  ^^tii?%  where  original  u  is 
weakened  to  ^^wd :  yiqiHit,  Arab,  yaqtuld.  This  tone-long  0  is  only 
as  an  exception  written  fully. 

(4)  __  Qames-hatu2)h.  represents  6  (properly  a,  cf.  §  8 a,  note 2)modified  S 
from  u  and  is  therefore  classed  here.    It  stands  in  the  same  relation  to 
Holem  as  the  S^gol  of  the  second  class  to  Sere,  'b'^-kol,  D^>1  wayyaqom. 
On  the  distinction  between  this  and  Qames,  see  below,  u. 

11.  The  following  table  gives  a  summary  of  the   gradation  of  the  t 
three  vowel-classes  according  to  the  quantity  of  the  vowels  : — 


First  Class :  A. 


_  original  d  (Arabic 


_  tone-long   d   (from 

original  a)  chiefly  in 
the  tone-syllable  but 
also  just  before  it. 


(as  a  modification 

of    a)    sometimes    a 
tone-long    e,    some- 
times S. 
short  a. 

["       i  attenuated  from 

d  ;  see  A.] 
Utmost  weakening  to 


Second  Class  :  I  and  E. 


■i e,  from  original  ay 

\ai). 

' or long  i. 


tone-long  e  (from  i) 

generally  in  the  tone- 
syllable  but  also  just 
before  it. 


TTiird  Class  :  U  and  0. 


S   0,  from  original  aw 

(aw), 
i  or -^6  obscured  from  d. 

^  or M. 


—  tone-long  5   (from 

original  m)  in  the  tone- 
syllable,  otherwise  in 
an  open  syllable. 


short  »• 


Utmost  weakening  to 
»,  *  or «. 


6,  modified  from  u. 


short  u,  especially 

in  a  sharpened  sylla- 
ble. 
Utmost  weakening  to 
a        i        "  or       *. 


Rem.    On  the  distinction  between  Qames  and  Qames- hatuph} 

Ac-ording  to  §  8  o,  long  o  or  d  (Qames)  and  short  0  or  a  (Qames-hatuph)  are  in 

manuocripts  and  printed  texts  generally  expressed  by  the  same  sign  (^),  e.g. 

Dp  qdm,  "73  kol.      The  beginner  who  does  not  yet  know  the  grammatical 


U 


1  These  statements,  in  order  to  be  fully  understood,  must  be  studied  in 
connexion  with  the  theory  of  syllables  (§  26)  and  Metheg  (§  16  c-t). 

COWLET  E 


50         The  Individual  Sounds  and  Characters       [§  9  v 

origin  of  the  words  in  question  (which  is  of  course  the  surest  guide),  may 
depend  meanwhile  on  the  following  principal  rules  :  — 

I.  The  sign  -^ '  is  6  in  a  toneless  closed  syllable,  since  such 
a  syllable  can  have  only  a  short  vowel  (§26  0).  The  above  case 
occurs — 

(a)  When  S^v^d  follows  as  a  syllable-divider,  as  in  noDn  hokh-ma 
(wisdom),  i^}?^  '6kh-ld  (food).  With  Metheg  __  is  a  (a)  and  according 
to  the  usual  view  stands  in  an  open,  syllable  with  a  following  S^wd 
mobile,  e.g.  ^4'?^  'd-khHa  (she  ate)  ;  but  cf.  §  16  i. 

(6)  W^hen  a  closed  syllable  is  formed  by  Dagel  forte,  e.  g.  "'ijin 
honneni  (have  mercy  upon  me);  but  D^ijl3  (with  Metheg,  §  16/^) 
bdfttm. 

(c)  When  the  syllable  in  question  loses  the  tone  on  account  of 
a  following  Maqqeph  (§16  a),  e.  g.  ClXH/S  kol-hd-'dddm  (all  men). 

In  ^t  35'°  and  Pr  ig'  Maqqeph  with  ^3  is  replaced  by  a  conjunctive  accent 
(Mer^kha)  ;  so  hy  Darga,  Ju  19^  with  lyD,  and  Ez  37^  with  Dip*!  (so  Baer  after 
Qimhi ;  ed.  Mant.,  Ginsburg,  Kittel  Dlp^l). 

{d)  In  a  closed  final  syllable  without  the  tone,  e.g.  DiJ'l  wayyaqom, 
(and  he  stood  up). — In  the  cases  where  <t  or  a  in  the  final  syllable  has 
become  toneless  through  Maqqeph  (§  16  a)  and  yet  remains,  e.g. 
JT^n'^ra  Est  4^,  v"^^  Gn  4"^  it  has  a  Metheg  in  correct  manuscripts 
and  printed  texts. 

In  cases  like  ^^7"^,  i^^?  lamma,  the  tone  shows  that  -j-  is  to  be 
read  as  d. 

V  2.  The  cases  in  which  -y-  appears  to  stand  in  an  open  syllable  and  yet  is 
to  be  read  as  0  require  special  consideration.  This  is  the  case,  (a)  when 
Hafeph-Qames  follows,  e.g.  ipyS  his  work,  or  simple  vocal  S'wd,  e.g.  P'l"'!  ox 
goad  ;  ilSyiS  Jo  4'' ;  mttSJ'  (so  ed.  Mant.,  Ginsb.)  preserve  ip  86',  cf.  16'  and  the 
cases  mentioned  in  §  48  i,  n.,  and  §  61/,  n. ;  other  examples  are  Ob  11,  Ju  14"); 
Hateph-Pathah  follows  in  ^H'^dIj  (so  Ginsburg;  Baer  ^^{;^•rp|5)  i  S  151,  ^jl"in^ 
24",  and  '^JJ'JS^  (so  Baer,  Gn  32^^,  others  ^'kJ'JQ^) ;  (6)  before  another  Qames- 
Jiatvvh,  e.g.  ^pyQ  thy  work  ;  on  ""p'TlX  and  ""^'rinp  Nu  23'',  see  §  67  0  :  (c)  in 

'  ':      TIT  •  T|T  •  T    (T  "  f  *       \     • 

the  two  plural  forms  Ct'lp  sanctuaries  and  CBHtJ*  roots  (also  written  ^p 
and  'IJi').  In  all  these  cases  the  Jewish  grammarians  regard  the  Metheg 
accompanying  the  -:;-  as  indicating  a  Qames  rahabh  (broad  Qames)  and 
therefore  read  the  -rr-  as  a  ;  thus  pd-°l6,  dd-r'bdn,  pd-ol^khd,  qd-ddsim.  But 
neither  the  origin  of  these  forms,  nor  the  analogous  formations  in  Hebrew 
and  in  the  cognate  languages,  nor  the  transcription  of  proper  names  in  the 

^  In  the  Babylonian  punctuation  (§  8  g,  note)  d  and  0  are  carefully  distin- 
guished. So  also  in  many  MSS.  with  the  ordinary  punctuation  and  in 
Baer's  editions  of  the  text  since  1880,  in  which  -^r-  is  used  for  6  as  well  as 
for  *.  Cf  Baer-Delitzsch,  Liber  Jobi,  p.  43.  But  the  identity  of  the  two  signs 
is  certainly  original,  and  the  use  of  -^  for  0  is  misleading. 


§  10  a-d]         Character  of  the  several  Trowels  51 

LXX,  allows  us  to  regard  this  view  as  correct.  It  is  just  possible  that  Qames 
is  here  used  loosely  for  a,  as  the  equivalent  of  o,  on  the  analogy  of  ipya  &c,, 

§  93  q.  As  a  matter  of  fact,  however,  we  ought  no  doubt  to  divide  and  read 
po'^-lo  (for  po'-l6),  po'o-Vkha,  goda-H»n.— Quite  as  inconceivable  is  it  for  Meiheg  to 
be  a  sign  of  the  lengthening  into  a  in  ^^"''"in^'^-^^  "*)'  although  it  is  so  in  "'3N3 
ha-'°nx  (in  the  navy),  since  here  the  a  of  the  article  appears  under  the  3. 

§  10.    The  Half  Voivels  and  the  Syllable  Divider  (Sewa). 

L  Besides  the  full  vowels,  Hebrew  has  also  a  series  of  vowel  a 
sounds  which  may  be  called  half  vowels  (Sievers,  Murmelvokale). 
The  punctuation  makes  use  of  these  to  represent  extremely  slight 
sounds  which  are  to  be  regarded  as  remains  of  fuller  and  more  distinct 
vowels  from  an  earlier  period  of  the  language.  They  generally  take 
the  place  of  vowels  originally  short  standing  in  open  syllables.  Such 
short  vowels,  though  preserved  in  the  kindred  languages,  are  not 
tolerated  by  the  present  system  of  pointing  in  Hebrew,  but  either 
undergo  a  lengthening  or  are  weakened  to  S®wa.  Under  some 
circumstances,  however,  the  original  short  vowel  may  reappear. 

To  these  belongs  first  of  all  the  sign  -p-,  which  indicates  an  ex-  b 
treraely  short,  slight,  and  (as  regards  pronunciation)  indeterminate 
vowel  sound,  something  like  an  obscure  half  e  (— ).  It  is  called  S^wd,^ 
which  may  be  either  simple  ^^wd  [S^wd  simjflex)  as  distinguished 
from  the  compound  (see  /),  or  vocal  S^wd  {S^wd  mobile)  as  distin- 
guished from  S"wd  quiescens,  which  is  silent  and  stands  as  a  mere 
syllable  divider  (see  ^)  under  the  consonant  which  closes  the  syllable. 

The  vocal  S^wd  stands  under  a  consonant  which  is  closely  united,  as  C 
a  kind  of  grace-note,  with  the  following  syllable,  either  (a)  at  the 
beginning  of  the  word,  as  ^'^p  qHol  (to  kill),  ^yo'Q  rtfmalle  (filling), 
or  (6)  in  the  middle  of  the  word,  as  nbtpij?  q6-fld,  l^t^i?^  yiq-fU. 

In  former  editions  of  this  Grammar  SHva  was  distinguished  as  medium  CI 
when  it  followed  a  short  vowel  and  therefore  stood  in  a  supposed  'loosely 
closed'  or  'wavering'  syllable,  as  in  ""aplO,  >Q33.     According  to  Sievers, 

Metrische  Studien,  i.  22,  this  distinction  must  now  be  abandoned.  These 
syllables  are  really  closed,  and  the  original  vowel  is  not  merely  shortened, 
but  entirely  elided.  The  fact  that  a  following  B^gadk^phath  letter  (§  6  w) 
remains  spirant  instead  of  taking  Bages  lene,  is  explained  by  Sievers  on  the 
'  supposition  that  the  change  from  hard  to  spirant  is  older  than  the  elision 

*  On  a^p,  the  older  and  certainly  the  only  correct  form  (as  in  Ben  Asher), 

see  Bacher,  ZDMG.  1895,  p.  18,  note  3,  who  compares  Sewayya,  the  name  of 
the  Syriac  accentual  sign  of  similar  form  -^—  (  =  Hebr.  Zaqeph).  The  form 
^?Z1K',  customary  in  Spain  since  the  time  of  Menahem  b.  Saruq,  is  due 
to  a  supposed  connexion  with  Aram.  n!3E'  rest,  and  hence  would  originally 
have  denoted  only  S'wd  quiescens,  like  the  Arabic  sukHn  (rest).  The  derivation 
from  riDK',  n^^B'  (stem  2^^,  Levias,  American  Journ.  ofPhilol.,  xvi.  28  ft'.)  seems 
impossible. 

£   2 


52       J'he  Individual  Sounds  and  Characters     [§  lo  e-g 

of  the  vowel,  and  that  the  prehistoric  malakai  became  malakhai  before  being 
shortened  to  malkhe'.  In  cases  like  iNp3  (from  ND3),  ^r\\))  (from  ng^)  the 
dropping  of  the  Dagei  forte  shows  that  the  original  vowel  is  completely  lost. 
C  The  sound  e  has  been  adopted  as  the  normal  transcription  of  simple  S^wd 
mobile,  although  it  is  certain  that  it  often  became  assimilated  in  sound  to 
other  vowels.  The  LXX  express  it  bye,  or  even  by ij,  D""!!^"!!!  Xepov0iiJ,  H^  vpH 
dK\r]\ovta,  more  frequently  by  a,  PXIOB'  Xaixov-qX,  but  very  frequently  by 
assimilating  its  indeterminate  sound  to  the  following  principal  vowel, 
e.  g.  Dip  'S.oSona,  nb^K'  XoKojxuv  (as  well  as  2aA<u/«w»'),  niKlJf  2ay3atutf, 
?Niri3  KaOavariK.^    A  similar  account  of  the  pronunciation  of  S*wd  is  given 

by  Jewish  grammarians  of  the  middle  ages.^ 

How  the  Shed  sound  has  arisen  through  the  vanishing  of  a  full  vowel  is 
seen,  e.g.  in  nS13  from  bdrdkd,  as  the  word  is  still  pronounced  in  Arabic. 

In  that  language  the  full  short  vowel  regularly  corresponds  to  the  Hebrew 

Shod  mobik. 

f  2.  Connected  with  the  simple  S'wd  mdbile  is  the  compound  S^wd 
or  Hdteph  {correptum),  i.e.  a  S"wd  the  pronunciation  of  which  is  more 
accurately  fixed  by  the  addition  of  a  short  vowel.  There  are  three 
6'^i«<J-sounds  determined  in  this  way,  corresponding  to  the  three  vowel 
classes  (§  7  a) : — 

(__)  Hdteph-Pdthdh,  e.g.  1i»n  Ifmdr,  ass. 

(-^)  Hdteph-S'gol,  e.g.  I^X  '«mdr,  to  say. 

(-^)  ndteph-Qdmes,  e.g.  vH,  h^U,  sickness. 

These  Hdtephs,  or  at  least  the  first  two,  stand  especially  under  the 
four  guttural  letters  (§22  I),  instead  of  a  simjyle  S^wd  mobile, 
since  these  letters  by  their  nature  require  a  more  definite  vowel 
than  the  indetenninate  simple  S^wd  mobile.  Accordingly  a  guttural 
at  the  beginning  of  a  syllable,  where  the  S^wA  is  necessarily  vocal, 
can  never  have  a  mere  S^wd  simplex. 

On  -=:-  the  shorter  Hatef  as  compared  with  -^  cf.  §  27  v. 

§     Rem.  A.    Only and  occur  under  letters  which  are  not  gutturals. 

ffateph-Paihah  is  found  instead  of  simple  S'wd  (especially  5*wd  mobile),  chiefly 
(a)  under  strengthened  consonants,  since  this  strengthening  (commonly 
called  doubling)  causes  a  more  distinct  pronunciation  of  the  S^wd  mobile, 
^731^  branches,  Zc  4".  According  to  the  rule  given  by  Ben-Asher  (which, 
however,  appears  to  bo  unknown  to  good  early  MSS.  and  is  therefore  rejected 
by  Ginsburg,  Introd.,  p.  466  ;   cf.  Foote,  Johns  Hopkins  Univ.  Circulars,  June  1903, 

*  The  same  occurs  frequently  also  in  the  Greek  and  Latin  transcriptions 
of  Phoenician  words,  e.g.  NSpD  Malaga,  D^xW3  gubulim  (SchrOder,  Die  phoniz. 
Spr.,  p.  139  fif.).  Cf.  the  Latin  augment  in  momordi,  pupugi,  with  the  Greek 
in  T(Tv<pa,  Ttrvfi/ifvos,  and  the  old  form  memordi. 

*  See  especially  Yehuda  Hayyug,  pp.  4  f.  and  130  f.  in  Nutt's  edition  (Lond. 
1870),  corresponding  to  p.  200  of  the  edition  by  Dukes  (Stuttg.  1844) ;  Ibn 
Ezra's  Sahoth,  p.  3;  Gesenius,  Lehrgebdude  der  hebr,  Sprache,  p.  68.  The  Manuel 
du  lecteur,  mentioned  above,  §  6  6,  also  contains  express  rules  for  the  various 
ways  of  pronouncing  S*wd  mobile :  so  too  the  Dikduke  ha-t'amim,  ed.  by  Baer 
and  Strack,  Lpz.  1879,  p.  12  fif.    Cf.  also  Schreiner,  ZAW.  vi.  236  ff. 


V 

§  10  A]    Half  Vowels  and  Syllable  Divider  {S'vca)      53 

p.  71  f.),  the  Hateph  is  necessary'^  when,  in  a  strengthened  medial  consonant 
with  SHod  (consequently  not  in  cases  like  ^ni^,  &c.),  preceded  by  a  Pathah, 
the  sign  of  the  strengthening  {Dages  forte)  has  fallen  away,  e.  g.  ^ppH  (but  ed. 
Mant.  and  Ginsb.  ^^^il)  praise  ye!  ^Hif^Nni  Ju  i6i« ;  no  less  universally, 
where  after  a  consonant  with  S'lcd  the  same  consonant  follows  (to  separate 
them  more  sharply,  and  hence  with  a  il/e</ieg  always  preceding),  e.  g.  CirjiD 
f  68*;  "^nhhp,  (ed.  Mant.  and  Ginsb.  'bb\>)  Gn  2f^  (but  not  without  excep- 
tions, e.  g.  "'•ppn  Ju  5I5,  Is  10^  ;  \b|)if  Jer  6^  and  so  always  ""Jin  behold  me, 
^Jjn  behold  us:  on  3  before  the  suffix  SI,  see  §  20  6) ;  also  in  certain  forms 
under  Kaph  and  Res  after  a  long  vowel  and  before  the  tone,  e.  g.  nSp^Nn  Gn 
3IT ;  ^2-\3  ip  103I;  ^nnnK'ni  i  K  i*  (but  Vi-^m  ^  72",  cf.  Jer  42,  I  Ch  2920, 
because  the  tone  is  thrown  back  on  to  the  d.  After  e  S'wd  remains  even 
before  the  tone,  as  ^3")3, &c. ;  but  before  Maqqef  N3"n3f>N  Baer  Ex  4",  2  S 15'', 
Jer  40^^  but  ed.  Mant.,  Jabl.,  Ginsb.  '[jN)  ^  ;  (6)  under  initial  sibilants  after  1 
copulative,  e.  g.  2r\]}  Gn  2^2 ;  cf.  Jer  482° ;  nHD^  Is  45"  ;  Him  Lv  25"  ;  n^{^> 
Gn  27»« ;  V^m  Nu  2318,  Is  37",  Dn  91^,  cf.  Ju  512,  i  K  14",  2  K  9",  Jb  14I,  Ec 
9^— to  emphasize  the  vocal  character  of  the  .bVa.  For  the  same  reason  under 
the  emphatic  tJ  in  ^^0^^  Jer  22^8 ;  cf.  Jb  332^ ;  after  Qoph  in  ''ri'l'li'?^  (so  Baer, 
but  ed.  Mant.,  Jabl.,  Ginsb.  'p^)  Ez  23";  -2");?^  >P  55"?  cf-  J^^-  3^^  under 
Rei  in  n*jnN  (ed.  Mant.  "IX)  Gn  i8«i ;  DJJn'l  \p  zS^;  even  under  fl  Ezr  26-1 ; 
under  3  Est  2* ;  ^3-l31  so  Jabl.,  Ginsb.,  but'ed.  Mant.  '13^)  Dt  24"  ;  (c)  under 
sonants,  sibilants  or  Qoph  after  t,  e.  g.  pn^f"*  Gn  2i«,  cf.  30^8  and  Ez  21^8  (under 
P);  nilOS  <p  12*;  TiSpnn  Jer  2215;  ^1^-^33  Jos  ii»;  'r\^P2  ^  74^— for  t^^ 
snme  reason  as  the  cases  under  b  ' ;  according  to  Baer  also  in  n^CD5I' 
I  S  so"*;  '^'^:p\  Gn  32I8  after  6  (cf,  §  9  v),  as  well  as  after  a  in  Hn^C'i^n  Dn 

91";  nan^n'Gn  2738;  D''V'i^on  2  k  7*. 

B.  The  ffateph-Qames  is  less  restricted  ^to  the  gutturals  than  the  first  two,  //, 
and  stands  more  frequently  for  a  simple  S^wd  mobile  when  an  original  0-sound 
requires  to  be  partly  preserved,  e.  g.  at  the  beginning,  in  iNT  (ground-form 
ri'y)  vision  (cf.  §932);  ?.T333  2  Ch  31",  &c.,  Q^re  {K'th.  '  "i):i) ;  ni'SOy 
Ammonitish  women,  i  K  u'  (sing.'  JTiJiDy) ;  ^STl''  for  the  usual  1?.'^1^  Ez  36«, 
from  t]'"^T  ;  M'2pT\  Nu  23^5,  Jer  31",  and  elsewhere  before  suffixes,  cf.  §  60  a  ; 
ni^nj?  his  pate  (from  ipij?)  ip  f,  &c. ;  HDj^K'SI  Is  i8<  Q're.  Further,  like  __, 
it  stands  under  consonants,  which  ought  to  have  Dagei  forte,  as  in  nnp?  (for 
nriijjb)  Gn  22s.  In  this  example,  as  in  nnyO^  i  K  13'' ;  HSD^  2  K  7";  and 
VV^'^  Jer  2  2^0    the  Hateph-Qames  is   no  doubt  due  to  the  influence  of  the 

•  T  T :  1  •      * 

1  See  Delitzsch,  'Bemerkungen  iiber  masoretisch  treue  Darstellung  dcs 
alttestam.  Textes,'  in  the  Ztschr.  f.  luih.  Theol.  u.  Kirche,  vol.  xxiv.  1863, 
p.  409  ff. 

^  On  the  uncertainty  of  the  MSS.  in  some  cases  which  come  under  «,  see 
Minhat  shay  (the  Masoretic  comm.  in  ed.  Mant.)  on  Gn  12'  and  Ju  7^ 

'  Ben-Ashcr  requires  for (even  for  ^"wd  quiescens)  generally  before 

a  guttural  or  "1 ;  hence  Baer  reads'  in  2  S  i  ■;»  -3'np3  f  18''  XIpN  ;  49'^  ?iNB'7; 
658  nnin  ;  68"  ^nori  ;  Pr  3c"  :j?^n  ;  Jb  29"  -in^lN  ;  cf.  Delitzsch,  Psalms, 
12'',  note. 


54     The  Individual  Sounds  and  Characters  [§§  lo i-i,  ii 

following  guttural  as  well  as  of  the  preceding  U-sound.  (Elsewhere  indeed 
after  1  in  similar  cases  /lateph-Pathah  is  preferred,  see  above,  b  ;  but  with 
nnp^  of.  also  "l^Bp  Is  9^  lo",  14^^,  where  the  U-sound  must  necessarily  be 
admitted  to  have  an  influence  on  the  S'wd  immediately  following.)  In 
""inL21  (li-fhor)  Jb  17'  it  is  also  influenced  by  the  following  0-sound.  In  ''Jppi? 
I  S  28*  Q're,  the  original  form  is  DDp,  where  again  the  0  represents  an  6.  It 
is  only  through  the  influence  of  a  following  guttural  that  we  can  explain 
the  forms   nii-\p^  Est  2"  ;    ^n33    Pr28«;    nrnD3  Jer  49^ ;  nyb'DX  Is  27*  ; 

T  t;':  •  T  Til"  T  t;  ;  •  tt:  :    • 

ny?:K'S1  Dn  S"  ;   nyr:tJ'  ip  39^^ ;    myoa  2  K  2I  (Baer's  ed.  also  in  ver.  ii) ; 

tt::    viT  tt:i'      '        '  'tt;!- 

DTinpn  2  Ch  34I2  (ed.  Mant.,  Opitius,  &c.  'pn).  Finally  in  most  of  the 
examples  which  have  been  adduced,  the  influence  "of  an  emphatic  sound 
(p   t3 ,  cf.  also  nOp^N  Ru  z^-f),  or  of  a  sibilant  is  also  to  be  taken  into  account. 

/  3.  The  sign  of  the  simjyle  6hod  -r-  serves  also  as  a  mere  syllable 
divider.  In  this  case  it  is  disregarded  in  pronunciation  and  is  called 
^^wA  quiescens.  In  the  middle  of  a  word  it  stands  under  every  con- 
sonant which  closes  a  syllable ;  at  the  end  of  words  on  the  other  hand 
it  is  omitted  except  in  final  ^  (to  distinguish  it  better  from  final  |), 
e.g.  "nbp  king,  and  in  the  less  frequent  case,  where  a  word  ends  with 
a  mute  after  another  vowelless  consonant  as  in  '^^).  nard,  J!^^  thou  fem. 
(for  kint),  Jjibpp  thou  fem.  hast  killed,  p^l^  and  he  watered,  3f  ^.  and  he 
took  cajytive,  ^^^'^^  drink  thou  not;  but  NTT,  Nt^n/ 

jf  However,  in  the  examples  where  a  mute  closes  the  syllable,  the  final  5«ud 
comes  somewhat  nearer  to  a  vocal  S^iod,  especially  as  in  almost  all  the  cases 
a  weakening  of  a  final  vowel  has  taken  place,  viz.  riS  'a««  from  ''Jjlt^  'att'i  {'anti), 

nS^p  from  ''P\b6^  (cf.  in  this  form,  the  2nd  sing.  fem.  perf.  Qal,  even 
nN3,  after  a  vowel,  Gn  I6^  Mi  4",  &c.,  according  to  the  readings  of  Baer), 
3K'"'  yisJ)^  from  HB'^^ ,  «S!;c.  The  Arabic  actually  has  a  short  vowel  in  analogous 
forms.  In  Y]^  borrowed  from  the  Indian,  as  also  in  tpK'p  (qdU)  Pr  22^^; 
and  in  t^Din~^X  ne  addas  (for  which  we  should  expect  fipin)  Pr  30«  the  final 
mute  of  itself  attracts  a  slight  vowel  sound. 
/  Rem.  The  proper  distinction  between  simple  S'wd  mobile  and  quiescens  depends 
on  a  correct  understanding  of  the  formation  of  syllables  (§  26).  The  beginner 
may  observe  for  the  present,  that  (i)  ^^wd  is  always  mobile  (a)  at  the  beginning 
of  a  word  (except  in  D"'ri6J'  ^nt^'  §  97  b,  note) ;  (6)  under  a  consonant  with 
Dage^  forte,   e.  g.  ^D'lJ   gid-d^phu ;    (c)   after   another  ^^wd,  e.  g.  vtDp^  yiqflu 

(except  at  the  end  of  the  word,  see  above,  i).  {2)^S^icd  is  quiescens  (a)  at  the 
end  of  a  word,  also  in  the  T]  ;  {b)  before  another  S^wd. 

§  11.    Other  Signs  ichich  affect  the  Reading. 

Very  closely  connected  with  the  vowel  points  are  the  reading-signs, 
which  were  probably  introduced  at  the  same  time.  Besides  the 
diacritical  point  over  b'  and  K',  a  point  is  placed  loithirf,  a  consonant 

»  On  n^ as  an  ending  of  the  2nd  sing.  fem.  perf.  Qal  of  verbs  iTv,  see 

§  75  »«. 


§  12  a-c]     Other  Signs  which  affect  the  Reading         55 

to  sliow  that  it  has  a  stronger  sound.  On  the  other  liand  a  horizontal 
stroke  {Rapfie)  over  a  consonant  is  a  sign  that  it  has  7iot  the  stronger 
f^ound.  According  to  the  different  purposes  for  which  it  is  used  the 
point  is  either  (i)  DageS  forte,  a  sign  of  strengthening  (§  12);  or 
(2)  Dages  lene,  a  sign  of  the  harder  pronunciation  of  certain  con- 
sonants (§  13);  or  (3)  Mappiq,  a  sign  to  bring  out  the  full  consonantal 
value  of  letters  which  otherwise  serve  as  vowel  letters  (§  7  b),  especially 
in  the  case  of  n  at  the  end  of  the  word  (§14  a).  The  Raphe,  which 
excludes  the  insertion  of  any  of  these  points,  has  almost  entirely  gone 
out  of  use  in  our  printed  texts  (§14  e). 

§  12.  Dagek  in  general,^  and  Dage§  forte  in  particular. 

Cf.  Graetz,  '  Die  mannigfache  Anwendung  u.  Bedeut.  des  Dagesch,'  in 
Monatsschr.  fiir  Gesch.  w.  Wiss.  d.  Judent.,  1887,  pp.  425  S.  and  473  £f. 

1.  Dage^,  a  point  standing  in  the  middle  of  a  consonant,^  denotes,  a 
according  to  §  11,  (a)  the  strengthening^  of  a  consonant  [Dages  forte), 
e-g-  ''^i?  qittel  (§  20);    or  (6)  the  harder  pronunciation  of  the  letters 
^?|*15?  {Dages  lene).     For  a  variety  of  the  latter,  now  rarely  used  in 
our  printed  texts,  see  §  13  c. 

The  root  ^T\  in  Syriac  means  to  pierce  through,  to  bore  through  (with  sharp  f) 
iron) ;  hence  the  name  Dagei  is  commonly  explained,  solely  with  reference 
to  its  form,  oy  pMnrf«re,  point.  But  the  names  of  all  similar  signs  are  derived 
rather  from  their  grammatical  significance.  Accordingly  ^y]  may  in  the 
Masora  have  the  sense  :  acuere  (Jiteram),  i.  e.  to  sharpen  a  letter,  as  well  as  to 
harden  it,  i.e.  to  pronounce  it  as  hard  and  without  aspiration.  \yH  acuens 
{literam)  would  then  be  a  sign  of  sharpening  and  hardening  (like  Mappiq 
P^Sip  proferens,  as  signum  prolationis),  for  which  purposes  a  prick  of  the  pen,  or 
puncture,  was  selected.     The  opposite  of  Da^eHs  nQI  soft,  §  14  e,  and  §  22  n. 

2.  In  grammar  Dage^  forte,  the  sign  of  strengthening,  is  the  more  q 
important.    It  may  be  compared  to  the  sicilicus  of  the  Latins  {Luculus 
for  Lucullus)  or  to  the  stroke  over  m  and  n.     In  the  unpointed  text 
it  is  omitted,  like  the  vowels  and  other  reading  signs. 

For  the  different  kinds  of  Dages  forte,  see  §  20. 

1  Oort,  Theol.  Tijdschr.  1902,  p.  376,  maintains  that  'the  Masoretes  recognized 
no  distinction  between  Dages  lene  and  forte.  They  used  a  Dages  where  they 
considered  that  a  letter  had  the  sharp,  not  the  soft  or  aspirated  sound.' 
This  may  be  true;  but  the  old-established  distinction  between  the  two  kinds 
of  DogeJ  is  essential  for  the  right  understanding  of  the  grammatical  forms. 

*  Wdw  with  Dagei  (^)  cannot  in  our  printed  texts  be  distinguished  from  a 
wSw  pointed  as  Surlq  (^) ;  in  the  latter  case  the  point  should  stand  higher  up. 
The  ^  u  is,  however,  easily  to  be  recognized  since  it  cannot  take  a  vowel  before 
or  under  it. 

*  Stade,  Lehrb.  der  hebr.  Gr.,  Lpz.  1879,  pp.  44,  103,  rightly  insists  on  the 
expression  strengthened  pronunciation  instead  of  the  older  term  doubling,  since 
the  consonant  in  question  is  only  written  once.  The  common  expression 
arises  from  the  fact  that  in  transcription  a  strengthened  consonant  can  only  be 
indicated  by  writing  it  as  double. 


56  The  Individual  Sounds  and  Characters  [§§  ra  a-a, 


l^a-c 


§  13.    Dages  lene. 

Ginsburg,  Introd.,  p.  114  if. :  Dagesh  and  Baphe. 

a  1.  Dages  lene,  the  sign  of  hardening,  is  in  ordinary  printed  texts 
placed  only  within  the  nSSl^a  letters  (§  6  n)  as  a  sign  that  they 
should  be  pronounced  with  their  original  hard  sound  (without  aspira- 
tion), e.g.  ^y^  melekh,  but  i3?P  md'-ko ;  ">S|J1  taphdr,  but  'i^)  yith-por ; 
nriE^  tatha,  but  r\V\f\  yiUe.  ' 

f)      2.  The  cases  in  which  a  DageS  lene  is  to  be  inserted  are  stated  in 

§  21.     It  occurs  almost  exclusively  at  the  beginning  of  words  and 

syllables.     In  the  middle  of  the  word  it  can  easily  be  distinguished 

from  Dages  forte,  since  the  latter  always  has  a  vowel  before  it,  whereas 

Dage^  lene  never  has;  accordingly  the  Dages  in  ''3*5  'appt,  D''3"l  rabbim 

must  be  forte,  but  in  P'!!?^  yigdal  it  is  lene. 

C  A  variety  of  the  Bagei  lene  is  used  in  many  manuscripts,  as  well  as  in  Baer's 
editions,  though  others  (including  Ginsburg  in  the  first  t\v<)  cases,  Introd., 
pp.  121,  130,  603,  662)  reject  it  together  with  the  Hatefs  dlscusised  in  §  10  g. 
It  is  inserted  in  consonants  other  than  the  B'gadk'phath  to  cajl  attention 
expressly  to  the  beginning  of  a  new  syllable  :  (a)  when  the  same  consonant 

precedes  in  close  connexion,  e.  g.  ^3?"b33  tp  9',  where,  owing  to  tK©  Dages, 

the  coalescing  of  the  two  Lameds  is  avoided ;  (J>)  in  cases  like  ''DTO  ^62^  = 

•>nah-si  (not  mdh"'-si) ;  (c)  according  to  some  (including  Baer ;  not  in  ed.  Mant.) 

in  N7  in  the  combination  N^  1^3  Dt  32*,  or  i?  6^7  Hb  1',  2«  &c.  (so  always 
also  in  Ginsburg's  text,  except  in  Gn  38') ;  see  also  §  20  e  and  g. — Delitzsch 
appropriately  gives  the  name  of  Dage^  orihophonicum  to  this  variety  of  Dagci 
{Bibl.  Kommentar,  1874,  on  ^t  94")  ;  cf.  moreover  Delitzsch,  Luth.  Ztschr.,  1863, 
p.  413  ;  also  his  Oomplutensische  Varianten  zu  dem  Alttest.  Texte,  Lpz.  1878,  p.  1 2., 

d  3.  When  Dages  forte  is  placed  in  a  B^gadk^phath,  the  strengthening 
necessarily  excludes  its  aspiration,  e.g.  ""SN,  from  ^33*?. 

§  14.    Mappiq  and  Raphe. 

a  1.  Mappiq,  like  DageS,  also  a  point  toithin  the  consonant,  serves  in 
the  letters  M  n  X  as  a  sign  that  they  are  to  be  regarded  as  full 
consonants  and  not  as  vowel  letters.  In  most  editions  of  the  text  it 
is  only  used  in  the  consonantal  n  at  the  end  of  words  (since  n  can 
never  be  a  vowel  letter  in  the  middle  of  a  word),  e.g.  I^^J  gabhdh 
(to  be  high),  "^-f^?*  'arsdh  (her  land)  which  has  a  consonantal  ending 

(shortened  from  -hd),  different  from  '"l^")^  'drsd  (to  the  earth)  which 
has  a  vowel  ending. 

h  Rem.  I.  Without  doubt  such  a  Hs  was  distinctly  aspirated  like  the  Arabic 
Hd  at  the  end  of  a  syllable.  There  are,  however,  cases  in  which  this  n  has 
lost  its  consonantal  character  (the  Mappiq  of  course  disappearing  too),  so 
that  it  remains  only  as  a  vowel  letter ;  cf.  §  91  e  on  the  3rd  fem.  sing. 

C  The  name  p'^QD  means  proferens,  i.  e.  a  sign  which  brings  out  the  sound  of 
the  letter  distinctly,  as  a  consonant.    The  same  sign  was  selected  for  this 


IU4d,e,isa,b-\        Mappiq  and  Raphe  57 

and  for  Bagei,  since  both  are  intended  to  indicate  a  hard,  i.  e.  a  strong,  sound. 
Hence  Raphe  (see  e)  is  the  opposite  of  both. 

2.  In  MSS.  Mappiq  is  also  found  with  K,  1,  \  to  mark  them  expressly  as  d 
consonants,  e.g.  ^13  (got/),  1p  {qaw,  qdu),  for  which  1  is  also  used,  as  IK'J^,  &c. 
For  the  various  statements  of  the  Masora  (where  these  points  are  treated  as 
Dages),  see  Ginsburg,  The  Massorah,  letter  H,  §  6  (also  Introd.,  pp.  557,  609,  637, 
770),  and  '  The  Dageshed  Alephs  in  the  Karlsruhe  MS.'  (where  these  points 
are  extremely  frequent),  in  the  Verhandluvgen  des  Berliner  Orientalisten-Kongresses, 
Berlin,  i.  188 1,  p.  136  S.  The  great  differences  in  the  statements  found  in 
the  Masora  point  to  different  schools,  one  of  which  appears  to  have  intended 
that  every  audible  N  should  be  pointed.  In  the  printed  editions  the  point 
occurs  only  four  times  with  N  (N  or  N),  Gn  432*,  Lv  23",  Ezr  8"  and  Jb  33"! 
(1N"I  ;  where  the  point  can  be  taken  only  as  an  orthophonetic  sign,  not  with 
KOnig  as  Dagei  forte).     Cf.  Delitzsch,  Hiob,  2nd  ed.,  p.  439  ff. 

2.  Rd2)he  (HDn  i.e.  weak,  soft),  a  horizontal  stroke  over  the  letter,  e 
is  the  opposite  of  both  kinds  of  DageS  and  Mappiq,  but  especially  of 
Dagd  lene.  In  exact  manuscripts  every  nD31J3  letter  has  either 
Dage^  lene  or  Bdphe,  e.g.  ^^»  melekh,  isri,  T\i^f.  In  modern  editions 
(except  Ginsburg's  ist  ed.)  Rdjpke  is  used  only  when  the  absence  of  a 
Dages  or  Mappiq  requires  to  be  expressly  pointed  out. 

§  15.    The  Accents. 

On  the  ordinal^  accents  (see  below,  e),  cf.  W.  Heidenheim,  D^OytSH  "'PBK'O  ^ 

[The  Laws  of  the  Accents],  EOdelheim,  1808  (a  compilation  from  older  Jewish 
writers  on  the  accents,  with  a  commentary) ;  W.  Wickes  (see  also  below), 
D^ISD  N"3  "iDytD  [_The  Accents  of  the  Tuetiiy-one  Books],  Oxford,  1887,  an 
exhaustive  investigation  in  English  ;  J.  M.  Japhet,  Die  Accente  der  hi.  Schrift 
(exclusive  of  the  books  n?Oi«{),ed.  by  Heinemann,  Frankf.  a.  M.  1896;  Pratorius, 
Die  Herkunft  der  hebr.  Accente,  Berlin,  1901,  and  (in  answer  to  Gregory's  criticism 
in  the  TLZ.  1901,  no.  22)  Die  Uebernahme  der  frilh-mittelgriech.  Neumen  durch  die 
Juden,  Berlin,  1902  ;  P.  Kahle,  '  Zur  Gesch.  der  hebr.  Accente,'  ZDMO.  55 
(1901),  167  ff.  (i,  on  the  earliest  Jewish  lists  of  accents;  2,  on  the  mutual 
relation  of  the  various  systems  of  accentuation ;  on  p.  1 79  ff.  he  deals 
with  the  accents  of  the  3rd  system,  see  above,  §  8  «;,  note)  ;  Margolis,  art. 
'Accents,'  in  the  Jewish  Encycl.  i  (1901),  149  ff. ;  J.Adams,  Semwns  in  Accents, 
London,  1906. — On  the  accents  of  the  Books  D"Nn  (see  below,  h),  S.  Baer, 
niDK  min  [Accentual  Laws  of  the  Books  Jl^DS],  Rftdelheim,  1852,  and  his 
appendix  to  Delitzsch's  Psalmencommentar,  vol.  ii,  Lpz.  i860,  and  in  the  5th 
ed.,  1894  (an  epitome  is  given  in  Baer-Delitzsch's  Liber  Psalmorum  hebr.,  Lpz. 
1861,  1874,  1880);  cf.  also  Delitzsch's  most  instructive  '  Accentuologischer 
Commentar'  on  Psalms  1-3,  in  his  Psalmencommentar  of  1874,  as  well  as  the 
numerous  contributions  to  the  accentual  criticism  of  the  text,  &c.,  in  the 
editions  of  Baer  and  Delitzsch,  and  in  the  commentaries  of  the  latter ; 
W.  Wickes,  n*!OX  ""OyD  [Accents  of  the  Poet.  Books],  Oxford,  1881  ;  Mitchell,  in 
the  Journal  of  Bibl.  Lit.,  1891,  p.  144  ff. ;  Baer  and  Strack,  Dikduke  ha-famim, 
p.  i7ff. 

1.  As  Pratorius  (see  above)  has  convincingly  shown,  the  majority  of  0 
the  Hebrew  accents,  especially,  according  to  Kahle  (see  above),  the 
'Conjunctivi',  were  adopted  by  the  Jews  from  the  neums  and  punctua- 
tion-marks found  in  Greek  gospel-books,  and,  like  these,  their  primary 
purpose  was  to  regulate  minutely  the  public  reading  of  the  sacred 


58         The  Individual  Sounds  and  Characters  [§  15  c,  i 

iext.  The  complete  transformation  and  amplification  of  ihe  system 
(in  three  different  forms,  see  §  8  ^,  note),  which  soon  caused  the  Jews 
to  forget  its  real  origin,  is  clearly  connected  with  the  gradual  change 
from  the  speaking  voice  in  public  reading  to  chanting  or  singing. 
The  accents  then  served  as  a  kind  of  musical  notes.*  Their  value 
as  such  has,  however,  with  the  exception  of  a  few  traces,  become 
lost  in  transmission.  On  the  other  hand,  according  to  their  original 
design  they  have  also  a  twofold  use  which  is  still  of  the  greatest 
importance  for  grammar  (and  syntax),  viz.  their  value  (a)  as 
marking  the  tone,  (b)  as  marks  of  punctuation  to  indicate  the  logical 
(syntactical)  relation  of  single  words  to  their  immediate  surroundings, 
and  thus  to  the  whole  sentence.* 

C  2.  As  a  mark  of  the  tone  the  accent  stands  almost  invariably  (but 
see  below,  e)  with  the  syllable  which  has  the  principal  tone  in  the  word. 
This  is  usually  the  ultima,  less  frequently  the  penultima.  Amongst 
the  Jewish  grammarians  a  word  which  has  the  tone  on  the  ultima  is 
called  Milra'  (Aram.  VlpO  i.e.  accented  below ^),  e.g.  b6\>  qdtdl;  a  word 
which  has  the  tone  on  the  penultima  is  Mil'el  (Aram.  "P^^^P,  accented 
above),  e.g.  '^^O  melekh.  Besides  this,  in  many  cases  a  secondary  tone 
is  indicated  in  the  word  by  Metheg  (cf.  §  .16).  Examples  such  as 
1D^  nnoVJL  is  50*  (cf,  4o'^  Ex  i5«,  Jb  12I',  La  2'')  are  regarded  by 
the  Jewish  grammarians  as  even  jproparoxytone.'^ 

d  3.  As  marks  of  interpunctuation  the  accents  are  subdivided  into 
those  which  separate  {Distinctivi  or  Domini)  and  those  which  connect 
{Conjunctivi  or  Servi).  Further  a  twofold  system  of  accentuation  is 
to  be  noted  :  (a)  the  common  system  found  in  twenty-one  of  the 
Books  (the  n''3  i.e.  twenty-one),  and  {b)  that  used  in  the  first  three 
Books  of  the  Hagiographa,  viz.  Psalms,  Proverbs,  and  Job,  for  which 
the  vox  memor.  is  riDN,  from  the  initial  consonants  of  the  names,  D^^nn 
Psalms,  vK'D  Proverbs,  3i>N  Job,  or  more  correctly,  according  to  their 
original  sequence,  D^'XH  (DNH  twin),  so  that  D'^Kn  '•lOytD  means  the 
accents  (sing.  Dy^)  of  these  three  Books.  The  latter  system  is  not 
only  richer  and  more  complicated  in  itself,  but  also  musically  more 
significant  than  the  ordinary  accentuation. 

*  On  the  attempts  of  Christian  scholars  of  the  sixteenth  century  to  express 
the  Hebrew  accents  by  musical  notes,  cf.  Ortenberg,  ZDMQ.  1889,  p.  534. 

^  At  the  same  time  it  must  not  be  forgotten  that  the  value  of  the  accent 
as  a  mark  of  punctuation  is  always  relative  ;  thus,  e.  g.  'Athndh  as  regards  the 
logical  structure  of  the  sentence  may  at  one  time  indicate  a  very  important 
break  (as  in  Gn  1*) ;  at  another,  one  which  is  almost  imperceptible  (as  in 
Gn  i»).  ^       ^  ^ 

'  'Above'  in  this  sense  means  what  comes  before,  '  below  '  is  what  comes 
after ;  cf.  Bacher,  ZAW.  1907,  p.  285  f. 

*  Cf.  Delitzsch  on  Is  40I8. 


§i5e,/]  The  Accents  59 

I.     The  Common  Accents. 

Preliminary  remark.     The  accents  wliich  are  marked  as  prepositive  stand  to  6 
tlie  right  over  or  under  the  initial  consonant  of  the  word  ;  those  jnarked  as 
postpositive,  to  tlie  left  over  or  under  the  last  consonant.     Consequently  in 
both  cases  the  tone-syllable  must  bo  ascertained  independently  of  the  accent 
(but  cf.  below,  I). 

A.     Disjunctive  Accents  {Distinctivi  or  Domini).^  f 

1.  (-p)  P''?P  Silluq  {end)  always  with  the  tone-syllahle  of  the  last 

word  before  Soph  pasuq  (:),  the  verse-divider,  e.g. '  Y')^'^. 

2.  {—)  njns  'Athnah  or  i^^%^^  'Athnahta  {rest),  the  principal 

divider  within  the  verse. 

3  a.  {-^)  i^^piJD  S®g61ta,  postpositive,  marks  the  fourth  or  fifth  sub- 
ordinate division,  counting  backwards  from  'Athnah  (e.g. 
Gn  i7-2«). 

36.  (I — )  nb^pB'  SalsMeth  (i.e.  chain),  as  disjunctive,  or  Great 
Sal§61eth,  distinguished  by  the  following  stroke  ^  from 
the  conjunctive  in  the  poetic  accentuation,  is  used  for 

*  All  the  disjunctives  occur  in  Is  39^. — The  earlier  Jewish  accentuologists 
already  distinguish  between  D''pPD  Reges  and  D"'ri"1*iJ'p  Servi.     The  division 

of  the  disjunctive  accents  into  Imperatores,  Reges,  Duces,  Comites,  which 
became  common  amongst  Christian  grammarians,  originated  in  the  Scru- 
linium  S.  S.  ex  accentibus  of  Sam.  Bohlius,  Rostock,  1636,  and,  as  the  source  of 
manifold  confusion,  had  better  be  given  up.  The  order  of  the  accents  ia 
respect  to  their  disjunctive  power  is  shown  in  general  by  the  above  classifica- 
tion, following  Wickes.  In  respect  to  the  height  of  tone  (in  chanting)  i,  2, 
5,  4,  8,  which  were  low  and  long  sustained  notes,  are  to  be  distinguished  from 
the  high  notes  (7,  3*,  6,  13,  9\  and  the  highest  (.^'',  11,  12,  10);  cf.  Wicbi's, 
N"3  't3  p.  i2ff. — The  name  D^oyp  (later  =  occente  in  general)  was  originally 
restricted  to  the  disjunctives,  see  Kahle,  1.  c,  p.  169. 

*  This  stroke  is  commonly  confused  with  Paseq,  wliich  has  the  same  form. 
But  Paseq  {=  restraining,  dividing,  also  incorrectly  called  P*siq)  is  neither  an 
independent  accent,  nor  a  constituent  part  of  other  accents,  but  is  used  as  a 
mark  for  various  purposes ;  see  the  Masoretic  lists  at  the  end  of  Baer's 
editions,  and  Wickes,  Accents  of  the  Twenty-one  Books,  p.  120  S.,  where  Pas6q  is 
divided  into  distinctivum,  emphaticum,  homonymicum,  Rud  euphonicum.  The  con- 
jecture of  Olshausen  {Lehrb.,  p.  86  f.),  that  Paseq  served  also  to  point  out 
marginal  glosses  subsequently  interpolated  into  the  text,  has  been  further 
developed  by  E.  von  Ortcnberg,  '  Die  Bedeutung  des  Paseq  fiir  Quellenschei- 
dung  in  den  BB.  d.  A.  T.,'  in  Progr.  des  Domgymn.  su  Verden,  1887,  ^^^  '^  *'''® 
article,  'Paseq  u.  Legarmeh,'  in  ZAW.  1887,  p.  301  ff.  (but  seeWickes,  ibid. 

1888,  p.  149  ff.  ;   also  E.  KOnig,  in  the  Ztschr.  f.  kirchl.  Wiss.  u.  kirchl.  Leben, 

1889,  parts  5  and  6  ;  Maas,  in  Helraica,  v.  121  ff.,  viii.  89  ff.).  Priitorius, 
ZDMG.  1899,  p  683  ff.,  pointed  out  that  Paseq  (wliich  is  pre-masoretic  and 
quite  distinct  from  L'garniih)  besides  being  a  divider  (used  especially  for  the 
sake  of  greater  clearness)  also  served  as  a  sign  of  abbreviation.  For  further 
treatment  of  Paseq  see  H.  Grimme, '  Pasekstudien,'  in  the  Bibl.  Ztschr.,  i.  337  ff., 
ii.  28  ff.,  and  Psalmenprobleme,  &c.,  Freiburg  (Switzerland),  1902,  p.  173,  where 
it  is  argued  that  Paseq  indicates  variants  in  a  difficult  sentence  ;  J.  Kennedy, 
The  Note-line  in  the  Ileb.  Scriptures,  Edinb.  1903,  with  an  index  of  all  the  occur- 
rences oi  Paseq,  p.  117  fif.  According  to  Kennedy  the  'note-line',  of  which 
he  distinguishes  sixteen  different  kinds,  is  intended  to  draw  attention  to 
some  peculiarity  in  the  text  ;  it  existed  long  before  the  Masoretes,  and  was 
no  longer  understood  by  them.    See,  however,  the  reviews  of  E.  KOnig,  Tlieol. 


6o         The  Individual  Sounds  and  Characters      [§15/ 

S^golta  (seven  times  altogether)  wheo  this  would  stand 
at  the  head  of  the  sentence  ;  cf.  Gn  19^^  «&c. 

4  a.  (-^)  ''^'^5  ^i?]  Zaqeph  gadol,  and 

4  h.  (-^)  P^iJ  ^pt  Zaqeph  qaton.  The  names  refer  to  their  musical 
character.  As  a  disjunctive,  Little  Zaqeph  is  by  nature 
stronger  than  Great  Zaqeph;  but  if  they  stand  together, 
the  one  which  comes  first  is  always  the  stronger. 

5.  (-_)  S^HB^   Tiphha   or  Snn^  Tarha,  a  subordinate  disjunctive 

before  Silluq  and  'Athnah,  but  very  often  the  principal 
disjunctive  of  the  whole  verse  instead  of  'Athnah ;  always 
so  when  the  verse  consists  of  only  two  or  three  words 
(e.g.  Is  2"),  but  ako  in  longer  verses  (Gn  3^'). 

6.  (-^)  V'?l  Rebhia'. 

7.  (-^)  i<ij"jl  Zarqa,  postpositive. 

8  a.  {■^)  «^f  3  Paita,  postpositive,^  and 

8  h.  (-^)  ^^n^  Yethibh,  2>repositive,  and  thus  different  from  Mehup- 
pakh.  Y^thibh  is  used  in  place  of  Pasta  when  the  latter 
would  stand  on  a  monosyllable  or  on  a  foretoned  word, 
not  preceded  by  a  conjunctive  accent. 

9.      (_)  -inri  Tebhir. 

10  a.  {—)  B'7.a  Geres  or  D^D  T^res,  and 

106.   (— )  Dt^7?  G«ras^yim"  or  Double  GfereS,  used  for  Gferes,  when 
the  tone  rests  on  the  ultima,  and  'Azla  does  not  precede, 
ri  a.  (-^)  ■(tS  Pazer,  and 

1 1  b.   {—)  S^"ia  "iia  Pazer  gadol  (Great  Pazer)  or  nns  >)r\p_  Qarne  phara 

{cow-horns),  only  used  i6  times,  for  special  emphasis. 

12.  (— )  T\b)i:  af'bn  Tellga  gedola  or  Great  Telisa,  prepositive. 

13.  (j )  nci"l5p  Legarmeh,  i.e.  Munah  (see  below)  with  a  following 

stroke. 

Stud.  u.  Krit.,  1904,  p.  448  ff.,  G.  Beer,  TLZ.  1905,  no.  3,  and  esp.  A.  Kloster- 
mann,  Theol.  Lit.-blatt,  1904,  no.  13,  with  whom  Ginsburg  agrees  {Verhand- 
lungen  des  Hamb.  Or .-kongresses  von  1902,  Leiden,  1904,  p.  210  ff.)  in  showing 
that  the  tradition  with  regard  to  the  479  or  480  uses  of  Paseq  is  by  no  means 
uniform.  Tlie  purpose  of  Paseq  is  clearly  recognizable  in  the  five  old  rules  : 
as  a  divider  between  identical  letters  at  the  end  and  beginning  of  two  words  ; 
between  identical  or  very  similar  words ;  between  words  which  are  absolutely 
contradictory  (as  God  and  evil-doer) ;  between  words  which  are  liable  to  be 
wrongly  connected  ;  and  lastly,  between  heterogeneous  terms,  as  '  Eleazar  the 
High  Priest,  and  Joshua'.  But  the  assumption  of  a  far-reaching  critical 
importance  in  Paseq  is  at  least  doubtful. — Cf.  also  the  important  article  by 
H.  Fuchs,  'Pesiq  ein  Glossenzeichen,'  in  the  Vieiieljahrsschrift  f.  Bibelkunde, 
Aug.  1908,  p.  I  ff.  and  p.  97  flf. 

'  If  the  word  in  question  has  the  tone  on  the  penultima,  PaSta  is  placed 

over  it  also,  e.g    ^riD  Gn  1'  ;  cf.  below,  I. 
*  Wickes  requires  GerSayim  (D^K'1s|). 


The  Accents 


6i 


I. 

2. 

3- 


h 


§  15  5-,  A] 

B.     Conjunctive  AccESTa  (Conjunctivi  or  Sen?*).  fir 

14.  (_)  miD  Munah. 

15.  (__)  TjSrit?  Mehuppakh  or  'n?'!iP  Mahpakh. 
16  a.  (— )  N31'0  or  N^l^P  Meiekha,  and 

16  b.   {-—)  nblQ3  'O  Merekha  khephula  or  Double  Mer^kha. 

17.  (__)  Ka"!"!  Darga. 

18.  {-^)  iO]^  'Azla,  when  associated  witb  G^re§  (see  above)  also 

called  Qadma. 

19.  (— )  '"13^1?  NB^'^n  Telisa  qetannS  or  Little  Teliga,  postpositive. 

20.  (_)  b^%  Galgal  or  nn^  Yferah. 

[21.  (_)  fc«b*K»  Me'ayyela  or  N^^NO  May^la,  a  variety  of  Tiphha, 
serves  to  mark  the  secondary  tone  in  words  which  have 
Silluq  or  'Athnah,  or  which  are  united  by  Maqqeph 
with  a  word  so  accentuated,  e.g.  nj"^^*.^  Gn  8^*.] 

II.     The  Accents  of  the  Books  D^'sn. 

A.    DisTiNcrrvr. 
( — )  Silluq  (see  above,  I,  i). 

(7^)  I'})'')  nb^y  '6lfe  weyored,^  a  stronger  divider  than 

( )  'Athnah   (see   above,   I,   2).     In   shorter  verses  'Athnah 

suffices  as  principal  distinctive;  in  longer  verses  'Ole 
vfyorld  serves  as  such,  and  is  then  mostly  followed  by 
'Athnah  as  the  principal  disjunctive  of  the  second  half 
of  the  verse. 

4.  (— )  Rebhia'  gad61  (Great  Rebhia'). 

5.  (-^)  Rebhla'  mugras,  i.e.  Rebhia'  with  Gere§  on  the  same  word. 

6.  (— )  Great  SalSfeleth  (see  above,  1.  3  6). 

7.  (-=^)  "lisif  Sinnor  (Zarqa),  as  postpositive,  is  easily  distinguished 

from  ri"'")^3if  Sinnorith  similarly  placed,  which  is  not  an 
independent  accent,  but  stands  only  over  an  open  syllable 
before  a  consonant  which  has  Mer^kha  or  Mahpakh. 

8.  (— )  Rebhia'  q5t6n   (Little   Rebhia')   immediately   before   'Ole 

w^yored. 

9.  (__)  "'n'H  D«hi  or  Tiphha,  prepositive,  to  the  right  underneath 

the  initial  consonant,  e.g.  ''13!^  (consequently  it  does  not 
mark  the  tone-syllable). 

1  "Wrongly  called  also  MSr*kha  m'huppakh  {Mer^kha  mahpakhatum),  although 
the  accent  underneath  is  in  no  way  connected  with  Mer*kha ;  cf.  Wickes,  1.  c, 
p.  14. 


62         IVie  Individual  Sounds  and  Characters   [§  15  in 

10,      (— )  Pazer  (see  above,  I,  1 1  a). 

II  a,  (|-^)  Mehuppakh  legarmeh,    i.e.   MahpSkh  with   a   following 

stroke. 
116.  (|--^)  'Azla  legarmeli,  i.e.  'Azla  with  a  following  stroke. 

I  B.       CONJCNCTIVI. 

12.  (— -)  Meiekha  (see  above,  I.  i6a). 

13.  (_j-)  Munah  (see  above,  I.  14). 

14.  (-— )  ""l?y  'Illuy  or  Munah  superior, 

15.  (__)  t^ni^    Tarha  (under   the   tone- syllable,    and    thus    easily 

distinguished  from  No.  9). 

16.  (-;j-)  Galgal  or  Yferah  (see  above,  I.  20). 

17.  ( — )  M^huppakh  or  Mahpakh  (see  above,  I.  15). 

18.  (-^)  'Azla  (see  above,  I.  18). 

19.  ( — )  Sal§eleth  q^tanna  (Little  Salseleth). 

Tlie  last  three  are  distinguished  from  the  disjunctives  of 
the  same  name  by  the  absence  of  the  stroke. 
[20.     (-=^)  Sinnorith,  see  above  under  No.  7.] 

Remabks  on  the  Accents. 
I.     As  Signs  of  the  Tone. 

]^  1.  As  in  Greek  and  English  (cf.  (Ifd  and  (Im,  compact  and  comfdct)  so  also  in 
Hebrew,  words  which  are  written  with  the  same  consonants  are  occasionally 

<  < 

distinguished  by  the  position  of  the  tone,  e.g.  U3  ban^  (they  built),  ^33  hdnu 
(in  us)  ;  HOp  qdma  (she  stood  up),  r\h\>  qamd  (standing  up,  fern.). 
I  2.  As  a  rule  the  accent  stands  on  the  tone-syllable,  and  properly  on  its 
initial  consonant.  In  the  case  of  prepositives  and  postpositives  alone  (see 
above,  e)  the  tone-syllable  must  be  ascertained  independently  of  the  accent. 
lu  many  MSS.  as  well  as  in  Baer's  editions  of  the  text,  the  postpositive  sign 
in  foretoned  vvrords  stands  also  over  the  tone-syllable  after  the  analogy  of 

Pa5ta  (see  above,  I.  8  a,  note);  e.g.  '^3^''' D"l6  Gni9*;  so  the  prepositive 

PC  T :    •       .•  v 

sign  in  cases  like  ''11^1  Gn  8^^. 

II.   As  Siijns  of  Punctuation. 

ffl  3.  In  respect  to  this  use  of  the  accents,  every  verse  is  regarded  as  a  period 
which  closes  veith  Silluq,  or  in  the  figurative  language  of  the  grammarians, 
as  a  province  (ditio)  which  is  governed  by  the  great  distinctive  at  the  end. 
According  as  the  verse  is  long  or  short,  i.  e.  the  province  great  or  small,  there 
are  several  subordinate  Domini  of  different  grades,  as  governors  of  greater 
and  smaller  divisions.  When  possible,  the  subdivisions  themselves  are  also 
split  up  into  parts  according  to  the  law  of  dichotomy  (see  Wickes,  The  Accents 
of  the  Twenty-one  Books,  p.  29  ff ). — When  two  or  more  equivalent  accents  (Zaqeph, 
K'bhia')  occur  consecutively,  the  accent  which  precedes  marks  a  greater 
division  than  the  one  which  follows  ;  cf.  e.g.  the  Zaqeph,  Gn  i""". 

7i  4.  In  general  a  conjunctive  {Servua)  unites  only  such  words  as  are  closely 
connected  in  sense,  e.  g.  a  noun  with  a  following  genitive  or  a  noun  with  an 


^liso,p,i6a,b]  The  Accents  63 

adjective.     For  the  closest  connexion  between  two  or  more  words  Maqqeph  is 
added  (§  i6a). 

5.  The  consecution  of  the  several  accents  (especially  the  correspondence  of  0 
disjunctives  with  their  proper  conjunctives)  conforms  in  tlie  most  minute 
details  to  strict  rules,  for  a  further  investigation  of  which  we  must  refer  to 
the  above-mentioned  works.  Here,  to  avoid  misunderstanding,  we  shall 
only  notice  further  the  rule  that  in  the  accentuation  of  the  books  D"Nn,  the 
R'hhi^'  mugrds  before  Silluq,  and  the  D^/ii  before  'Athndh,  must  be  changed  into 
conjunctives,  unless  at  least  two  toneless  syllables  precede  the  principal 
disjunctive.  For  this  purpose  §*wa  mobile  after  Qames,  Sere,  or  Holem  (with 
Metheg)  is  to  be  regarded  as  forming  a  syllable.  After  '016  w«y6red  the 
'Athnah  does  not  necessarily  act  as  pausal  (cf.  Delitzsch  on  \p  45').  The 
condition  of  our  ordinary  texts  is  corrupt,  and  the  system  of  accents  can 
only  be  studied  in  correct  editions  [see  Wickes'  two  treatises]. 

6.  A  double  accentuation  occurs  in  Gn  35",  from  331J'^1  onward  (where  p 
the  later  accentuation,  intended  for  public  reading,  aims  at  uniting  vv.  22 
and  23  into  one,  so  as  to  pass  rapidly  over  the  unpleasant  statement  in  v.  22)  ; 
and  in  the  Decalogue,  Ex  20^  ^- ;  Dt  5*  ^-  Here  also  the  later  (mainly 
superlinear)  accentuation  which  closes  the  first  verse  with  DHSV  (instead  of 
"•33)  is  adopted  simply  for  the  purposes  of  public  reading,  in  order  to  reduce 
the  original  twelve  verses  (with  sublinear  accentuation)  to  ten,  the  number 
of  the  Commandments.     Thus  W^ll]}  at  the  end  of  v.  2  has  Silluq  (to  close 

•  T  -; 

the  verse)  in  the  lower  accentuation,  but  in  the  upper,  which  unites  vv.  2-6 
(the  actual  words  of  God)  into  a  single  period,  only  R«bhi''.  Again  iJD, 
regarded  as  closing  v.  3,  is  pointed  ""JS  (pausal  Qames  with  Silluq),  but  in 
the  upper  accentuation  it  is  ''JQ  with  Pathah  because  not  in  pause.  (Originally 
there  may  have  been  a  third  accentuation  requiring  D'^py  and  ^3E,  and  thus 
representing  vv.  2  and  3  as  the  first  commandment.)  Further  the  upper 
accentuation  unites  vv.  8-1 1  into  one  period,  while  in  vv.  12-15  the  lower 
accentuation  combines  commandments  5-8  into  one  verse.  Cf.  Geiger, 
Urschrift  u.  Ubersetsungen  der  Bibel,  p.  373  ;  Japhet,  op.  cit.,  p.  158,  and  eap. 
K.  J.  Grimm,  Johns  Hopkins  Univ.  Circ.  xix  (May,  1900),  no.  145. 


§  16.    Of  Maqqeph  and  MUMg. 

These  are  both  closely  connected  with  the  accents.  a 

1.  Maqqeph  (^i?0  i.e.  hinder)  is  a  small  horizontal  stroke  between 
the  Tipper  part  of  two  words  which  so  connects  them  that  in  respect 
of  tone  and  pointing  they  are  regarded  as  one,  and  therefore  have 
only  one  accent.  Two,  three,  or  even  four  words  may  be  connected 
in  this  way,  e.g.  D'lX"?!  every  man,  3K'^"i'3"nK  every  herb,  Gn  i"*, 
i^--|p«-^3-nX  all  that  he  had,  Gn  25*. 

Certain  monosyllabic  prepositions  and  conjunctions,  such  as  "7NI  to,  "1^  Jj 

uniil,  ~?y  upon,  "DJJ  with,  "PS  ne,  ~DX  if,  whether,  "|K)/rom,  ~]B  lest,  are  almost 

always  found  with  a  following  Maqqeph,  provided  they  have  not  become 

independent  forms  by  being  combined  with  prefixes,  e.g.  /Vl?,  DJJD,  in  which 

case  Maqqeph  as  a  rule  does  not  follow.     Occasionally  Maqqeph  is  replaced 
by  a  conjunctive  accent  (see  above,  §  9  u,  i  c),  as,  according  to  the  Masora, 

in  Dt  if,  a  S  20^8,  Jer  25^0,  29^5,  Ec  9*  in  the  case  of  -^3  ^X  ;  f  ^f,  60*,  Pr  3'^ 

in  the  case  of  TiXj  the  objective  particle.   Longer  words  are,  however,  con- 


64        The  Individual  Sounds  and  Characters    [§  16  c-/ 

nected  by  Maqqeph  with  a  following  monosyllable,  e.g.  nb'TjTnrin  Gn  6*, 

|D'"'n^1_  Gn  i'';    or   two  words   of  more   than  one  syllable,   e.g.  "l"lJ'V"nj?3B' 

seventeen,  Gn  7'^.  Cf.  the  Greek  proclitics  kv,  tie,  th,  d,  u/s,  ov,  which  are  atonic, 
and  lean  on  the  following  word. 

< 

C  2.  Metheg  (JriD  i.e.  a  bridle),  a  small  perpendicular  stroke  under 
the  consonant  to  the  left  of  the  vowel,  indicates  most  frequently  the 
secondary  stress  or  counter-tone,  as  opposed  to  the  principal  tone 
marked  by  the  accents.  It  serves,  however,  in  other  cases  to  point 
out  that  the  vowel  should  not  be  hastily  passed  over  in  pronunciation, 
but  should  be  allowed  its  full  sound.  Hence  other  names  of  Metheg 
are  Ma^-ikh,  i.e.  lengthener,  and  Gayd,  i.e.  raising  of  the  voice, 
which  is  Great  Ga'yd  with  long  vowels,  otherwise  Little  Gayd} 

d  It  is  divided  into:  i.  The  light  Metheg.  This  is  subdivided  again  into 
(a)  the  ordinary  Metheg  of  the  counter-tone,  as  a  rule  in  the  second  (open) 

syllable  before  the  tone,  e.g.  DIKH  (cf.  also  such  cases  as  "lif"T]20) ;  but  also 
in  the  third  when  the  second  is  closed,  e.  g.  D^y3"!Xn  (also  in  such  cases  as 
!]pSn"n!iy),  and  when  the  third  is  not  suitable  for  it,  even  in  the  fourth 
(open)  syllable  before  the  tone.  This  Metheg  may  be  repeated  in  the  fourth 
syllable  before  the  tone,  when  it  already  stands  in  the  second,  e.  g.  DDTlV^K', 

Finally  it  is  always  added  to  the  vowel  of  an  open  ultima,  which  is  joined 
by  Maqqeph  to  a  word  beginning  with  a  toneless  syllable  and  so  without 

M6theg  (e.g.  i'Xnbpja,  on  the  other  hand  D'^i'T^DB'"!,  n''nN-Nb),  or  to  a 

word  beginning  with  S'wd  before  the  tone-syllable,  e.g.  ^p~^0    '3Zl~nb?B' 
&c.  ;  the  object  being  to  prevent  the  S^tod  from  becoming  quiescent. 
e      The  ordinary    light  MethSg    is  omitted  with  a  movable   1   copulative,    con- 
sequently we  do  not  find  D''IQ1,  &c.  (nor  even  ^J31,  &c.,  contrary  to  b,  a  ;  but 

^l'I^i,  &c.,  according  to  6,  5,  cf.  §  10  g.  b). 
■P  (b)  The  firm  or  indispensable  Metheg.  (o)  With  all  long  vowels  (except  in 
certain  cases,  !|  copulative,  see  above),  which  are  followed  by  a  S^wd  7nobile 
preceding  the  tone-syllable;  e.g.  IN")'',  ^JB'^  &c.  ((3)  To  emphasize  a 
long  vowel  in  a  closed  syllable  immediately  before  Maqqeph,  e.g.  "•pTIK' 
Gn  4^5  (not  soth-li)  ;  hence  also  with  "<'3  \p  138^  and  "^X  Jb  4126  (for  "73  and 
"DN  ;  cf.  also  ~nXO  Jo  15^*,  &c.).  (7)  With  Sere,  which  has  become  toneless 
through  retraction  of  the  tone,  in  order  to  prevent  its  being  pronounced  as 
S'ghol,  e.g.  ny^  2nK  Pr  12^  (not  'ohebh).  (5)  With  all  vowels  before  com- 
posite  5*u;d,  e.  g.  TOy\,  Q^^V^,  &c-  (except  when  the  following  consonant  is 

< 

strengthened,  e.  g.  ^Dllip.''.  Is  62',  because  the  strengthening  by  Dagei  excludes 
the  retarding  of  the  vowel  by  Metheg) ;  so  in  the  cases  discussed  in  §  28  c, 
where  a  shoi't  vowel  lias  taken  the  place  of  a  Hateph,  as  ntDJJ^  &c.  (t)  In  the 
preformative  syllable  of  all  forms  of  iT*n  to  be,  and  riTI  to  live,  when  S'wd 
quiescens  stands  under  the  H  or  n,  e.  g.  iTH''     n''nn   (yih-ye,  tih-ye),  &c.,  cf. 

^  Cf.  as  the  source  of  this  account  of  MethSg,  the  exhaustive  treatment  by 
S.  Baer,  '  Metheg-Setzung  nach  ihren  iiberlieferten  Gesetzen,'  in  A.  Merx's 
Archiv  fUr  die  wissenschaftl.  Erforschung  des  A.  Test.,  Heft  i,  Halle,  1867,  p- 56  ff., 
and  Heft  ii.  1868,  p.  194  ff. ;  Baer  and  Strack,  Dikduke  ha-l'amim,  p.  30  fit. 


§§i6£^-t,  i7a]  The  Accents  65 

§  63  q.     (0  With  the  Games  of  the  plural  forms  of  n"'3  house  (thus  D*ri3 

•IT 

bdtttm,  cf.  §  96  under  IT'S),  and  with  nSN  ^  prithee !  to  guard  against  the  pro- 
nunciation bottim,  onnd. — Every  kind  of  light  M6th§g  may  in  certain 
circumstances  be  changed  into  a  conjunctive  accent,  e.  g.  D^RIH  2  Ch  34^^,  &c. 

2.  The  grave  M'etheg  {Ga'ya  in  the  more  limited  sense)  is  especially  employed  p* 
in  the  follov«ring  cases  in  order  more  distinctly  to  emphasize  a  short  vowel 

or  an  initial  S®wa  :    (a)  with  the  Pathah  of  the  article  or  of  the  prefixes 

2^  Dj  7,  when  followed  by  S'wd  under  a  consonant  without  Dages,  e.  g.  n^DDH 
n?Dp7 ^  &c.,  but  not  before  ^  (before  which  \  also  remains  without  MeiMg,  with 

the  exception  of  ""n^l  and  "Tl^l    when  they  are  followed  by  Maqqeph,  or  accented 

with  Pasta),  nor  before  the  tone-syllable  of  a  word,  and  neither  before  nor  after 
the  common  MetMg ;  likewise  not  in  words  which  are  connected  by  a  con- 
junctive accent  with  the  following  word  ;  (6)  with  the  interrogative  H  with 

Pathah  (except  when  it  precedes  ^,  Dages  forte  or  the  tone-syllable  of  the  word), 

e.  g.  !lbxn.    When  a  S^wd  follows  the  n  and  after  the  S'wd  there  is  an  untoned 

syllable,  Baer  places  the  MethSg  to  the  right  of  the  Pathah,  e,  g.  riDI^H  Gn  273^ 

(but  ed.  Mant.  and  Ginsb.  '3n)  ;   (c)  with  the  Pathah  or  S^gol  of  the  article 

before  a  guttural  (which  cannot  take  DageS),  e.  g.  D'>>nn    D''^nn. — The  S'wd- 

Ga'yd  (  \  is  especially  important  in  the  accentuation  of  the  D"Nn ,  for  purposes 

of  musical  recitation  ;    it  stands  chiefly  in  words  whose  principal  tone  is 

marked  by  a  disjunctive  without  a  preceding  conjunctive,  e.  g.  iTHI  ip  1^. 

3.  The  euphonic  Ga'yd,  to  ensure  the  distinct  pronunciation  of  those  con-  /l 
sonants  which  in  consequence  of  the  loss  of  the  tone,  or  because  they  close  a 

syllable,  might  easily  be  neglected,  e.  g.  v  V3tS'*1  Gn  24^ ;  D1S  Hi'^S  (here  to 
avoid  a  hiatus)  28^,  or  in  such  cases  as  i'N'n^'l  Jb  33*,  &c. ;  NEJ'in  Gn  i". 

Metheg  (especially  in  the  cases  mentioned  in  i,  6,  a)  is  a  guide  to  correct  I 
pronunciation,  since  it  distinguishes  d  from  0  (except  in  the  case  noted  in 

§  Q  t>,  b)  and  i  from  i;  e.g.  n?3S  'd-khHd  (she  has  eaten),  but  n^^N  ^okhld 

(food),  since  the   stands  here  in  a  toneless  closed  syllable,  and  must 

therefore  be  a  short  vowel ;  thus  also  ^NT  yi-r^^u  (they  fear),  but  ^X")^  yir'u 
(they  see),  13B'''  (they  sleep),  but  \W'^_  (they  repeat).  The  Jewish  grammarians, 
however,  do  not  consider  the  syllables  lengthened  by  Metheg  as  open.  They 
regard  the  S'wa  as  quiescent  in  cases  like  DpaX  and  belonging  to  the  pre- 
ceding vowel ;  cf.  Baer,  Thorat  'Emeth,  p.  9,  and  in  Merx's  Archiv,  i.  p.  60, 
Rem.  I,  and  especially  Dikduke  ha-famim,  p.  13. 

§17.    Of  the  Q^re  and  KHliihh.     Masora  marginalis  and 

finalis. 

On  Q'rfi  and  K*thibh  see  Ginsburg,  Intr.,  p.  183  ff.  ] 

1.   The   margin  of  Biblical  MSS.  and  editions  exhibits  variants  a 
of  an  early  date  (§  3  c),  called  """lip  ^  to  he  read,  since,  according  to 

< 

^  The  common  form  is  N3N    with  an  accent  on  both  syllables,  in  which 

case,  according  to  Qimhi,  the  tone  is  always  to  be  placed  on  the  former.  For 
the  above  mode  of  writing  and  position  of  the  tone  cf.  Is  38*,  Jon  i",  4', 

2  On  the  necessity  of  the  punctuation  ^"Ip  as  passive  participle  (  =  legendum) 

F 


66         The  Individual  Sounds  and  Characters  [§  17  h-d 

the  opinion  of  the  Jewish  critics,  they  are  to  be  preferred  to  the 
3''n|,  i.e.  what  is  written  in  the  text,  and  are  actually  to  be  read 
instead  of  it. 

On  this  account  the  vowels  of  the  marginal  reading  (the  Q^re)  are 
placed  under  the  consonants  of  the  text,  and  in  order  to  understand 
both  readings  properly,  the  vowels  in  the  text  must  be  applied  to  the 
marginal  reading,  while  for  the  reading  of  the  text  (the  KHhihh)  its  own 
vowels  are  to  be  used.  Thus  in  Jer  42^  ^.3^:5  occurs  in  the  text,  in  the 
margin  """ip  "ijnJN.  Read  IJfr?  vje  (or  according  to  Jewish  tradition  ^^) 
in  the  text,  in  the  mai'gin  ^JHJS.  A  small  circle  or  asterisk  in  the 
text  always  refers  to  the  marginal  reading. 

h  2.  Words  or  consonants  which  are  to  be  passed  over  in  reading, 
and  are  therefore  left  unpointed,  are  called  ""lip  ^^\  ^"^ni  {scri2)tum  et 
non  legendum),  e.g.  TIN  Jer  38'^  D^<  39'^  yM''  5I^  Conversely,  words 
not  contained  in  the  text,  but  required  by  the  Masora  (as  indicated 
by  the  insertion  of  their  vowels),  are  called  y^TO  N7I  "•"ip,  e.g.  2  S  8^ 
Jer  31^.  See  further  Strack,  Prolegomena  Critica,  p.  85;  Dikduke 
ha-famim,  §§  62,  64;  Blau,  Masoretische  Untersuchungen,  p.  49  ff. 

C  3.  In  the  case  of  some  very  common  words,  which  are  always  to  be 
read  otherwise  than  according  to  the  KHhibh,  it  has  not  been  con- 
sidered necessary  to  place  the  Q^re  in  the  margin,  but  its  vowels  are 
simply  attached  to  the  word  in  the  text.  This  Q^reperpetuum  occurs  in 
the  Pentateuch  in  ^^"in  (Q^re  N''/!)  wherever  Nin  stands  for  the  feminine 
(§  32  I),  and  in  IV^.  (Kethibh  lyj,  Q^re  n"ij;3)  always,  except  in  Dt  22'' 
(but  the  Sam.  text  always  has  XTI,  myj).  The  ordinary  explanation 
of  this  supposed  archaism,  on  the  analogy  of  Greek  6  ttol's  and  rj  Trats, 
our  child,  is  inadequate,  since  there  is  no  trace  elsewhere  of  this  epicene 
use ;  "lyj  for  my:  is  rather  a  survival  of  a  system  of  orthography  in 
which  a  final  vowel  was  written  defectively,  as  in  ^p^\>  ;  cf.  §  2  n. — 
Other  instances  are:  "lOK'fe'^  (Q.  "^^f))  Gn  30'^  &c.,  see  the  Lexicon, 
and  Baer  and  Delitzsch,  Genesis,  p.  84,  and  below,  note  to  §  47  6; 
°.^?'^1:  (Q-  ^'^V''"!:)'  properly  D.^B'n; ;  nin;  (Q.^yiN  the  Lord),  or  (after 
^p^)  nVn;  (Q.  O^n^X)  properly  nin:  Yahwe  (cf.  §  102  w,  and  §  135  ^, 
note)  ;  on  D^?.K',  U^m  for  V.f ,  '^f ,  see  §  97  d,  end. 

d  4.  The  masoretic  apparatus  accompanying  the  biblical  text  is 
divided  into  (a)  Masora  marginalis,  consisting  of  (a)  Masora  (mar- 
ginalis)  magna  on  the  upper  and  lower  margins  of  MSS. ;  (/S)  Masora 
{marginalis)  parva  between  and  on  the  right  and  left  of  the  columns ; 

inste.id  of  ''^p  Q^t'i,  which  was  formerly  common  but  is  properly  a  past  tense 
{^lectum  est),  see  Kautzsch,  Gramm.  des  Bibl.-Aram,,  p.  81,  note. 


§  17  e]  Of  the  Q're  and  K'thibk  67 

(b)  Masora  finalis  at  the  end  of  the  several  books,  counting  Samuel, 

Kings,    Minor   Prophets,    Ezra-Nehemiah,    Chronicles,    each   as   one 

book.    On  all  three  varieties  see  especially  Ginsburg,  Introd.,  p.  423  ff., 

and  the  appendices  containing  (p.  983  flf.)  the  masoretic  treatise  from 

the  St.  Petersburg  MS.  of  a.d.  1009,  and   (p.   1000  ff.)  specimens  of 

the  Masora  parva  and  magna  on  two  chapters. 

In  nearly  all  printed  editions  only  the  Masora  flnalis  is  found,  indicating  ^ 
the  number  of  verses,  the  middle  point  of  the  book,  &c.,  and  a  scanty 
selection  from  the  Masora  parra.  The  following  alphabetical  list  of  technical 
expressions  (some  of  them  Aramaic)  and  abbreviations,  may  suffice  with  the 
help  of  the  lexicon  to  elucidate  the  subject.  Further  details  will  be  found 
in  the  appendix  to  Teile's  edition  of  the  Hebrew  0.  T.,  p.  1222  flf. 

niK  letter.     N^X  nisi,  except.     JJ^OS  middle.     Pl"DX  =  p1DQ  fllD  H^nS  in  the 

formula  f|"DX  XP3  vnthout  ^Athnak  or  Soph-pasuq  i.e.  although  no  'Athna/j  or 
Soph-pasuq  is  written. 

3  with,  before  names  of  vowels  or  accents,  as  PlpTS  J'Cp  Qames  with  Zaqeph 
used  instead  of  Pathah  (§  291). — '2  as  a  numeral  =  <wo,  as  in  D^Dytp  '2  two 
accents.  nXp03,  see  Jli'prD.  N"33  =  ^''inX  NHtpiJn  (Aramaic)  in  another  copy ; 
Pl-  IJ^in^  ICP''^?- — ^<"D2  =  Dn^S  □"'ISpa  m  other  books.     "Ijri3  (Aram.)  after. 

B'lJT  fem.  njJ'lJT  marked  with  Dages  (or  Mappiq).     f)'1  leaf,  page. 

■\''j;t  fem.  i^yV]  (Aram.)  small. 

7in  profayie,  not  sacred,  e.g.  ''y^^{  Gn  19'  because  not  referring  to  God.  pn 
except,    ion  written  defectively,  also  wanting  as  'N  Tl  'aleph  is  omitted. 

DytO  accent  (see  3) ;  Dyt3  in  Hiphil  to  chant  an  accent. 

"I'^ri^  superfluous. 

}N3  here.     ?p3  (Aram.)  total,  as  adv.  in  general. 

'7=n"i7  (Aram.,  from  n''X  XT'  non  es<)  =the  form  is  not  found  elsewhere. 

p'lID  accurately  corrected.  ^fh'Q  fill  i.e.  written  p^ewe.  HtSpptp  helow  =  ^'\..'0 
(§  15  c).  n^yP!'P  =  ^7^P  (§  15  0-  nhjIJlD  separated,  the  name  of  tha 
strangely  formed  Nuns  before  \p  107^^ 'f-  (§  5  w).  XlpO  that  which  is  read, 
the  name  for  all  the  O.  T.  scriptures.     njfpDpari. 

nJ  fem.  nn3  quiescent,  i.e.  uot  sounded.  D^Vp  concealed,  i.e.  only  retained 
orthographically.     n^p3  a  pomi.     *l^p3  pointed. 

X^D  see  3.  |D^D  ffTjfieTov,  sign,  esp.  a  wmewontc  word  or,  frequently,  sentence. 
'ID  =  n^20' total    ?l"D  =  p1DS  S]iD  (§  15/). 

*l^Gy  column  of  a  page. 

p1DE3  a  masoretic  verse.     XpDQ  a  space,  esp.  in  the  phrase  p^DS  V^f^XS  'Q 

o  space  within  a  verse,  e.g.  Gn  35^^ ;  cf.  H.  Gratz,  Monatschrift fur  Gesch.  u.  Wiss. 
des  Judentums,  1878,  p.  481  ff.,  and  H.  Strack,  ibid.  1879,  p.  26  fif. 

'p  =  ''"lp,  see  above,  c.  mp  properly  DTp  fce/orc.  pjip  fem.  njf^Jjp  jjom'ed 
io;7;j  Qamex.     X~)ip  reader  of  the  sacred  text. 

XriSTj  nn31,  ''n3T  (Aram  ,  all  fem.  sing.)  large. 

n3''ri  icord  (consisting  of  more  thf.n  one  letter).  iT'^bri  suspensa  (§  5  n, 
3).    '•"in  (Aram.)  two. 


F  2 


CHAPTER  II 

PECULIARITIES  AND   CHANGES   OF  LETTERS  :    THE 
SYLLABLE  AND   THE  TONE 

§18. 

The  changes  which  take  place  in  the  forms  of  the  various  parts 
of  speech,  depend  pai-tly  on  the  peculiar  nature  of  certain  classes 
of  letters  and  the  manner  in  which  they  affect  the  formation  of 
syllables,  partly  on  certain  laws  of  the  language  in  regard  to  syllables 
and  the  tone. 

§  19.    Changes  of  Consonants. 

a  The  changes  which  take  place  among  consonants,  owing  to  the 
formation  of  words,  inflexion,  euphony,  or  to  influences  connected 
with  the  progress  of  the  language,  are  commutation,  assimilation, 
rejection,  addition,  transposition,  softening. 

1.  Commutation '  may  take  place  between  consonants  which  are 
either  homorganic  or  homogeneous  (cf  §  6  q),  e.g.  j^^V,  Dpy,  tbV  to 
exult,  nxp,  nro,  Aram.  NV?  to  be  weary,  |*np  and  J^nj  to  press,  "13D 
and  "^PD  to  close,  t^po  and  t^pQ  to  escape.  In  process  of  time,  and 
partly  under  the  influence  of  Aramaic,  the  harder  and  rougher  sounds 
especially  were  changed  into  the  softer,  e.g.  pHS  into  pHB'  to  laugh, 
^y2  into  P^\  to  reject,  and  the  sibilants  into  the  corresponding  mutes : 
)  into  *7,  B'  into  n,  X  into  Q.  In  many  cases  these  mutes  may  be 
regarded  as  a  return  to  an  earlier  stage  of  the  pronunciation. 

The  interchange  of  consonants,  however,  belongs  rather  to  the 
lexicographical  treatment  of  stems  ^  than  to  grammatical  inflexion. 
To  the  latter  belong  the  interchange  (a)  of  n  and  B  in  Hithjia'el 
(§  54  ^) ')  (^)  of  1  and  '»  in  verbs  2>rim^e  Yod  (§  69),  *1PJ  for  "1/1,  &c. 

b  2.  Assimilation  usually  takes  place  when  one  consonant  which 
closes  a  syllable  passes  over  into  another  beginning  the  next  syllable, 
and  forms  with  it  a  strengthened  letter,  as  illustris  for  inlustris,  affero 
for  adfero,  crvXXafi/3dvw  for  a-vv\afiftdvo).     In  Hebrew  this  occurs, 

1  Cf.  Barth,  Etymologische  Forschungen,  Lpz.  1893,  p.  15  ff.  (' Lautverschie- 
bungen '). 
*  See  in  the  Lexicon,  the  preliminary  remarks  on  the  several  consonants. 


§  19  c-k]  Changes  of  Consonants  69 

(a)  most  frequently  with  3,  e.g.  DE'O  (for  min-^dm)  from  there,  HID  (' 
(for  min-ze)  from  this,  J^^  (for  yinten)  lie  gives.  J  is  not  assimilated 
after  the  prefix  p,  e.g.  ^23?,  nor  as  a  rule  before  gutturals  (except 
sometimes  before  n),  nor  when  it  is  the  third  consonant  of  the  stem, 
e.g.  ^'^^^  (of.  however  JJinj  for  ndthdntd)  except  when  another  Nun 
follows,  cf  §  440;  nor  in  some  isolated  cases,  as  Dt  33^,  Is  29^  58'*, 
all  in  the  principal  pause;  on  ^"^^n  and  ^"^3ri  >/^  68^,  see  §  51  k,  and 
§66/. 

(6)  Less  frequently  and  only  in  special  cases  with  ?,  n,  T,  e. g.  HJ?^  d 
(for  yilqah)  he  takes;  "1?"^?  for  mithdabber;  NSIS^  <"or  yithtammd;  IP.isri 
for  tithkonen;  KK'Sn  for  NtT^nn ;  nns  for  'ahadt;  but  in  i  S  4"  for  rh) 
read  probably  rilb?. 

(c)  In  isolated  cases  with  n,  '\,  \  e.g.  K3X  prithee/  if  from  W  f^Nt ;  C 
1  and  ^  mostly  before  sibilants  in  the  verbal  forms  enumerated  in  §  71. 

In  all  these  cases,  instead  of  the  assimilated  letter,  a  Dages  forte  f 
appears  in  the  following  consonant.    Dage^,  however,  is  omitted  when 
the  strengthened  consonant  would  stand  at  the  end  of  a  word,  since 
the  strengthening  would  then  be  less  audible  (§  20  I),  e.g.  ^^  nose 
(from  'anp),  nri  to  give  (from  tint). 

The  cases  are  less  frequent  where  a  weak  letter  is  lost  in  pronunciation,^ 
and  in  place  of  it  the  preceding  stronger  sound  is  sharpened,  i.  e.  takes  Dages, 

e.g.  ^nptSp  from  ^nnpt^j?  (§  59  3).     pDS  for  p2P^  (§  ^6  e)  is  an  Aramaism. 

3.  Complete  rejection  takes  place  only  in  the  case  of  weaker  con-  xr 
sonants,  especially  the  sonants  3  and  7,  the  gutturals  N  and  n,  and  the 
two  half  vowels  1  and  * .     Such  rejection  takes  place, 

(a)  at  the  beginning  of  a  word  {aphaeresis),  when  these  weak  con-  k 
sonants  (k,  ^,  7,  i)  are  not  supported  by  a  full  vowel,  but  have  only 
Sewa,  e.g.  «n:  we,  also  ^J^K;  Vl  for  Vl)  ;    np  for  HpS) ;    m  for  ^^^ 

*n  for  'r}:  Ez  2"'. 

Aphaeresis  of  a  weak  consonant  with  a  full  vowel  is  supposed  to  occur  in  11 1 
Ju  igii  for  nT  ;   in  nnn  2  S  22*'  for  nnn3  :   in  nV^  for  2il^  Je  4210 ;   on  np 
EZ17*  for  npp,  and  on  DPlp  Ho  11'  for  DPIpp,  see  §  66  g,  end.     In  reality, 
liowever,  all  these  forms  are  to  be  regarded  merely  as  old  textual  errors. 

(6)  In  the  middle  of  a  word  {syncope),  when  S^wa  precedes  the  f^- 
weak  consonant";    thus  in  the  case  of  N  (see  further  §  23  b-f  and 

^  Such  a  suppi-ession  of  a  letter  is  sometimes  inaccurately  called  '  backward 
assimilation '. 

^  Syncope  of  a  strong  consonant  (JJ)  occurs  in  ""S  prithee !  if  this  stands  for 

'>^2  (see  Lexicon),  also  in  HpC'JI  Am  8»,  KHhibh  for  T\Vl^y\  (cf.  nVptJ'l  y'),  and 


70     Peculiarities  and  Changes  of  Letters    [§§  19  i-o,  20  a 

§  68  h-k),  e.g.  in  D1^  for  DIS^O.  As  a  rule  in  such  cases,  however, 
the  K  is  orthographically  retained,  e.g.  TWTSO  for  nti"ii5p.  Syncope 
occurs  frequently  in  the  case  of  n,  e.g.  "^^^J  for  '^'^Q?  (§  23  ^  and 
§  35  n),  V\?^:  for  bv\yr>\  (§  53  a). 

Syncope  of  N  with  S^wa  occurs  in  such  cases  as  "Jl^j?  for  '*5'1??,? 
(cf.  §  102  m);  ">^V**1  Zc  II^'  On  the  cases  in  which  N  is  wholly 
omitted  after  the  article,  see  §  35  d. 

Finally,  the  elision  of  "I  and  >  in  verbs  n"^  (§  75  ^)  is  an  instance  of 
syncope. — On  the  syncope  of  n  between  two  vowels,  see  §  23  k. 
I  (c)  At  the  end  of  a  word  [apocope),  e.g.  n^a  pr.  name  of  a  city  (cf. 
■'jS^fl  Gilonite);  ^f}.,  where  X  though  really  rejected  is  orthographically 
retained,  &c.  On  the  apocope  of  1  and  ^  in  verbs  o''7,  see  §  24  gr, 
and  §  75  ^• 

Bolder  changes  (especially  by  violent  apocope),  took  place  in  earlier 
periods  of  the  language,  notably  the  weakening  of  the  feminine  ending  n__ 
ath  to  n a,  see  §  44  a,  and  §  80/. 

m  4.  To  avoid  harshness  in  pronunciation  a  helping  sound,  Aleph 
prosthetic  ^  with  its  vowel,  is  prefixed  to  some  words,  e.  g.  V^lj^  and 
yilT  arm  (cf.  x^€5.  ^X^^'i)  spiritus,  French  esprit). — A  prosthetic  y 
occurs  probably  in  3"Jpy  scorpion ;  cf.  Arab.  'usfUr  bird  (stem  safara). 
n  5.  Transposition  ^  occurs  only  seldom  in  the  grammar,  e.  g.  '^^W'? 
for  ">?^ri'?  (§  54  b)  for  the  sake  of  euphony;  it  is  more  frequent  in 
the  lexicon  (^  and  ab'S  lamb,  nbcb'  and  nD^B'  garment),  but  is 
mostly  confined  to  sibilants  and  sonants. 
0  6.  Softening  occurs  e.g.  in  32^3  star,  from  kaukabh=kawkabh  for 
kabhkabh  (cf.  Syriac  raurab  =  rabrab)  ;  nisniD  phylacteries  for  iaph- 
td2)Mth ;  according  to  the  common  opinion,  also  in  E'"'K  man  from  'ins, 
cf.  however  §  96. 

§  20.    The  Strengthening  {Sharpening)  of  Consonants, 

a      1.  The  strengthening  of  a  consonant,  indicated  by  Bages  forte,  is 
necessary  and  essential  [Dages  necessarium) 

(a)  when  the  same  consonant  would  be  written  twice  in  succession 


in  rhu  Jos  iq5  for  H^yS  (as  in  is^^).     Probably,  however,  HpB'JI  and  H?.!  are 

TT  -^  T-:ir^  "       ' 

only  clerical  errors,  as  is  undoubtedly  "IN3  Am  S^  for  *lNO  (9^). 

1  Frensdorff,  Ochla  W^ochla,  p.  97  f.,  gives  a  list  of  forty-eight  words  with 
quiescent  K. 

*  This  awkward  term  is  at  any  rate  as  suitable  as  the  nnme  Ale/  protheticum 
proposed  by  Nestle,  Marginalien  u.  Maierialien,  Tubingen,  1893,  p.  67  If. 

3  Cf.  Barth,  Etumologische  Studien,  Lpz.  1893,  p.  i  flf. ;  KOnigaberger,  in 
Zeitschri/tf.  wissenschaftliche  Theo^ogie,  1894,  P-  45^  ^' 


§  20  6,  c]         The  Strengthening  of  Consonants  71 

without  an  intermediate  vowel  oi-  S^wd  mobile;  thus  we  have  ^^HJ  for 
133n3  nathdn-niX  and  'P^^  for  ^^tW. 

(b)  in  cases  of  assimilation  (§19  b-f),  e.g.  |^^  for  yinten. 
In  both  these  cases  the  Dages  is  called  compensativiim. 

(c)  When  it  is  characteristic  of  a  grammatical  form,  e.g.  "T?p  he  has 
learned,  TSj'  he  has  taught  {Dage^  characteristicum).  In  a  wider  sense 
this  includes  the  cases  in  which  a  consonant  is  sharpened  by  Dages 
forte,  to  preserve  a  preceding  short  vowel  (which  in  an  open  syllable 
would  have  to  be  lengthened  by  §  26  e),  e.g.  DyP?  camels  for  g^mdlim; 
cf.  §  93  e«  and  kk,  §  93  pp. 

This  coalescing  of  two  consonants  as  indicated  above  does  not  take  place  [) 
when  the  first  has  a  vowel  or  ^^wd  mobile.     In  the  latter  case,  according  to 
the  correct  Masora,  a  compound  S^wd  should  be  used,  preceded  by  Methcg,  e.g. 
D''P_^.in^  rippp^&c.  (cf.  §§  iog,\6f).  This  pointing  isnot  used  before  the  suffix  Tlj 

e.g.  ^3n2ri  Gn  27*,  but  the  first  3  has  a  vocal  S^wd,  otherwise  the  second  3 
would  have  Dage''s  lene.  Also  when  the  former  of  the  two  consonants  has 
been  already  strengthened  by  Dages  forte,  it  can  only  have  a  vocal  S^wd,  and 
any  further  contraction  is  therefore  impossible.     This  applies  also  to  cases 

where  Dages  forte  has  been  omitted  (see  below,  m),  e.g.  V/H  properly  v?n  = 

hal-lHu.     The  form  '333 n  i/-  9"  (not  *333n)  might  be   explained  as  imperat. 

Pi'el  =  ''33|n  ;  if  it  were  imperat.  Qal  the  non-contraction  of  the  monosyllabic 

root  would  be  as  strange  as  it  is  in  mCJ'  Jer  ±q^,  and  in  the  imperf.  D"!!^'' 
Jer58.  '■'  "'■"'■ 

2.  A  consonant  is  sometimes  strengthened  merely  for  the  sake  of  C 
euphony  {Dage^  euphonicum),  and  the  strengthening  is  then  not  so 
essential.     This  occurs^ — 

(a)  when  two  words  are  closely  united  in  pronunciation  by  Dages 
forte  conjunctivum :  (1)  in  the  first  letter  of  a  monosyllable  or  of 
a  word  having  the  tone  (or  occasionally  the  counter-tone)  on  the  first 
syllable,"  when  closely  connected  with  the  preceding  word,  if  that 
word  ends  in  a  tone-bearing  Qames  {i^-y-)  with.  S^wd  mobile  preceding, 
or  a  tone-bearing  '"l-^, — called  P"'n'l  (i.  e.  compressed)  by  the  Jewish 
grammarians. 

The  term  monosyllable  here  and  in /(by  §  -28  e)  includes  Segholates  like 
IP?,  "'Dt^,  *c.,  as  well  as  forms  like  ns,  ^NK',  ilOB',  and  even  fy33. 

^  Cf.  Baer,  *  De  primarum  vocabulorum  literarum  dagessatione,'  in  his 
Liber  Proverbionim,  Lpz.  1880,  pp.  vii-xv  ;  F.  Pratorius,  '  Uber  den  Urspning 
des  Dag.  f.  conjunctivum,'  in  ZAW.  1883,  p.  17  fF.  (ascribed  to  an  original 
assimilation  of  fl  or  3). 

'^  ibN^  alone,  although  having  the  tone  on  the  ultima,  invariably  takes 

the  Dages  forte  conj,  when  HJJ'JD  with  a  conjunctive  accent  precedes,  Ex  6'°-', 
IS",  &c. 


72         Peculiarities  and  Changes  of  Letters      [§  20  d-g 

Some  limit  the  use  of  the  D^hiq  to  the  closest  connexion  of  a  monosyllable 
with  a  following  B^gadk'phath.  However,  it  also  applies  to  cases  like  N3"n3? 
Nu  226 ;  nNrnnp.^,  Gn  2^3 ;  Tj^-n'iX^  ^91";  and  even  with  iJeJf,  7]"=1~1?.yp  P^  ^S* ) 
5)p3~n3K'C^  Gn  43'^  In  all  these  examples  the  tone,  were  it  not  for  the 
Maqqeph,  would  be  on  the  ultima  of  the  first  word. 

d  Rem.  I.  When  ni  <Ats  has  Mag^^pTi  after  it,  a  Dagreif/or/e  conj.  always  follows, 
even  if  the  next  word  is  neither  a  monosyllable  nor  has  the  tone  on  the 
initial  syllable  ;  thus  not  only  in  ^O^TTCl  Jer  23^,  but  also  in  rl^")3~ni1  Nu  i^^'', 
I  Ch  22'.    In  ~N*3  nsn  Gn  19^  (where  Maqqeph  is  represented  by  a  conjunctive 

accent,  §  9  m,  i  c,  and  §  16  b),  the  S'ghol  coincides  with  the  secondary  tone- 
syllable.     On  the  origin  oiBag.f.  conj.  after  "HD  (for  HD)  what?,  see  §  37  b,  c. 

p      2.  Such  cases  as  nsa  PINa  Exig^'^S  the  2nd  nsbS  in  ver.  11,  n?Xa  ver.  13, 

pS3  ver.  16,  do  not  belong  here.    In  these  the  Bage^  can  only  be  intended 

for  Dag.  lene,  see  §  21  d. 

f  (2)  In  the  first  letter  of  a  monosyllable,  or  of  a  word  with  the  tone 
on  the  first  syllable  after  a  closely  connected  mU'el  ending  in  n__  or 
n__.  Such  a  mil'el  is  called  by  the  Jewish  grammarians  P''^!)^  '''D? 
(Aram.  =  Heb.  pin"J)0  ^^i^)  veniens  e  longinquo  (in  respect  of  the  tone). 
The  attraction  of  the  following  tone-syllable  by  Dages  forte  conj.  is 
here  also  due  to  the  exigencies  of  rhythm,  e.  g.  ''3B'  Jp"'?^  ■<\r  68'*; 
K3  nv^B'in  ,/.  ii825  (so  ed.  Mant.,  but  Ginsburg  and  Kittel  W  nr^'in); 
ijiKE'  nn^n-in  is  5" ;  |y33  nxnK  Gn  1 1".  The  Mil'el  may,  however, 
also  be  due  to  a  subsequent  retraction  of  the  tone  {nasdg  ^ahor,  §296), 
as  in  ^IQ  nb'V  Gn  i". — The  prefixes  ?,  ?,  ?  and  1  alone  do  not  take 
a  Dages  in  this  case,  except  in  ^^y  always,  and  ^i']2?  ^  19*.  Such 
forms  as  '^  ny^E'n  Gn  2I=^^  nn|>  nN^JO  ,/,2  6^  -30  nj^nn  jb  21",  and 

even  *in^^  "^"l^^j?.  Is  5°*  (i-  e.  the  cases  where  the  tone  is  thrown  back 
from  the  ultima  on  to  the  syllable  which  otherwise  would  have 
Metheg),  are  likewise  regarded  as  mil'el.  On  the  other  hand,  e.  g. 
^f  ^1!}  Grii  4*>  J^ot  'n?  since  the  first  a  of  n"in  could  not  have  Metheg. 
When  words  are  closely  united  by  Maqqej)h  the  same  rules  apply  as 
above,  except  that  in  the  first  word  Metheg,  in  the  secondary  tone,  takes 
the  place  of  the  accent,  cf.  ^Q'-'f^  Gn  i";  «3-"^T?.^  Gn  32'",  &c. 
Finally,  the  Dagel  is  used  when  the  attracted  word  does  not  begin 

< 

with  the  principal  tone,  but  with  a  syllable  having  Metheg,  ^E^^.  •^^i?. 

^Zf;  ^I'X-  "^]?.  Is44'^  ^'O'^yip  ri-'^V  Ex  25'»,  provided  that  the 
second  word  does  not  begin  with  a  B^gadh^phath  letter  (hence  e.  g. 

ninbin  n^x  Gn  2"). 

g  Rem.  Such  cases  as  S^pj?  Dt  326,  and  ri"'b'3  32^',  and  mys  (so  Baer,  but  not 
ed.  Mant.,  &c.)  i  S  1^^  are  therefore  anomalous ;  also,  because  beginning  with 


§  20  h-i"]       The  Strengthening  of  Consonants  73 

a  B«gadk»phath,  0^5X3  Ex  15"  (cf.  however  above,  e) ;  "^Jn  Jos  8^8 ;  yini2 
^  77I6 ;  N''n"|3  Jb  52''. — It  is  doubtful  whether  we  should  include  here  those 
cases  in  which  Dageiforie  occurs  after  a  word  ending  in  a  toneless  u,  such  as 
^Nir  ^Dlp  Gn  19'*,  Ex  12S1 ;  Ex  12^5  ("IN^),  Dt  2";  also  N-J  Gn  192,  i  S  8"  ; 
i?  Ju  18^^,  Est  6'^  (where  P.  Haupt  regards  the  Dage^  as  due  to  the  enclitic 
character   of   the  1^);   B^B  H081O;  r\l  Jer  4980  ;  VT^   i  S  I6«.     When  we 

explained  the  Dagei  in  these  examples  not  as  conjunctive,  but  orthophonic 
(see  above.  §  13  c,  and  Delitzsch,  Psalmen,  4th  ed.  on  tp  94"^"),  we  especially 
had  in  view  those  cases  in  which  the  consonant  with  Bagei  has  a  S^wd.  The 
extension  of  the  use  of  Bagei  to  consonants  with  a  strong  vowel,  seems, 
however,  to  indicate  that  these  are  cases  of  the  p^mo  TlS     which   was 

required  by  some  Masoretes  but  not  consistently  inserted.  On  the  other 
hand,  the  Bagei  forte  in  "i  after  a  preceding  i  {if/  118^'*),  and  even  after  u 

(if/  g^}^),  is  due  to  an  attempt  to  preserve  its  consonantal  power  ;  see  KSnig, 
Lehrgeb.,  p.  54  b. 

{b)  When  a  consonant  with  S^wd  is  strengthened  by  Dagel  forLe  h 
dirimens  to  make  the  S^wd  more  audible.  In  almost  all  cases  the 
strengthening  or  sharpening  can  be  easily  explained  from  the  character 
of  the  particular  consonant,  which  is  almost  always  a  sonant,  sibilant, 
or  the  emphatic  Qoph;  cf.  ^?3y  Lv  25*,  Dt32»*(for  ^?3y);  ^n'^S?  l^^f 
(wliere,  however,  'JJ^i??!'  is  to  be  read);  cf.  Na3'^  Jb  9'^  17^  Jo  i^^ 
(with  »);  Is  57«  (with!?);  Ju  20«'  i  S  i«  (with  "i) ;  Gn  ^i)'"'^  (and 
so  always  in  ^?ipV  Ju5=^^Ct  i^andniajpy  ^  ^f\  89'^);  Ex  15",  Dt23", 
Ju  20^S  I  S  28>«  (p)^  Ex  2^  Is  58^  Am  5^  f  I4I^  Pr  4"  (v) ;  Pr  27^* 
(b*) ;  Is  5=«,  f  371°,  Jer  5i^«,  Neh  4^  {p).  Also,  with  3  Ho  3^ ;  with  3 
Is  9',  Jer  4^;  with  n  1  S  10".  In  many  instances  of  this  kind  the 
influence  of  the  following  consonant  is  also  observable. 

(c)  When  a  vowel  is  to  be  made  specially  emphatic,  generally  in  I 
the  principal  pause,  by  a  Dages  forte  affectuosum  in  the  following 
consonant.    Thus  in  a  following  sonant,  Ju  s*"  C^JI?),  Jb  29^^'  C'T-)' 
22'^  (IBji);    Ez  27^^  (in  3);    in  n  Is  33'^  41'^,  Jer  5l^^  perhaps  ako 
Jb  2i>^(Wn."',). 

{d)  When  the  sonants  7,  O,  3  are  strengthened  hj  Dage^  forte  firma-  k 
tivum  in  the  pronouns  HbH,  nan,  npN,  and  in  HDP  uhy  ?  cf.  also  ni33, 
nca  whereby  ?  nD3  how  much  ?  (§  102  k,  T),  to  give  greater  firmness 
to  the  preceding  tone-vowel. 

3.  Omission  of  the  strengthening,  or  at  least  the  loss  of  the  Dages  I 
forte  occurs, 

(a)  almost  always  at  the  end  of  a  word,  since  here  a  strengthened 

*  The  ordinary  reading  inD''"!")n,  where  "«  is  without  Bagei,  is  only  in- 
telligible if  the  1  has  Bages.     ""   '  "" 

*  Also  in  ip  45^0  read  ^""rtniJ^S  with  Baer  and  Ginsburg,  following  Ben 
Asher,  and  in  Pr  30"  nnp^b'  (Ben  Naphthali  'jp^a  and  '^"h). 


74  Peculiarities  and  Changes  of  Letters      [§  20  m-o 

consonant  cannot  easily  be  sounded.'  In  such  cases  the  preceding 
vowel  is  frequently  lengthened  (§27  d),  e.  g.  3i  multitude,  from  23") ; 
Dy  peo2)le,  with  a  distinctive  accent  or  after  the  article,  DV,  from 
Dioy;  but  e.g.  |3  garden,  H?  daughter,  with  the  final  consonant 
virtually  sharpened.  On  the  exceptions  Jjl^  thou  (fern.)  and  JpHlJ 
thou  (fern.)  hast  given  Ez  16^,  see  §  10  A;. 
7}i  {b)  Very  frequently  in  certain  consonants  with  Ci^wd  mobile,  since 
the  absence  of  a  strong  vowel  causes  the  strengthening  to  be  less 
noticeable.  This  occurs  principally  in  the  case  of  "I  and  '•  (on  ^  and  * 
after  the  article,  see  §  35  6  ;  on  '.  after  "HD,  §  21  b);  and  in  the 
sonants  J3  ,^  J  and  7 ;  also  in  the  sibilants,  especially  when  a  guttural 
follows  (but  note  Is  62^  VDDSO,  as  ed.  Mant.  and  Ginsb.  correctly 
read,  while  Baer  has  ''9f?P  '^vith  compensatory  lengthening,  and  others 
even  'DNO ;  ^30fO  Gn2  7=*='^;  ^bfQ  38^'  for '^O ,  D'3^f]l  1X7=^^; 
-nj^'^X  I  K  19-"  from  ppi,  ^)b^fil  Ez  40^^  and  0'2^^)>_  >/'  104^^;  D'li'E'O 
Jon  4",  D^y^lSfT  Ex  8'  &c.)  ;— and  finally  in  the  emphatic  p.' 

Of  the  B^gadk^phath  letters,  3  occurs  without  Dages  in  "*^2f3ip  Ju  8*^ ; 
3  in  Dri-j^^JO  EZ322'';  n  in  ^nn?  Isn-^^  t^6\y\ri ^f  {not  in  Jer49^^), 
supposing  that  it  is  the  Participle  Niph'al  of  nnj  ;  lastly,  n  in  ^i*nn 
Is  22'".  Examples,  C'llV,  "'O^.  (so  always  the  preformative  ^  in  the 
imperf.  of  verbs),  H^VP^P,  Djf?'?,^,  ''J?'"?,  '^^.f!,  ^«5'P,  ^'<9?,  ^^T-^  ^"i?^ 
DvpP,  '"lypD,  &c.  In  correct  MSS.  the  omission  of  the  Dages  is  indi- 
cated by  the  Raphe  stroke  (§  14)  over  the  consonant.  However,  in 
these  cases,  we  must  assume  at  least  a  virtual  strengthening  of  the 
consonant  {Dages  forte  implicitum,  see  §  22  c,  end). 

(c)  In  the  Gutturals,  see  §  22  &. 

n  Rem.  I.  Contrary  to  rule  the  strengthening  is  omitted  (especially  in  the 
later  Books),  owing  to  the  lengthening  of  the  preceding  short  vowel,  generally 
/lireq  (cf.  mile  for  mille),  e.  g.  jnTT'  he  makes  them  afraid,  for  |rin^  Hb  2^''  (where, 

however,  it  is  perhaps  more  correct  to  suppose,  with  KOnig,  a  formation  on 
the  analogy  of  verbs  W,  and  moreover  to  read  ^H^n^  with  the  LXX),  np''| 
Is  50"  for  nSp]. 

0  2.  Very  doubtful  are  the  instances  in  which  compensation  for  the  strengthen- 
ing is  supposed  to  be  made  by  the  insertion  of  a  following  3.     Thus  for 

^  So  in  Latin  fel  {for/ell),  gen.  fellis ;  mel,  mellis;  os,  ossis.  In  Middle  High 
German  the  doubling  of  consonants  never  takes  place  at  the  end  of  a  word, 
but  only  in  the  middle  (as  in  Old  High  German),  e  g.  val  {Fall),  gen.  valles ; 
swam  {Schuamm  ,  &c.,  Grimm,  Deutsche  Gramm.,  2nd  ed.,  i.  3S3. 

^  Dages  forte  is  almost  always  omitted  in  D  when  it  is  the  prefix  of  the 

participle  Pi'el  or  Pu'al,  hence  if/  104*  iTIpDn  who  layeth  the  beams,  but  n^ptSn 
the  roof  Ec  lo'*  (cf.  nON^Dn  the  work,  &c.). 

3  According  to  some  also  in  D  in  "'yon  la  1 7^° ;  but  see  Baer  on  the  passage. 


§  21  a-di       The  Strengthening  of  Consonants  75 

n^MyO  Is  23",  read  n"'fy»  (or  n"'3iyO) ;  and  for  WCn  La  z'^%  I'ead  IBIR.     In 
Nu  2^1'  i33p  is  not  an  instance  of  compensation  (see  §  67  0,  end). 

§  21.     The  Aspiration  of  the  Tenues} 

The  harder  sound  of  the  six  B^yadk^'phath  letters,  indicated  by  « 
Dagel  lene,  is  to  be  regarded,  according  to  the  general  analogy  of 
languages,  as  their  older  and  original  pronunciation,  from  which  the 
softer  sound  was  weakened  {§  6  n  and  §  1 3).  The  original  hard  sound 
is  maintained  when  the  letter  is  initial,  and  after  a  consonant,  but 
when  it  immediately  follows  a  vowel  or  S^wa  mobile  it  is  softened  and 
aspirated  by  their  influence,  e.g.  H?  paras,  ps^  yifhros,  ^3  kol, 
^bS  Vkhol.     Hence  the  B^gadk^pliath  take  Dage^  lene 

(i)  at  the  beginning  of  words  :  (a)  without  exception  when  the  0 
preceding  word  ends  with  a  vowelless  consonant,  e.  g.  JIvV  'al-ken 
(therefore),'''}^  fV.'es  p^ri{  fruit-tree)  \  (b)  at  the  beginning  of  a  section, 
e.g.  ri''E^S"l2  Gn  i^  or  at  the  beginning  of  a  sentence,  or  even  of 
a  minor  division  of  a  sentence  after  a  distinctive  accent  (§  15  d), 
although  the  preceding  word  may  end  with  a  vowel.  The  distinctive 
accent  in  such  a  case  prevents  the  vowel  from  influencing  the  following 
tenuis,  e.g.  "^f^^  "''i'^l  and  it  was  so,  that  uhen,  Ju  11^  (but  1?"^'?),'!. 
Gn  i^). 

Rem.  I.  The  vowel  letters  H,  >,  1,  N,  as  such,  naturally  do  not  close  a  C 
syllable.  In  close  connexion  they  are  therefore  followed  by  the  aspirated 
B'gadh^phath,  e.  g.  rO  N2fD^,  &c.  On  the  other  hand,  syllables  are  closed  by 
the  consonantal  1  and  ■»  (except  ^nh"1i5  Is  34"  ;  n5  lj  E^  Ez  2j« ;  d5  tps 
\t  6818),  and  by  H  with  Mappiq  ;  hence  e.  g.  there  is  Dage^  lene  in  DH^Q  "^bV  and 
always  after  nin'',  since  the  Q*re  perpetuum  of  this  word  (§  17)  assumes  the 
reading  ^JHS. 

2.  In  a  number  of  cases  Dage^  lene  is  inserted,  although  a  vowel  precedes  in  (I 
close  connexion.  This  almost  always  occurs  with  the  prefixes  3  and  3  in  the 
combinations  33  33  D3  (i.  e.  when  a  B'gadk'phath  with  §'wa  precedes  the 
same  or  a  kindred  aspirate)  and  D3  (see  Baer,  L.  Psalmorum,  1880,  p.  92,="  on 
ip  2f) ;  cf.  e.  g.  I  S  25^  Is  Io^  ^  34"',  Jb  19^;  33  is  uncertain  ;  13,  *13,  and 
33  according  to  David  Qimhi  do  not  take  Cages,  nor  J3,  33,  and  D3  accord- 
ing to  the  Bikduke  ha-famim,  p.  30.  Sometimes  the  B^gadk'phath  letters,  even 
with  a  full  vowel,  take  Dages  before  a  spirant  (and  even  before  n  in  nE'DnS 
1  K  12^'^)  ;  cf.  the  instances  mentioned  above,  §  2oe  (mostly  tenues  before  N). 
In  all  these  cases  the  object  is  to  prevent  too  great  an  accumulation  of 
aspirates.     The  LXX,  on  the  other  hand,  almost  always  represent  the  3  and 

'  Cf.  Delitzsch,  Ztschr.f.  luth.  Theol.  u.  Kirche,  1878,  p.  585  ff. 
2  Also  L.  Proverbiorum,  1880,  Praof.  p.  ix ;  and  Dikduke  ha-famim,  p.  30  (in 
German  in  KiJnig's  Lehrgeb.,  i.p.  62). 


76    Peculiarities  and  Changes  of  Letters  [§§  ar  ej,  22  a-c 

a,  even  at  the  beginning  of  a  syllable,  by  x  and  ^  ;  XfpovP,  XaKSaioi,  ^apcpdp, 
&c.— The  forms  lbl'2  (after  '•nDK'l)  Is  54",  and  ^3^3  (after  ^n''A^3'!)  Jer  20» 
are  doubly  anomalous. 

6  (2)  In  the  middle  of  words  after  S^wd  quiescens,  i.e.  at  the 
beginning  of  a  syllable  immediately  after  a  vowelless  consonant,^ 
e.g.  NS")^  yirpd  {he  heals),  ^^f^\?  ye  have  killed',  but  after  S^wd  mobile, 
e.  g.  ^<S")  r^2^hd  {heal  thou),  'T^?^  she  was  heavy. 

/On  nbt^p,  3{J'*1  and  similar  forma,  see  §  10  i. 

Whether  S^wd  be  vocal  and  consequently  causes  the  aspiration  of  a  follow- 
ing tenuis,  depends  upon  the  origin  of  the  particular  form.  It  is  almost 
always  vocal 

(a)  When  it  has  arisen  from  the  weakening  of  a  strong  vowel,  e.  g.  ^31"^ 
pursue  ye  (not  ^Q'T))  from  S]"l"1  ;  *3pP  (not  ""3^0),  because  originally  mdldkhe, 
but  ""SpO  from  the  ground-form  malk. 

(6)  With  the  3  of  the  pronominal  suffixes  of  the  2nd  pers.  ^         Q3 
|3__j  since  S*wa  mobile  is  characteristic  of  these  forms  (see  §  58/;  §  91  6). 

Kem.  Forms  like  finpE'  thou  (fem.)  hast  sent,  in  which  we  should  expect 
an  aspirated  n  after  the  vowel,  cf.  "^JV)  Ex  i8^  have  arisen  from  nn^U'  "in"" 

&c. ;  Pathah  being  here  simply  a  helping  vowel  has  no  influence  on  the 
tenuis ;  cf.  §  28  e. 

§  22.    Peculiarities  of  the  Gutturals. 

a  The  four  gutturals  n,  n,  V,  N,  in  consequence  of  their  peculiar 
pronunciation,  have  special  characteristics,  but  N,  as  the  weakest  of 
these  sounds,  and  sometimes  also  J?  (which  elsewhere  as  one  of  the 
harder  gutturals  is  the  opposite  of  N),  differ  in  several  respects  from 
the  stronger  n  and  n. 

0  1.  They  do  not  admit  of  DageS  forte,  since,  in  consequence  of 
a  gradual  weakening  of  the  pronunciation  (see  below,  note  2),  the 
strengthening  of  the  gutturals  was  hardly  audible  to  the  Masoretes. 
But  a  distinction  must  be  drawn  between  (a)  the  complete  omission 
of  the  strengthening,  and  (6)  the  mere  echo  of  it,  commonly  called 
^aZ/^  doubling,  but  better,  virtual  strengthening. 

C  In  the  former  case,  the  short  vowel  before  the  guttural  would  stand 
in  an  open  syllable,  and  must  accordingly  be  lengthened  or  modified."* 

'  The  exceptions  ?Nrip''  Jos  15^*  (see  Minhat  shay,  on  this  passage),  2  K  14'', 
and  DV'lp"'  Jos  15^®  may  perhaps  be  due  to  the  character  of  the  p. 

"  Cf.  terra  and  the  French  terre,  the  German  Rolle  and  the  French  role ; 
German  drollig  and  French  drole.  The  omission  of  the  strengthening  shows  a 
deterioration  of  the  language.  Arabic  still  admits  of  the  strengthening  of 
gutturals  in  all  cases. 


§  22  d-f'\  Peculiarities  of  the  Gutturals  77 

For  a  distinction  must  again  be  drawn  between  the  full  lengthening  of 
Pathah  into  Qames — mostly  before  K  [always  under  the  n  of  the 
article,  see  §  35),  as  a  rule  also  before  y,  less  frequently  before  n,  and 
least  often  before  n — and  the  modification  of  Pathah  to  S^ghol, 
mostly  before  a  guttural  with  Qames.  In  the  other  case  {virtual 
strengthening)  the  Dagei  is  still  omitted,  but  the  strengthening  is 
nevertheless  regarded  as  having  taken  place,  and  the  preceding  vowel 
therefore  remains  short.  This  virtual  strengthening  occurs  most 
frequently  with  n,  usually  with  n,  less  frequently  with  y,  and  very 
seldom  with  N.  Examples  of  (a)  |NO,  Onxn,  Dyn,  nnn,  N^n*.  (for 
yihhahhe) ;  also  inx,  jrin^  D'^inn,  ^"^^J^,  (see  more  fully  on  the  pointing 
of  the  article  before  y  in  §  35).— Of  (6)  K'lnn,  t2!in»  (from  minMt), 
^^'"''!',  ""i??,  r^?,  &c. — In  all  these  cases  of  virtual  strengthening  the 
Pages  forte  is  to  be  regarded  at  least  as  implied  (hence  called  Page^ 
forte  implicitum,  occultum,  or  delitescens). 

2.   They  prefer  before  them,  and    sometimes   after  them   (cf.  h),  d 
a  short  A-sound,  because  this  vowel  is  organically  the  nearest  akin 
to  the  gutturals.     Hence 

(a)  before  a  guttural,  Pathah  readily  (and  always  before  H,  H,  y 
closing  a  syllable)  takes  the  place  of  another  short  vowel  or  of 
a  rhythmically  long  e  or  o,  e.  g.  n3T  sacrifice,  not  zeheh ;  VP??'  report, 
not  seme.  This  is  more  especially  so  when  a  was  the  original  vowel 
of  the  form,  or  is  otherwise  admissible.  Thus  in  the  Imperat.  and 
Imperf.  Qal  of  guttural  verbs,  np?'  send  thou,  npip^  he  will  send  (not 
yisloh) ;  Perf.  Pi'el  H^E^  (but  in  Pausa  D.^B') ;  ibn:  he  will  desire  (not 
yihmod) ;  n3J1  and  he  rested  (not  wayydnoh) ;  1^5  a  youth.  In  ^W 
and  iton^  d  is  the  original  vowel. 

Rem.    In  such  cases  as  NS'I    N3L)    N?B    N^i    the  N  has  no  consonantal  C 
value,  and  is  only  retained  orthographically  (see  §  23  a). 

(b)  After  a  heterogeneous  long  vowel,  i.  e.  after  all  except  Qames,   f 
the  hard  gutturals^  (consequently  not  n),  when  standing  at  the  end 

of  the  word,  require  the  insertion  of  a  rapidly  uttered  a  [Pathah 
furtivum)  between  themselves  and  the  vowel.  This  Pathah  is  placed 
under  the  guttural,  but  sounded  before  it.  It  is  thus  merely  an 
orthographic  indication  not  to  neglect  the  guttural  sound  in  pro- 
nunciation, e.g.  nn  ril^h,  yi3,  y"\,  n"'pK'n,  niaj  (when  consonantal  n  is 

1  Pratorius,  Ueber  den  ruckweich.  Accent  im  Uebr.,  Halle,  1897,  p.  17,  &c.. 
remarks  that  Pathah  furtivum  has  not  arisen  merely  under  the  influence  of 
the  guttural,  but  is  due  to  a  duplication  of  the  accented  syllable,  so  that  e.g. 
S^E'^  I^X'  would  also  be  pronounced  yasPbh,  yam^dh  although  the  short 
intermediate  vowel  was  not  so  noticeable  as  before  a  guttural. 


78         Peculiarities  and  Changes  of  Letters      [^  22  g-o 

final  it  necessarily  takes  Mappiq),  but  e.  g.  ^nn,  &c.,  since  here  the 
rapidly  uttered  a  is  no  longer  heard. 

g  I^ch  for  ich,  &c.,  in  some  Swiss  dialects  of  German,  is  analogous  ;  a  furtive 
Pathah  is  here  involuntarily  intruded  before  the  deep  guttural  sound.  In 
Arabic  the  same  may  be  lieard  in  such  words  as  mesiah,  although  it  is  not 
expressed  in  writing.  The  LXX  (and  Jerome,  of.  ZAW.  iv.  79)  write  t,  some- 
times a,  instead  o{ furtive  Pathah,  e.g.  Plj  Nwe,  y^^  'UZhova  (also  'Ia55oi5). 

h  Rem.  I.  The  guttural  may  also  have  an  influence  upon  the  following  vowel, 
especially  in  Segholate  forms,  e.  g.  "lyf  (not  na'er)  a  youth,  pya  (not  po'el)  deed. 
The  only  exceptions  are  bnN    \>y^,  ^^. ,  ^Dl' 

I  2.  Where  in  the  present  form  of  the  language  an  i,  whether  original  or 
attenuated  from  Pathah,  would  stand  before  or  after  a  guttural  in  the  first 
syllable  of  a  word,  a  S^ghol  as  being  between  a  and  i  is  frequently  used 

instead,  e.g.  \i^iirv  /also  ti'ann  ^an""  '•bnn,  "i"iw,  niy,  &c. 

A-'  On  the  other  hand,  the  slighter  and  sharper  Hireq  is  retained  even  under 
gutturals  when  the  following  consonant  is  sharpened   by  Dage^s  forte,    e.  g. 

P?n    n3n    nisn ;  but  when  this  shai-pening  is  removed,  S*gh6l  is  again  apt  to 
appear,  e.g.  fVjn  constr.  li^jn,  }i''?n  constr.  |Vtn, 

/  3.  Instead  of  sim2>le  S^wd  mobile,  the  gutturals  take  without 
exception  a  com2)ound  Shod,  e.g.  ^t^D*^,  ''^i^^,  "^^^,  ^??fj  &c. 
M  4.  When  a  guttural  with  quiescent  S'^wd  happens  to  close  a  syllable 
in  the  middle  of  a  word,  the  strongly  closed  syllable  (with  quiescent 
S^wd)  may  remain;  necessarily  so  with  n,  y,  and  n  at  the  end  of  the 
tone-syllable,  e.  g.  ^^2"'^,  ^^T^,  but  also  before  the  tone  (see  examples 
under  i),  even  with  N. 

But  in  the  syllable  before  the  tone  and  further  back,  the  closed 
syllable  is  generally  opened  artificially  by  a  Hateph  (as  being  suited 
to  the  guttural)  taking  the  place  of  the  quiescent  S'^wd,  and  in 
particular  that  Hateph  which  repeats  the  sound  of  the  preceding 
vowel,  e. g.  ab'n;,  (also  y^ni)  ;  pin'^^  (also  P]n>) ;  ii?y2 poHd  (for polo). 
But  when,  owing  to  a  flexional  change,  the  strong  vowel  following  the 
Ilateph  is  weakened  into  S^wd  mobile,  then  instead  of  the  Hateph 
its  full  vowel  is  written,  e.g.  Illpyi  (from  Toy;.),  ^D-jVa ,  ^by3  (from 
/'ys).  The  original  forms,  according  to  §  28  c,  were  ya'm^dhu,  ne'r^mu, 
pffl^khd.  Hence  ^T?]';. ,  &c.,  are  really  only  different  orthographic 
forms  of  ^'T?^,''-,  &c.,  and  would  be  better  transcribed  by  ya'"m^dhil,  &c. 

n      Rem.  I.    On  the  use  of  simple  or  compound  S*wa  in  guttural  verbs,  see 

further  §§  62-65. 
O      2.  Respecting  the  choice  between  the  three  Hafephs,  it  may  be  remarked  : 
(o)  n,  n,  y  at  the  beginning  of  a  syllable  prefer  __,  but  N  prefers ,  e.g. 

")iDn  ass,   jhn  to  kill,    "ibK   to   say ;   when   farther  from   the  tone   syllable, 

however,  the  even  under  K  changes  into  the  lighter  __,  e.g.  ^J^  (poetic 

for  "?S)  to,  but  DDyX  to  you,  pb.N  to  eat,  but  'b^H  {''^khol,  toneless  on  account 


§5  22  J9-S,  23  a,  b]    Peculiarities  of  the  Gutturals  79 

of  Maqqeph).    Cf.  §  27  w.    The  1st  pers.  sing,  imperf.  Pi'el  regularly  has  __. 

Likewise  is  naturally  found  under  N  in  cases  where  the  Hateph  arises 

from  a  weakening  of  an  original  a  (e.  g.  """jX  lion,  ground-form  'ary\  and  __ 
if  there  be  a  weakening  of  an  original  u  (e.  g.  ""JS  a  fleet,  ^3y  affliction,  cf. 
§93  3.  2)- 

(6)  In  the  middle  of  a  word  after  a  long  vowel,  a  Hatej>h-Pathah  takes  the  p 
place  of  a  simple  ^"ivd  mobile,  e  g.  njSD  TOVJ^  (see  §  63  p)  ;  but  if  a  short 
vowel  precedes,  the  choice  of  the  Ha'eph  is  generally  regulated  by  it,  e.g. 
Ferf.  Hiph.  T'DJJn   (see  above,  t),   Ivfln.  T'Oyn   (regular  form  ij'Dpn)  ;   Perf. 
Hoph.  TOyn  (regular  form  ^LDi5n) ;  but  cf.  V^m  Jb  6"^-  (§  64  a). 

5.  The  1,  which  in  sound  approximates  to  the  gutturals  (§  6  g),  n 
shares  with  the  gutturals  proper  theii*  first,  and  to  a  certain  extent 
their  second,  peculiarity,  viz. 

(«)  The  exclusion  of  the  strengthening,  instead  of  which  the  pre- 
ceding vowel  is  almost  always  lengthened,  e.  g.  ^"13  he  has  blessed  for 
hirrahh,  'HI?  to  bless  for  barrekh. 

(5)  The  preference  for  a  as  a  preceding  vowel,  e.  g.  t*")*!  and  he  saw  7^ 
(from  i^^"!?) ;    "Ipjl  both  for  ID'I  and  he  turned  back,  and  for  "ID*!  and 
he  caused  io  turn  back. 

The  exceptions  to  a  are  JT^O  morrdth,  Pr  14I" ;  JT^D  khorrdth  and  !]"ni^  sorrekh,  S 

Ez  16*  (cf.  Pr  38) ;  'B'X'^B'  ct  5^   Hoy'nri  1  s  is';  Dn'N^n  I  s  io2<,  1725, 

2  K  6S2 ;  insn^n  Ju  2o«  (cf.  §  20  A) ;  e)'Tnp  I  S  2328,  2  S  i8i«';  also  on  account 
of  pTin  (§  20  c),  Pr  151,  2o22,  2  Ch  26"';  and  on  account  of  p^HIO  ^HN 
(§  20/)  I  S  156,  Jer39i2,  Hb  3'3,  Pr  ii^',  Jb  399,  Ez  96.  A  kind  of  virtual 
strengthening  (after  D  for  JQ)  is  found  in  ^fll'lO  Is  14^  In  Samaritan  and 
Arabic  this  strengthening  has  been  retained  throughout,  and  the  LXX  write 
e.  g.  ^a&pa  for  m'K'. 

w  T  T 

§  23.    The  Feebleness  of  the  Gutturals  N  and  n. 

1.  The  N,  a  light  and  scarcely  audible  guttural  breathing,  as  a  rule  a 
entirely  loses  its  slight  consonantal  power  whenever  it  stands  without 

a  vowel  at  the  end  of  a  syllable.  It  then  remains  (like  the  German 
h  in  roh,  geh,  nahte)  merely  as  a  sign  of  the  preceding  long  vowel,  e.g. 
K^D,  Npo,  X^ifin  (but  when  a  syllable  is  added  witii  an  introductory 
vowel,  according  to  b  below,  we  have,  e.g.  ''?^^l?,  ^^N^yiH^  since  the  N 
then  stands  at  the  beginning  of  the  syllable,  not  '^N^O,  '?^<T^),  NJfD, 
Xl^?  (cf,  however,  §  74  a),  nxfo  (for  mdsatd),  njxyori.  Similarly 
in  ca^es  like  N^n,  N"]!!,  XIB*,  &c.  (§  19  I),  and  even  in  K'^^,  N^S  (see 
above,  §  22  e),  the  K  only  retains  an  orthographic  significance. 

2.  On  the  other  hand,  N  is  in  general  retained  as  a  strong  con-  b 
sonant  whenever  it  begins  a  syllable,  e.g.  "^P^,  ^D?^^,  or  when  it  is 
protected  by  a  Hateph  after  a  short  syllal)le,  e.g.  ^^^_^.,  and  finally, 


8o  Peculiarities  and  Changes  of  Letters     [§  23  c-f 

when  it  stands  in  a  closed  syllable  with  quiescent  S^wd  after  a  pre- 
ceding S'ghol  or  Pathah,  e.g.  IDN*!,  TJW  na'ddr,  ^^Hn:  ya'dimiX. 
Even  in  such  cases  the  consonantal  power  of  X  may  be  entirely  lost,  viz. 
C  (a)  when  it  would  stand  with  a  long  vowel  in  the  middle  of 
a  word  after.  S^wd  mobile.  The  long  vowel  is  then  occasionally 
thrown  back  into  the  place  of  the  o^wd,  and  the  N  is  only  retained 
orthographically,  as  an  indication  of  the  etymology,  e.g.  D^E'N'l  heads 
(for  r^'dsim),  D^HNO  two  hundred  (for  m^'dthdyim),  ^CiNB'  Ez  25^  for 
TIDSB';  DSnia  Neh  6»  for  DNni3;  D1KD  Jb  cji?  Dn  1*  for  DWD ;  mSB 
for  nnXQ  Is  10'';  D'Ktpn  Ao^tm,  I  S  14^  for  D'N^h  (cf.  §  74  A,  and 
§  75  00)]  ''3n^N->n  Nu  34",  from  |?-N1;  so  always  nNDH  or  niNtSH 
I  K  14'®,  Mi  I*,  &c.,  for  n^Xtsn.  Sometimes  a  still  more  violent  sup- 
pression of  the  X  occurs  at  the  beginning  of  a  syllable,  which  then 
causes  a  further  change  in  the  preceding  syllable,  e.  g.  "^^^^^^  ^0**^  ^oi" 
n2X!?p  (as  in  the  Babylonian  punctuation),  ^xyo^J  for  ^NV^V'  J  ^^^?' 
or  ^IXD'^  the  left  hand,  ground  form  sim'dl. 
d  (h)  When  it  originally  closed  a  syllable.  In  these  cases  X  is 
generally  (by  §  22  m)  pronounced  with  a  Hnteph,  -^  ov  ^::-.  The 
preceding  short  vowel  is,  however,  sometimes  lengthened  and  retains 

the  following  X  only  orthographically,  e.g.  ?ifX^l  Nu  1 1''^  for  ■'r?^*!  (of. 
Ju  9''),  and  "inxs  Jo  2'  for  11"IS3 ;  "ibxb  for  tbX^^  ;  D^n^X^  for  D'n'^.«,^ ; 
but  the  contraction  does  not  take  place  in  nvvX^  Is  10".  The  short 
vowel  is  retained,  although  the  consonantal  power  of  X  is  entirely  lost, 
in  'jnNl,  &c.  (see  §  102  m),  nx»1  Is  41^^  V^^l  Ez  28'«  for  V^m^; 
cf.  Dt24>'',  iKii»«,  Is  10". 

e  Instead  of  this  X  which  has  lost  its  consonantal  value,  one  of  the  vowel 
letters  "1  and  '•  is  often  written  according  to  the  nature  of  the  sound,  the 
former  with  0  and  the  latter  with  e  and  i,  e.g.  D^T  buffalo  for  DXT.  At  tha 
end  of  the  word  H  also  is  written  for  X,  H^IO;  he  Jills  for  Xj'O^  Jb  8^'  (see 
below,  t). 

J  3.  When  X  is  only  preserved  orthographically  or  as  an  indication 
of  the  etymology  (quiescent),  it  is  sometimes  entirely  dropped  (cf. 
§  19/fc),  e.g.  ^T}T  Jbi"  for  'mi\;  'n%  Jb32'«  for  ^nxfe;  ^mONuii"; 
Tnni  2820^;  lai^l  Jer  8"  for  1XQT1 ;  *:'-|.^ri1  2  S  2 2*\  but  ^3->.^Kril  y^r  1 8'"  ; 

Doin  Gn  2s^*  for  Do^xri;  Hsianx  3i39  for  nsxtsnx;  ^rhf_  i  S  i'^  for 
"bsE';  d>j:"i  4r  22^  for  D^oxi  •  ma  jb  22^8  for  nix2 ;  ^n'lan  i  Ch  n'" 

for  "^^Jf),  and  so  ^  S  23=^';  nn>j^  i  Ch  I2=«  for  nnXK';  n^K'ni)  2X19'^ 

KHhihh  for  nixB^n!?  (cf.  Is37^«);  non  Jb  29«  for  nxrn.''   In  n^3P 

*  In  Jer  32**,  ri3n3  is  unquestionably  a  corruption  of  nn33  for  rinjX)  . 


§23^-*]  The  Feebleness  of  the  Gutturals  ^  and  n    8i 

I  K  5"  (for  "^'^^^  the  strengthening  of  the  following  consonant  by 
Dages  compensates  for  the  loss  of  the  X ;  in  H^bo  Ez  20^,  if  for  "^'^^ 
(but  read  ^9'^,  with  Cornill),  the  preceding  vowel  is  lengthened  ;  of. 
above,  c.     On  "lOK  for  IPNX,  see  §  68  g. 

Rem.  I.  In  Aramaic  the  N  is  much  weaker  and  more  liable  to  change  than  cr 

in  Hebrew.  In  literary  Arabic,  on  the  other  hand,  it  is  almost  always  a 
firm  consonant.    According  to  Arabic  orthography,  N  serves  also  to  indicate 

a  long  a,  whereas  in  Hebrew  it  very  rarely  occurs  as  a  mere  vowel  letter 
after  Qames  ;  as  in  DXp  Ho  10'*  for  Dp  he  rose  up  ;  tJ'N"!  Pr  10*,  1 3^^^  for  B*"!  poor  ; 

but  in  2  S  11'  the  KHhihh  D''3N?t3n  the  messengers,  is  the  true  reading ;  of.  §  7  6. 

2.  In  some  cases  at  the  beginning  of  a  word,  the  K,  instead  of  a  compound  tl 
S'lcd,  takes  the  corresponding  full  vowel,  e.  g.  lilN  girdle  for  1'llK  ;  cf.  §  84  a,  q, 
and  the  analogous  cases  in  §  52  m,  §  63  p,  §  76  rf,  §  93  r  (DyHN). 

3.  An  N  is  sometimes  added  at  the  end  of  the  word  to  a  final  m,  i,  or  6,  e.  g.  t 
N^3^n  for  wbn  Jos  io2*(before  N  !),  N13S  Is  28>2.     These  examples,  however, 
are  not  so  much  instances  of  'Arabic  orthography',  as  early  scribal  errors, 
as  in  mi*l)  Je  lo"  for  Wb^ ;   and  in  ^{V5^'^  i^  13920  for  ^xb'J.     Cf.  also  N^n^ 

Ec  n'  (§  75  s) ;  N^p3  for  ""pj  pure ;  ti'h  for  1^  if;  NiSX  for  IDN  then  {enclitic)  ; 
Xi2")  for  12")  myriad,  Keh  f^-''K    On  N^H  and  ^<^■^  see  §  32  A;. 

4.  The  n  is  stronger  and  firmer  than  the  N,  and  never  loses  its  A: 
consonantal  sound  (i.e.  quiesces)  in  the  middle  of  a  word*  except  in 
the  cases  noted  below,  in  which  it  is  completely  elided  by  syncope. 
On  the  other  hand,  at  the  end  of  a  word  it  is  always  a  mere  vowel 
letter,  unless  expressly  marked  by  Mapjxiq  as  a  strong  consonant 
(§  1 4  a).  Yet  at  times  the  consonantal  sound  of  1^  at  the  end  of 
a  word  is  lost,  and  its  place  is  taken  by  a  simple  n  or  more  correctly  n, 
with  Raphe  as  an  indication  of  its  non-consonantal  character,  e.g.  n? 
to  her  for  nb,  Zc  5",  &c.  (cf.  §  103  g,  and  §§  58  g,  91  e)  ;  cf.  also  nj  for  7\'\ 
(from  in^)  in  proper  names  like  ^"^f.,  &c. — Finally,  in  very  many 
cases  a  complete  elision  of  the  consonantal  n  takes  place  by  syncope : 
(a)  when  its  vowel  is  thrown  back  to  the  place  of  a  preceding  S^wd 
mobile  (see  above,  c,  with  k),  e.g.  "Ip3^  for  Ii^'Sl"?  (the  n  of  the  article 
being  syncopated  as  it  almost  always  is)  ;  D''*?  for  D^*n3  [but  see 
§  35  n],  0^6^?  for  DtP'^n?;  ]T}t^\  for  lOJI.T  ;  perhaps  also  Dn"'33  for  Dn'-naa 
Ez  2  7^^  {h)  By  contraction  of  the  vowels  preceding  and  following  the 
n,  e.g.  iDID  (also  written  nb^D)  from  sUsahu  {a-\-u=d). — A  violent 
suppression  of  n  together  with  its  vowel  occurs  in  D3  (from  DOI),  &c. 

1  Only  apparent  exceptions  are  such  propernames  as  pKriB'y,  ^^ifiTlQ,  which 

are   compounded  of  two  words   and  hence  are   sometimes  even  divided. 

Cf.  forms  like  ^i«tn  for  ^NHTn,     Another  exception  is  .TBriQ^,  the  reading 

■    of  many  MSS.  for  the  artificially  divided  form  PjBTIQ^   in  the  printed 

texts,  Je  4G20. 

COWLET  G 


82      Peculiaiities  and  Changes  of  Letters  [§§  23 1, 24  a,  h 

I  Rem.  In  connexion  with  o  and  «,  a  il  which  only  marks  tlie  vowel  ending 
is  occasionally  changed  into  1  or  '  (iN'^  =  nN"J,  ^3n  =  n3n  Ho  6'),  and  with 
any  vowel  into  N  in  the  later  or  Aramaic  orthography,  but  especially  with 
a,  e.g.  N:B'  sleep,  ^  127'  for  njK' ;  NK*:  Jer  2359  for  iW3,  &c.  Thus  it  is 
evident  that  final  H  as  a  vo,wel  letter  has  only  an  orthographical  importance. 

§  24.    Changes  of  the  Weak  Letters  1  and  \ 

Philippi,  Die  Aussprache  der  semit.  Konsonanten  1  und  "•  (mentioned  above,  §  5  b, 
note  i),  a  thorough  investigation  of  their  phonetic  value  as  consonantal,  i.e. 
non-syllabic,  vowel-sounds,  not  palatal  or  labial  fricatives  ;  cf.  also  E.  Sievers, 
Metrische  Studien,  i.  1 5. 

a      1  and  ^  are,  as  consonants,  so  weak,  and  approach  so  nearly  to  the 

corresponding  vowels  u  and  i,  that  under  certain  conditions  they  very 

readily  merge  into  them.     This  fact   is  especially  important  in  the 

formation  of  those  weak  stems,  in  which  a  1  or  ^  occurs  as  one  of  the 

three  radical  consonants  (§  69  ff.,  §  85,  §  93). 

1.  The  cases  in  which  1  and  "•  lose  their  consonantal  power,  i.  e. 
merge  into  a  vowel,  belong  almost  exclusively  to  the  middle  and  end 
of  words ;  at  the  beginning  they  remain  as  consonants.^ 

The  instances  may  be  classified  under  two  heads : 
b  (a)  When  either  1  or  ''  with  quiescent  o^wd  stands  at  the  end  of 
a  syllable  immediately  after  a  homogeneous  vowel  (w  or  i).  It  then 
merges  in  the  homogeneous  vowel,  or  moi'e  accurately  it  assumes  its 
vowel-character  (l  as  u,  '*  as  i),  and  is  then  contracted  with  the 
preceding  vowel  into  one  vowel,  necessarily  long,  but  is  mostly 
retained  orthographically  as  a  (quiescent)  vowel  letter.  Thus  3B'^n 
for  huwsab ;  Y\^\  for  yiyqas ;  so  also  at  the  end  of  the  word,  e.  g.  ^I^y 
a  Hebrew,  properly  'ibriy,  fern,  nna^,  pi.  D^n?V  (and  D^"!:?V);  I'^V  J^^  4 1'' 
for  m  (cf.  niV::»JJ  i  S  25''  KHhthk).  On  the  other  hand,  if  the  pre- 
ceding vowel  be  heterogeneous,  1  and  ^  are  retained  as  full  consonants 
(on  the  pronunciation  see  §  8  m),  e.g.  \>^  quiet,  "IT  the  month  of  May, 
^13  nation,  ^v3  revealed.  But  with  a  preceding  a  the  1  and  ^  are  mostly 
contracted  into  6  and  e  (see  below,  /),  and  at  the  end  of  a  word  they 
are  sometimes  rejected  (see  below,  g). 

Complete  syncope  of  1  before  i  occurs  in  ''X  island  for  ''1^{;  ""y  ruins 
for  ""ly;  "•"!  watering  Jb  37"  for  '''!");  [""S  burning  Is  3^*  for  ^1?,  cf. 
§§  84«c,  c,  93  2/]. 

^  Or  as  consonantal  vowels  (see  above),  and  are  then  transcribed  by 
P.  Haupt,  Philippi,  and  others,  as  u,  j,  following  the  practice  of  Indogermanic 
philologists.  1  for  )  and,  alone  is  a  standing  exception,  see  §  26.  i  and  §  104*. 
On  *  =  t  at  the  beginning  of  a  word,  cf.  §  47  b,  note.  According  to  §  19  a,  end, 
initial  1  in  Hebrew  almost  always  becomes  •• ;  always  in  verbs  originally  I^D, 
§  69  a.  Apart  from  a  few  proper  names,  initial  "I  occurs  only  in  "11  hook,  *17l 
child  Gn  ii^o,  3  S  6=»  K'thibh  [elsewhere  ih)},  and  the  doubtful  ITI  Pr  2i«. 


§  24  c-g"]  Changes  of  the  Weak  ^  and  "^  83 

Thus  an  initial  ?  after  the  prefixes  3,  1,  3,  S,  which  would  then  be  C 
pronounced  with  %  (see  §  28  a),  and  also  almost  always  after  O  (see 
§102  h),   coalesces  with  the  i  to  ^,   e.g.  niin^a  m  Judah  (for  '^3), 
nninM  and  Judah,  "^K^?  as  the  Nile,  nn^l^j?  /or  JifrfaA,  ^y^  from  the 
hands  of. 

(6)  When  1  and  "i  without  a  vowel  would  stand  at  the  end  of  the  (l 
word  after  quiescent  S^wd,  they  are  either  wholly  rejected  and  only 
orthographically  replaced  by  n  (e.g.  ^33  from  hikhy,  as  well  as  the 
regularly  formed  ''33  weeping;  cf.  §  93  x)  or  become  again  vowel 
letters.  In  the  latter  case  ^  becomes  a  homogeneous  Hireq,  and  also 
attracts  to  itself  the  tone,  whilst  the  preceding  vowel  becomes  S^wd 
(e.g.  ■'l?  from  piry,  properly  j^'^^'l/) '■>  '^  ^^  changed  sometimes  into 
a  toneless  u  (e.  g.  '^'i^r\  from  tuhw). 

Rem.    In  Syriac,  where  the  weak  letters  more  readily  become  vowel  sounds,  C 
a  simple  i  may  stand  even  at  the  beginning  of  words  instead  of  ^  or  V     The 
LXX  also,  in  accordance  with  this,  write  'lovSa  for  m^H^,  'laaaK  for  pHlf^. 

Hence  may  be  explained  the  Syriac  usage  in  Hebrew  of  drawing  back  the 
vowel  i  to  the  preceding  consonant,  which  properly  had  a  simple  vocal  S^wd, 

e.  g.  (according  to  the  reading  of  Ben-Naphtali  ^)  TOy)  Jer  25^6  for  fOT)  (so 
Baer),  j'nri"'3  Ec  2^^  for  pin"!!) ,  cf.  also  the  examples  in  §  20  h,  note  2  ;  even 
l^n^l  Jb  2921  (in  some  editions)  for  l^n'^l.  According  to  Qimhi  (see  §  47  b) 
^tDp^  was  pronounced  as  iqfol,  and  therefore  the  ist  pera.  was  pointed  pbpS 
to  avoid  confusion.  In  fact  the  Babylonian  punctuation  always  has  i  for  a 
in  the  1st  pers. 

2.  With  regard  to  the  choice  of  the  long  vowel,  in  which  )  and  1  f 
quiesce  after  such  vocalization  and  contraction,  the  following  rules 
may  be  laid  down  : 
i      (a)  Witli  a  short  homogeneous  vowel  1  and  "i  are  contracted  into  the 
corresponding  long  vowel  {u  or  i),  see  above,  b. 

{b)  With  short  a  they  form  the  diphthongs  o  and  e  according  to 
§  7  a,  e.g.  3^t?'5  from  ^^'p  ;  ^0  from  2'^):,  &c} 

Kem.  The  rejection  of  the  half  vowels )  and  "•  (see  above,  b)  occurs  especially  g 
at  the  end  of  words  after  a  heterogeneous  vowel  («),  if  according  to  the 
nature  of  the  form  the  contraction  appears  impossible.      So  especially  in 


1  According  to  Abulwalid,  Ben-Naphtali  regarded  the  Yodh  in  aU  such  cases 
as  a  vowel  letter. 

2  Instances  in  which  no  contraction  takes  place  after  a  are,  0^3^0*0  iCh  12'; 

DTD-X  Ho  7"2  (but  cf.  §  706) ;  "Itt'^n  ^  5^  Q're;  the  locatives  T)JV3^  n»fl>*ri, 
&c. — On  tho  suffix  ^D"'JL  for  T]""-*-  see  §  91  i.— Sometimes  both  forms  are 
found,  as  roVJ  and  Hpiy ;  cf.  ^Pl  living,  constr.  state  ^n.  Analogous  is  the 
contraction  of  PIO  (ground-form  mawt)  death,  constr.  niD  ;  py  (ground-form 
'ayn  [_'ain])  eye,  constr.  p);. 

6  2 


84  Peculiarities  and  Changes  of  Letters     [§  25  a-c 

verbs  T^"^ ,  e.  g.  originally  v2  =  ('')i'5  °  '"'^? '  ^^^^^  "  after  the  rejection  of  the  "• 
stands  in  an  open  syllable,  and  consequently  must  be  lengthened  to  a.  The 
n  is  simply  an  orthographic  sign  of  the  long  vowel.  So  also  ilT'K'  for  Mlaw.^ 
On  the  origin  of  HpJ^,  see  §  75  e ;  on  Dp  as  perf.  and  part,  of  D^p,  see  §  72  6 
and  g  ;  on  1?^,  &c.,  from  1p),  see  §  69  6. — On  the  weakening  of  1  and  ■•  to  N, 
see  §  93  X. 

§  25.    Unchangeable  Voiods. 

a  What  vowels  in  Hebrew  are  unchangeable,  i.e.  are  not  liable  to 
attenuation  (to  S^wa),  modificatioUj  lengthening,  or  shortening,  can 
be  known  with  certainty  only  from  the  nature  of  the  grammatical 
forms,  and  in  some  cases  by  comparison  with  Arabic  (cf.  §  i  m).  This 
holds  good  especially  of  the  essentially  long  vowels,  i.  e.  those  long  by 
nature  or  contraction,  as  distinguished  from  those  which  are  only 
lengthened  rhythmically,  i.  e.  on  account  of  the  special  laws  which 
in  Hebrew  regulate  the  tone  and  the  formation  of  syllables.  The 
latter,  when  a  change  takes  place  in  the  position  of  the  tone  or  in 
the  division  of  syllables,  readily  become  short  again,  or  are  reduced  to 
a  mere  vocal  S^wd. 

h  1.  The  essentially  long  and  consequently,  as  a  nile  (but  cf.  §  26^, 
§  27  w,  0),  unchangeable  vowels  of  the  second  and  third  class,  i,  e,  i2,  d, 
can  often  be  recognized  by  means  of  the  vowel  letters  which  accom- 
pany them  C-:-,  ''-^,  ^  ^)  ;  e.g.  2"'D\';  he  does  well,  ^^^'^  palace,  ?13? 
boundary,  /'^p  voice.  The  defective  writing  (§  8  i)  is  indeed  common 
enough,  e.g.  30^.  and  y^\  for  3^0^.;  f^nj  for  ^ua ;  h\>  for  ^P,  but  this 
is  merely  an  orthographic  licence  and  has  no  influence  on  the  quantity 
of  the  vowel;  the  il  in  ?3|i  is  just  as  necessarily  long,  as  in  ?^3a. 

As  an  exception,  a  merely  tone-long  vowel  of  both  these  classes  is  sometimes 
written  fully,  e.  g.  PiDp"*  for  /bp^ . 

^  2.  The  essentially  or  naturally  long  d  {Qames  impure),^  unless  it  has 
become  6  (cf.  §  9  q),  has  as  a  rule  in  Hebrew  no  representative  among 
the  consonants,  while  in  Arabic  it  is  regularly  indicated  by  K ;  on  the 
few  instances  of  this  kind  in  Hebrew,  cf.  §  9  5,  §  23  p'.  The  naturally 
long  d  and  the  merely  tone-long  a  therefore  can  only  be  distinguished 
by  an  accurate  knowledge  of  the  forms. 

^  The  Arabic,  in  such  cases,  often  writes  etymologically  y3»  hut  pronounces 
gala.  So  the  LXX  i^D  ^tva,  Vulg.  Sina;  cf.  Nestle,  ZAW.  1905,  p.  36a  f. 
But  even  in  Arabic  N^C  is  written  for  yCJ'  and  pronounced  said. 

'  By  locales  impurae  the  older  grammarians  meant  vowels  properly  followed 
by  a  vowel  letter.  Thus  303  k^lhdbh  was  regarded  as  merely  by  a  licence 
for  3Nn3,  &c. 


§§  25  d,  e,  26  a-ei         Unchangeable  Vowels  85 

3.  Short  vowels  in  closed  syllables  (§  26  h),  which  are  not  final,  are  d 
as  a  rule  unchangeable,  e.  g.  tJ'^3pp  garment,  "^^lip  wilderness,  '^^p'?^ 
kingdom;    similarly,  short  vowels  in  sharpened  syllables,  i.e.  before 
Dages  forte,  e.  g.  333  thief. 

4.  Finally,  those  long  vowels  are  unchangeable  which,  owing  to  C 
the  omission  of  the  strengthening  in  a  guttural  or  1,  have  arisen  by 
lengthening  from  the  corresponding  short  vowels,  and  now  stand  in 
an  open  syllable,  e.  g.  |?<??  for  mi' en;  ^12  for  hurrahh. 

§  26.    Syllable-formation'^  and  its  Influence  on  the 
Quantity  of  Vowels. 

Apart  from  the  unchangeable  vowels  (§  25),  the  use  of  short  or  long  a 

V 

vowels,  i.e.  their  lengthening,  shortening,  or  change  into  vocal  S^wd, 
depends  on  the  theory/  of  syllable-formation.  The  initial  and  final 
syllables  especially  require  consideration. 

1.  The  initial  syllable.  A  syllable  regularly  begins  with  a  consonant, 
or,  in  the  case  of  initial  y  and  ^  (cf.  note  on  §  5  b),  a  consonantal  vowel.^ 
The  copula  is  a  standing  exception  to  this  rule.  According  to  the 
Tiberian  pronunciation  ]  and  is  resolved  into  the  corresponding  vowel 
^  before  S^wd,  and  the  labials,  e.g.  ''?*]',  ^^^^ ;  the  Babylonian  punc- 
tuation in  the  latter  cases  writes  T,  i.  e.  \  before  a  full  vowel. 

2.  The  final  syllable.     A  syllable  may  end —  O 
(a)  With  a  vowel,  and  is  then  called  an  opew  or  simple  syllable, 

e.  g.  in  ^7'^]^  where  the  first  and  last  ai-e  open.     See  below,  e. 

(6)  With  one  consonant,  and  is  then  called  a  simple  closed  or  com-  C 
pound  syllable,  as  the  second  in  b^ij,  33?.    See  below,  0,  p.    Such  are 
also  the  syllables  ending  in  a  strengthened  consonant,  as  the  first  in 
7^i2  qat-tel.     See  below,  5'. 

(c)  With  two  consonants,  a  doubly  closed  syllable,  as  ^?'p  qoU,  T^p^\>.  a 
Cf.  below,  r,  and  §  10  i-l. 

3.  Open  or  simple  syllables  have  a  long  vowel,  whether  they  have  C 
the  tone  as  in  ^3  in  thee,  ^>\  he  goes,  or  are  toneless  as  in  ?^^,  33)? 

a  bunch  of  gra'pes?     A  long  vowel  (Qames,  less  frequently  Sere)  is 

1  Cf.  C.  H.  Toy,  'The  Syllable  in  Hebrew,'  Amer.  Journal  of  Philol.,  1884, 
p.  494  ff. ;  H.  Strack,  'The  Syllables  in  the  Hebrew  Language,'  Hehraica^ 
Oct.  1884,  p.  73  ff. 

^  We  are  not  taking  account  here  of  the  few  cases  in  which  initial  Yodh  is 
represented  as  simple  i,  by  being  written  ^N  or  N,  see  §  246,  and  especially 

§  47  6,  note  ;  nor  of  certain  other  cases  in  which  N  with  an  initial  vowel  has 
only  a  graphic  purpose,  though  it  is  indispensable  in  an  unpointed  text. 

*  In  opposition  to  this  fundamental  law  in  Hebrew  (a  Zon^f  vowel  in  an  open 
syllable),  the  original  short  vowel  is  found  always  in  Arabic,  and  sometimes 


86  Peculiarities  and  Changes  of  Letters      [§  26/-» 

especially  common  in  an  open  syllable  before  the  tone  (pretonic  vowel), 

e.g.  dO^.D^P:,^^!?,  3?>.^ 

/Short  vowels  in  open  syllables  occur  : 
(a)  In  apparently  dissyllabic  words  formed  by  means  of  a  helping  vowel 
r  <  <  < 

from  monosyllables,  as  ?n3  brook,  rT'B  house,  3T  let  him  increase,  from  nahl, 
bayt,  yirb  ;  cf.  also  D^_l_  the  ending  of  the  dual  (§  88).     But  see  §  28  e. 
tr      [h)  In  the  verbal  suffix  of  the  ist  pers.  sing.  C^JL  me),  e.g.  ""Jptai?  (Arab. 
qdtalani).    The  uncommon  form  '^2_L.,  however  (Gn  3C«,  cf.  §  59/),  proves  that 

the  tone-bearing  Pathah  produces  a  sharpening  of  the  following  sonant,  and 
til  us  virtually  stands  in  a  closed  syllable,  even  when  the  l^un  is  not  expressly 
written  with  Dages.     In  cases  like  ''3TX1  (§  102  m)  Pathah  is  retained  in  the 

counter-tone  after  the  N  has  become  quiescent.  , 

//      (c)  Sometimes  before  the  toneless  H local  (§  90  c),  e.  g.  m3"!D  towards  the 

xdlderness;  only,  however,  in  the  constr.  state  (i  K  19^"'))  since  the  toneless 

suffix  n does  not  affect  the  character  of  the  form  (especially  when  rapidly 

pronounced  in  close  connexion) ;  otherwise  it  is  mano. 

In  all  these  cases  the  short  vowel  is  also  supported  by  the  tone,  either  the 
principal  tone  of  the  word,  or  (as  in  h)  by  the  secondary  tone  in  the  constr. 
st.,  or  by  the  counter-tone  with  Metheg,  as  in  "'JIS^  above,  g ;  cf.  the  effect  of 
the  arsis  on  the  short  vowel  in  classical  prosody. 

J      (d)   In  the  combinations . , ,  e.g.  iiyj  his  hoy,  *lbX* 

he  wiU  bind,  vVQ  his  deed.  In  all  these  cases  the  syllable  was  at  first  really 
closed,  and  it  was  only  when  the  guttural  took  a  //afeph  that  it  became  in 
consequence  open  (but  cf.  e.  g.  IDN'',  and  "IDN' ).  The  same  vowel  sequence 
arises  wherever  a  preposition  3  3  ^5  or  1  copulative  is  prefixed  to  an 
initial  syllable  which  has  a  Hateph,  since  the  former  then  takes  the  vowel 

in  the  other  Semitic  languages,  except  of  course  in  the  case  of  naturally  long 
vowels.  The  above  examples  are  pronounced  in  Arabic  Mkd,  qdtdld,  'indb. 
Although  it  is  certain  therefore  that  in  Hebrew  also, -at  an  earlier  period, 
short  vowels  were  pronounced  in  ojien  syllables,  it  may  still  be  doubted 
whether  the  present  pronunciation  is  due  merely  to  an  artificial  practice 
followed  in  the  solemn  recitation  of  the  0.  T.  text.  On  this  hypothesis  we 
should  have  still  to  explain,  e.g.  the  undoubtedly  very  old  lengthening  of  i 
and  li  in  an  open  syllable  into  e  and  6. 

1  That  these  pretonic  vowels  are  really  long  is  shown  by  Brockelmann,  ZA. 
xiv.  343  f.,  from  the  transcription  of  Hebrew  proper  names  in  the  Nestorian 
(Syriac)   punctuation,    and    e.g.   from   the   Arabic   'Ibrahim  =  Dn"l3X.     He 

regards  their  lengthening  in  the  syllable  before  the  tone  as  a  means  adopted 
by  the  Masoretes  to  preserve  the  pronunciation  of  the  traditional  vowels. 
This  explanation  of  the  pretonic  voAvels  as  due  to  a  precaution  against  their 
disappearing,  is  certainly  right ;  as  to  whether  the  precaution  can  be  ascribed 
to  the  Masoretes,  see  the  previous  note.  For  the  pretonic  vowel  the  Arabic 
regularly  has  a  short  vowel  {Idkiim,  ydqum,  &c.),  the  Aramaic  simply  a  vocal 

S^ivd  (pn?    D^p^,  b^\>,  3?b) ;  and  even  in  Hebrew,  when  the  tone  is  thrown 

forward  the  pretonic  vowel  almost  always  becomes  S^wu,  see  §  27.  It  would, 
however,  bo  incorrect  to  assume  from  this  that  the  pretonic  vowel  h:is  taken 
the  place  of  S*wd  only  on  account  of  the  following  tone-syllable.  It  always 
arises  from  an  original  short  vowel,  since  such  a  vowel  is  mostly  lengthened 
in  an  open  syllable  before  the  tone,  but  when  the  tone  is  moved  forward  it 
becomes  S'lvd. 


§  26  /.--;>]  Syllable-formatiofi,  its  Influence  on  Vowels   87 

contained  in  the  Na\eph  (see  §  102  d  and  §  104  d).  To  the  same  category 
belong  also  the  cases  where  these  prepositions  with  Hireq  stand  before  a 
consonant  with  simple  S'wa  mobile,  e.g.  "I?"]?,  I?"]?,  &c- 

(e)    In  forms  like  Ipin;'  yciha-^-qu  (tliey  are  strong),  ?jpy3  po'o  Vkhd  (thy  /t 
deed).     These  again  are  cases  of  the  subsequent  opening  of  closed  syllables 
(hence,  e.  g.  Ipin";  also  occurs)  ;  '?jby3  is  properly  po'i^A/ia  ;  cf.  generally  §  22  m, 
end,  and  §280.^  ^  . 

Such  cases  as  tyinn,  □'•HK  (§  96),  nnnH  (§  67  w)  do  not  come  under  this  / 
liead,  since  they  all  have  a  in  a  virtually  sharpened  syllable ;  nor  does  the 
tone-bearing  S^ghol  in  suffixes  (e.g.  ^^Sl),  nor  S'ghol  for  a  before  a  guttural 
with  Qames  (§  22  c).     On  D^JJ'IIJ'  and  D^B'Tp,  see  §91). 

4.  The  independent  syllables  with  a  firm  vowel  which  have  been  m 
described  above,  are  frequently  preceded  by  a  single  consonant  with 
vocal  S^wa,  simple  or  compound.  Such  a  consonant  with  vocal  S^wa 
never  has  the  value  of  an  independent  syllable,  but  rather  attaches 
itself  so  closely  to  the  following  syllable  that  it  forms  piactically  one 
syllabic  with  it,  e.g.  'vh  (cheek)  Vhl;  '^^  (sickness)  hTt;  r^^Y-  V^^' 
vi''dhil.     This  concerns  especially  the  prefixes  \,  3,  3,  p.     See  §  102. 

The  S^vcd  mobile  is  no  doubt  in  all  such  cases  weakened  from  an  original  7? 
full  vowel  (e.  g.  ^i'tpp^  Arab,  yaqtv'u,  ^3  Arab.  Mkd,  &c.) ;  from  this,  however, 
it  cannot  be  inferred  that  the  Masoretes  regarded  it  as  forming  a  kind  of  open 
syllable,  for  this  would  be  even  more  dii-ectly  opposed  to  their  fundamental 
law  (viz.  that  a  long  vowel  should  stand  in  an  open  syllable),  than  are  the? 
exceptions  cited  above,  f-k.  Even  the  use  of  Metheg  with  S^wa  in  special 
cases  (see  §  16/)  is  no  proof  of  such  a  view  on  the  part  of  the  Masoretes. 

5.  Closed  syllables  ending  with  one  consonant,  when  without  the  0 

tone,  necessarily  have' s/<or^  vowels,  whether  at  the  beginning  or  at  the 

end  of  words,^  e.g.  HSpO  queen,  pSK'n  understanding,  ^^^n  wisdom, 

*  *****     -        \ 

"'P'l   «^^  ^'^  turned  hack,  Dip.'l,  Dj^'l  (warjyaqom). 

A  tone-hearing  closed  syllable  may  have  either  a  long  or  short  vowel,  p 
but  if  the  latter,  it  must  as  a  rule  be  either  Pathah  or  S^ghol.^  The 
tone-bearing  closed  penultima  admits,  of  the  long  vowels,  only  the  tone- 
long  a,  e,  0,  not  the  longest  i,  e,  6,  4]  of  the  short  vowels,  only  a,  e,  not 
i,  u,  6  (but  on  I  and  u,  see  §  29  g).  Thus  v^t?p!  (3rd  pi.  masc.  Imperf 
Hiph.)  but  njpbpn  3rd  pi.  fem.,  and  IC1V  (2nd  pi.  masc.  Imperat.  Qal) 
but  ^^PP  fem. 

1  In  exceptions  such  as  '•pTIkJ'  Gn  4'^  (where  sat  is  required  by  the  character 

of  the  form,  although  the  closed  syllable  has  lost  the  tone  owing  to  the 
following  Maqqeph),  Metheg  is  used  to  guard  against  a  wrong  pronunciation  ; 
similarly  e  is  sometimes  retained  before  Maqqeph,  e.g.  "Dli*  Gn  2^^;  "J*y  Gn  2*^ 

^  See  §9  6,/.     i  occurs  thus  only  in  the  particles  DN,  Dy,  |0 ;  but  these 

usually  (pp  always)  are  rendered  toneless  by  a  following  Maqqeph.     Cf.  al.so 

such  forms  as  2K'*1  §  26  r  and  §  75  q. 


88     Peculiarities  and  Changes  of  Letters  [§§267,r,27a-c 

q  e.  A  special  kind  of  closed  syllables  are  the  8harj)ened,  i.  e.  those 
which  end  in  the  same  (strengthened)  consonant  with  which  the  fol- 
lowing syllable  begins,  e.  g.  ''tpN  'im-mi,  ^?3  kul-lo.  If  without  the 
tone,  they  have,  like  the  rest,  short  vowels ;  but,  if  bearing  the  tone, 
either  short  vowels  ns  ^?P,  ^3,3n,  or  long,  as  '"I?^,  '*'?'!}• 

On  the  omission  of  the  strengthening  of  a  consonant  at  the  end  of  a  word, 
see  §  20  I. 

Y  7.  Syllables  ending  with  two  consonants  occur  only  at  the  end  of 
words,  and  have  most  naturally  short  vowels,  ^ip^i^,  ??'!!;  but  some- 
times Sere,  as  "=|'l?.,  yi^'.!,  or  ITolem,  Pfp  *|tpin.  Cf.,  however,  §  10  «. 
Usually  the  harshness  of  pronunciation  is  avoided  by  the  use  of  a 
helping  vowel  (§28  e). 

§  27.    The  Change  of  the  Voweh,  es2)ecially  as  regards 

Quantity. 

a  The  changes  in  sound  through  which  the  Hebrew  language  passed, 
before  it  assumed  the  form  in  which  we  know  it  from  the  Masoretic 
text  of  the  O.T.  (see  §  2  k),  have  especially  affected  its  vowel  system. 
A  precise  knowledge  of  these  vowel  changes,  which  is  indispensable 
for  the  understanding  of  most  of  the  present  forms  of  the  language,  is 
derived  partly  from  the  phenomena  which  the  language  itself  presents 
in  the  laws  of  derivation  and  inflexion,  partly  from  the  comparison  of 
the  kindred  dialects,  principally  the  Arabic.  By  these  two  methods, 
we  arrive  at  the  following  facts  as  regards  Hebrew  : 

h  I.  That  in  an  open  syllable  the  language  has  frequently  retained 
only  a  half-vowel  {S^wd  mobile),  where  there  originally  stood  a  full 
short  vowel,  e.g.  npJJJ  (ground-form  'dgdldt)  a  waggon,  '^^'^^  (ground- 
form  sdddqdt)  righteousness,  vDf?  (Arab,  qdtdld),  ^^tSp^  [Arah.  juqattiM). 
C  2.  That  vowels  originally  short  have  in  the  tone-syllable,  as  also 
in  the  open  syllable  preceding  it,  been  generally  changed  into  the 
cori'esponding  tone-long  vowels,  d  into  a,  i  into  e,  u  into  0  (see  §  9, 
a—e,  Jc,  r).  If,  however,  the  tone  be  shifted  or  weakened,  these  tone- 
long  vowels  mostly  revert  to  their  original  shortness,  or,  occasionally, 
are  still  further  shortened,  or  reduced  to  mere  S^wd  mobile,  or,  finally, 
ai'e  entirely  lost  through  a  change  in  the  division  of  syllables ;  e.  g.  ^9? 
(Arab,  mdtdr)  rain,  when  in  close  dependence  on  a  following  genitive 
in  the  construct  state),  becomes  "1^1? ;  ^pV  (Arab,  'dqlb)  heel,  dual  D^?k?S!, 
dual  construct  (with  attenuation  of  the  original  d  of  the  first  syllable 
to  t)  '3ipy  [on  the  P,  see  §  20  A]  ;  ^bp^  (Arab,  ydqtdl),  plur.  ^^\>''.  (Arab. 
ydqtuld).     For  instances  of  complete  loss,  as  in  ''|?tp3,  cf.  §  93  m. 


§  27  d  i]     Change  of  Vowels,  as  regards  Quantity      89 

According  to  §  26,  the  following  details  of  vowel-change  must  be 
observed  : 

1.  The  original,  or  a  kindred  shoi  t  vowel  reappears —  d 
(a)  When  a  closed  syllable  loses  the  tone  (§26  0).     Thus,  '^\  hand, 

but  '"'ji^^'*'!  the  hand  of  Yahwe;  |3  son,  but  'n?'?D"f?  the  son  of  tlie  king; 
P3  the  whole,  but  D^n"?3  the  whole  of  the  j)eople  ;  so  also  when  a  tone- 
bearing  closed  syllable  loses  the  tone  on  taking  a  sufl&x,  e.g.  2''t<  enemy, 
but  l^^i*  thy  enemy,  finally,  when  the  tone  recedes,  Dp^,  but  Di^^l 
{wayyaqdm);  ^P.l,  but  'H^f.l. 

(6)  To  the  same  category  belong  cases  like  "^BD  book,  but  ^ISp  my 
hook;  E^lp  holiness,  but  ^E^IQ  my  holiness.  In  spite  of  the  helping 
vowel,  "^QD  and  ^Ip  are  really  closed  syllables  with  a  tone-long  vowel; 
when  the  syllable  loses  the  tone,  the  original  i  or  6  (properly  u)  re- 
appears. 

The  same  is  true  of  syllables  with  a  virtually  sharpened  final  con- 
sonant :  the  lengthening  of  original  ?  to  e  and  w  to  0  takes  place  only 
in  a  tone-bearing  syllable ;  in  a  toneless  syllable  the  ?  or  0  (or  H) 
remains,  e.  g.  D^?  mother,  but  ''t?^  my  mother ;  pH  law,  plur.  D^"pQ  J  but 
iV  strength,  ""tV  (and  ^V!i)  my  strength. 

2.  The  lengthening  of  the  short  vowel  to  the  coiresponding  long,  e 
takes  place — 

(a)  When  a  closed  syllable  becomes  open  by  its  final  consonant 
being  transferred  to  a  suffix  beginning  with  a  vowel,  or  in  general 
to  the  following  syllable,  e.g.  ^^^,  vj^p  he  has  killed  him;  ^n|9^D 
primarily  from  riplD.  Similarly  d  mostly  becomes  a  even  before 
a  suffix  beginning  with  S^wd  mobile;  e.g.  IrJ^i?  from  ^Dj^^  I'Pi?^^ 
from  np^D. 

(6)  When   a  syllable  has  beco.ne  open  by  complete  loss  of  the  J 
strengthening  of  its  final  consonant  (a  guttural  or  Rei),  e.g.   ^IjS 
for  blrrakh,  see  §  22  c.     Cf.  also  §  20  n. 

(c)  When  a  weak  consonant  (k,  1,  '*)  following  the  short  vowel  £* 
quiesces  in  this  vowel,  according  to  §  23  a,  c,  rf,  §  24  /  e.  g.  N^O  for 
^?9.  where  the  N,  losing  its  consonantal  value,  loses  also  the  power  of 
closing  the  syllable,  and  the  open  syllable  requires  a  long  vowel. 

{d)  Very  frequently  through  the  influence  of  the  pause,  i.  e.  the  h 
principal  tone  in  the  last  word  of  a  sentence  or  clause  (§29  k). 
Sometimes  also  through  the  influence  of  the  article  (§35  o). 

3.  When  a  word  increases  at  the  end  and  the  tone  is  consequently  i 
moved  foiward,  or  when,  in  the  construct  state  (see  §  89),  or  otherwise 
in  close  connexion  with  the  following  word,  its  tone  is  weakened,  in 
such  cases  a  full  vowel  (short  or  tone-long)  may,  by  a  change  in  the 


90  Peculiarities  and  Changes  of  Letters      [§  27  i-o 

division  of  syllables,  be  weakened  to  o^wd  mobile,  or  even  be  entirely- 
lost,  so  that  its  place  is  taken  by  the  mere  syllable-divider  {o'^icd 
quiescens).  Examples  of  the  first  case  are,  Dj^  name,  pi.  ri^'^K',  but 
^IpB'  my  name,  DHitCB'  tJieir  names,  "1^'^  word,  constr.  st.  "i?"^  ;  '"'iJ'J^f 
righteousness,  constr.  st.  ni?1if ;  an  example  of  the  second  case  is,  'I?!? 
hlessing,  constr.  st.  ri3"l3.  Whether  the  vowel  is  retained  or  becomes 
S^wd  (D^,  'J?'1,  but  Dt?',  *^^),  and  which  of  the  two  disappears  in  two 
consecutive  syllables,  depends  upon  the  character  of  the  form  in 
question.  In  general  the  rule  is  that  only  those  vowels  which  stand 
in  an  open  syllable  can  become  S^ivd. 

Thus  the  change  into  S^wd  takes  place  in — 
/..'   ,  (a)  The  d  and  e   of  tlie  first  syllable,  especially  in  the  inflexion 
of  nouns,  e.  g.  "'^'n  word,  plur.  C'l^'^;  ^^3  great,  fern,  nbns  ;  33.7  heart, 
'33p   my  heart ;    but  also  in  the  verb,   31K'n   she  will  return,   plur. 

< 

n3^212'ri,  and  so  always,  when  the  originally  short  vowel  of  the  prefixes 
of  the  Imperfect  comes  to  stand  in  an  open  syllable  which  is  not 
pretonic.  On  the  other  hand,  an  d  lengthened  from  d  before  the  tone 
is  retained  in  the  Perfect  consecutive  of  Qal  even  in  the  secondaiy 
tone,  e.  g.  ^f^\^] ;  cf.  §  49  i. 
I  (b)  The  short,  or  moely  tone-long,  vowels  a,  e,  0  of  the  ultima, 
especially  in  verbal  forms,  e.g.  b^i^,  fern.  H^Dp  qafld;  ^''^\>\,  ^''Pi?! 
yiqiHA;  but  note  also  ilt^Pp^,  ppZlin,  &c.,  according  to  §  47  m  and  0. 

The  helping  vowels  are  either  entirely  omitted,  e.g. 'n?^  king  (ground- 
form  malk),  'SpP  my  king;  or,  under  the  influence  of  a  guttural,  are 

weakened  to  Hateph,  e.  g.  "IV?  boy,  1*iy?  Jiis  b^y.  If  the  tone  remains 
unmoved,  the  vowel  also  is  retained,  notwithstanding  the  lengthening 
of  the  word,  e.g.  vOp^  pausal-form  for  v^ip^ 
^''  Where  the  tone  moves  forward  two  places,  the  former  of  the  two 
vowels  of  a  dissyllabic  word  may  be  shoitened,  and  the  second 
changed  into  S^wd.     Cf.  *13'1  word  ;    in  the  plur.  Q''"!3"n ;    \^•ith  heavy 

< 

suffix  Dn''"i3'n  (cf.  §  28  a)  their  words.  On  the  attenuation  of  the  a  to 
t,  see  further,  s,  t. 

n  Rem.  I.  An  6  arising  from  aw  =  au,  or  by  an  obscuring  of  a  (see  §  9  6), 
sometimes  becomes  u,  when  the  tone  is  moved  forward,  e.g.  DIpJ  ni6lp3 
(see  Paradigm  Per/.  Niph.  of  Dip) ;  DOD  .flight,  fern.  np13»,  with  suflfix,  *D1jp, 
The  not  uncommon  use  of  Wn  a  sharpened  syllable,  as  ''jp^riB  Ez  20"  (for 
*ipn3,  cf.  also  the  examples  in  §  90),  is  to  be  regarded  as  an  orthographic 

licence,  although  sometimes  in  such  cases  u  may  really  have  been  intended 
l.y  the  K^lhibh. 
O      Of  the  vowels  of  the  I7-class,  u  and  tone-long  0  stand  in  a  tone-bearing 


§  27  p-s]     Change  of  Vowels,  as  regards  Quantity      91 

closed  final  syllable,  and  o  in  a  toneless  syllable,  e.g.  D^pJ  he  idU  arise, 
DiT  jussive,  let  him  arise,  Dp'1  and  he  arose.  The  only  instance  of  it  in  an 
ultima  which  has  lost  the  tone  is  D^JI  Ex  iG^o  (see  §  67  n).  Similarly,  of 
vowels  of  the  7-class,  e,  i,  and  e  stand  in  a  tone-bearing  closed  final  syllable, 
and  g  in  a  toneless  syllable,  e.g.  D^p""  he  will  raise,  Dp^  let  him  raise,  G\>^\  and  he 
raised.  The  only  instance  of  i  in  an  ultima  which  has  lost  the  tone  is  Y')^\ 
.Tu  (f^  (see  §  67  p). 

2.  In  the  place  of  a  Pathak  we  not  infrequently  find  (according  to  §  9/)  p 
a  S''gh6l  (c,  e)  as  a  modification  of  a  : 

(a)  In  a  closed  antepenultima,  e.g.  in  the  proper  names  ">ri^3>?  and  ^9t^?> 
where  LXX  'A^i-  =  '*3K,  which  is  certainly  the  better  reading,  cf.  XJlmer, 
Die  semit.  Eigennamen,  1901,  p.  12  :  or  in  a  closed  penultima,  e.g.  ^I'ln"',  but 
also  D^^^  your  hand,  for  yad'khim.  In  all  these  case^  the  character  of  the 
surrounding  consonants  (see  §  6  gf)  has  no  doubt  had  an  influence. 

(6)  Eegularly  before  a  guttural  with  Qames  or  ITaleph  Qame^,  q 
where  the  strengthening  has  been  dropped,  provided  that  a  lengthen- 
ing of  the  Pathah  into  Qames  be  not  necessary,  e.g.  vnx  his  brothers, 
for  'ahdw  ;  ^r\3  false,  for  kahds  ;  nns  governor,  constr.  st.  r.ns  ;  DHB 
coal;  "nn  the  living  (with  the  article,  H  for  n) ;  Dmn^  Nu  23''^  &c., 
and  so  always  before  H  and  n,  as  l^TinH-  ''**  months,  see  §  35  A-. 
Before  n  and  V  S^gMl  generally  stands  only  in  the  second  syllable 
before  the  tone,  e.g.  ^'''i^[}.  the  mountains;  pVp  the  guilt;  immediately 
before  the  tone  Pathah  is  lengthened  into  a  (pretonic)  Qames,  e.  g. 
"inn.  Oyn  •    but  cf.  also  ^"intsn  Nu  8".     Before  the  weak   consonants 

T    T    5  T    T     '  T    V    • 

N  and  "J  (cf.  §  22  c,  q),  the  lengthening  of  the  Pathah  into  Qames 

almost  always  takes  place,  e.  g.  3f?n  (he  father,  pi.  ninxT  ;    B'Nin  the 

head,  pi.  D^N'^n.     Exceptions,  i'^l^}  towards  the  mcuntain,  Gn  14'",  in 

the  tone-syllable,  for  hdrrd;  ^^'\'P^^,  (pr.  name)  for  l^'^in^.     On  n  as 

a  form  of  the  interrogative  H  (n),  see  §  100  w;    on  «"lO  for  nD  (np), 

§  37  e,  f.     Finally,  v?^?  Ex  33*  also  comes  partly  under  this  head,  in 

consequence  of  the  loss  of  the  strengthening,  for  'Jf?^.,  and  ''^i?|D: 

Ezekiel  for  ^Ni?^n^=bsp;in^  God  strengthens. 

(c)  As  a  modification  of  the  original  Pathah  in  the  first  class  of  the  scgholato  f 
forms  (§  93  g),  when  a  helping  vowel  (§  28  e)  is  inserted  after  tlie  second 
consonant.    Thus  the  ground-form  kalb  {dog),  after  receiving  a  helping  S'ghol, 

is  modified  into  2^3  (also  in  modern  Arabic  pronounced  kelb),^  yarh  {month), 
with  a  helping  Pathah,  flV.  The  same  phenomenon  appears  also  in  the 
formation  of  verbs,  in  cases  like  bv'  (jussive  of  the  Hiph'il  of  npj),   with 

a  helping  S'ghol,  for  yagl. 

3.  The  attenuation  of  a  to  i  is  verj'  common  in  a  toneless  closed  syllable.      ,V 
(a)  In  a  firmly  closed  syllable,  i*np  his  measure,  for  HC  (in  a  sharpened 

syllable) ;  '^''h'6)  I  have  hegotlen  thee,  from  ''FtH'^^  with  the  suffix  "^  ;  cf.  Lv  1 1", 

Ez  T,S^^,  and  §  44  d.     Especially  is  this  the  case  in  a  large  number  of  srgholates 

»  So  the  LXX  write  VliKxiotUK  for  p"li*''3^p. 


92     Peculiarilies  and  Changes  of  Letters     [§§  27  t-w,  28  a 

from  the  ground-form  qatl,  when  combined  with  singular  suffixes,  e.g.  *{?*1X 
my  righteousness,  for  sadqi.  '  '' ' 

t  (6)  In  a  loosely-closed  syllable,  i.  e,  one  followed  by  an  aspirated  Begadk^phath, 
as  DDID"!  your  blood,  for  D3D'n,  and  so  commonly  in  the  st.  constr.  plur.  of 
segholates  from  the  ground-form  qatl,  e.  g.  na3  from  *733  (ground-form  bagd) 

a  garment.  In  most  cases  of  this  kind  the  attenuation  is  easily  intelligible 
from  the  nature  of  the  surrounding  consonants.  It  is  evident  from  a  com- 
parison of  the  dialects,  that  the  attenuation  was  consistently  carried  out  in 
a  very  large  number  of  noun  and  verb-forms  in  Hebrew,  as  will  be  shown  in 
the  proper  places.* 
U  4-  S^ghol  arises,  in  addition  to  the  cases  mentioned  in  o  and  p,  also  from 
the  weakening  of  a  of  the  final  syllable  in  the  isolated  cases  (J]-t^  for  H ) 

in  I  S  2815  (?  see  §  48  d),  i/^  20*  (?),  Is  59^,  Pr  24"  (see  §  48  Z) ;  for  examples'  of 
Locative  forms  in  n__  see  §  90  i  end. 
Z)      5.  Among  the  HafqaA-sounds  ___  is  shorter  and  lighter  than ,  and  con- 
sequently the  vowel  group is  shorter  than ;   e.g.  Di"IK  Edom, 

< ,  ~:       i"  v:       IV  v: 

but  *Jp"IK  {Edomite),  shortened  at  the  beginning  because  the  tone  is  thrown 
forward  ;  DDK  C'meth)  truth,  *iriDX  his  truth :  D^'UJ  hidden,  pi.  Q>hb]}i  ■  T^iv^ 
but  "'Jjlinyn^ ;  but  also  conversely  TWVi  fem.  nnb'J?: ,  cf.  §  63/,  3. 

^  6.  To  the  chapter  on  vowel  changes  belongs  lastly  the  dissimilation  of  vowels, 
i.  €.  the  change  of  one  vowel  into  another  entirely  heterogeneous,  in  order  to 
prevent  two  similar,  or  closely  related  vowels,  from  following  one  another  in 

the  same  word.«     Hence  N^^  for  lH  16  (unless).    Cf.  also  ji^'H  from  y^n  • 

pE'Sn  from  t^til ;    ])2'>F\  from  Ijin  ;    in33  from  Hpi ;    D*l"'j;  from  stem  "fly  ; 

most  probably  also  iSb)  offspring,  TiBj?  porcupine,  for  '?^ ,  'Sp,  see  §  68  c,  note. — 

On  the  proper  names  Kln^  and  J/^B''',  which  were,  formerly  explained  in  the 

same  way,  see  now  PrStorius,  ZDMG.  1905,  p.  341  f. 

§  28.    The  Rise  of  New  Voivels  and  Syllables. 

d  1.  According  to  §  26  m  a  half-syllable,  i,  e.  a  consonant  with  S^wa 
mobile  (always  weakened  from  a  short  vowel),  can  only  occur  in  close 
dependence  on  a  full  syllable.  If  another  half-syllable  with  simple 
S®wa  follows,  the  first  takes  a  full  short  vowel  again.'  This  vowel 
is  almost  always  Hireq.  In  most  cases  it  is  probably  an  attenuation 
of  an  original  d,  and  never  a  mere  helping  vowel.  In  some  instances 
analogy  may  have  led  to  the  choice  of  the  i.  Thus,  according  to 
§  102  d,  the  prefixes  ?,  ?,  ?  before  a  consonant  with  S^wd  mobile 
become  2,  3,  p,  e.g.  '^33,  nQ3^  If?',  before  ^  they  are  pointed  as 
in  niin^S  (from  hi-y^hildd,  according  to  §  24  c);  so  too  with  Wdw 
copulative,   e.  g.  ^y^^^}   for  'M  attenuated  from  ''1.     The   first   half- 

*  Analogous  to  this  attenuation  of  «  to  t  is  the  Lat.  tango,  attingo ;  laxus, 
prolixus ;  to  the  transition  of  a  to  e  (see  above,  a),  the  Lat.  carpo,  decerpo ; 
spargo,  conspergo. 

*  Cf.  Barth,  Die  Nominalbildung  iri  den  semit.  Spr.,  p.  xxix  ;  A.  Miiller,  Theol. 
Stud.  u.  Krit.,  1892,  p.  177  f.,  and  Nestle,  ibid.,  p.  573  f. 

3  Except  1  and,  which  generally  becomes  ?  before  a  simple  S'wa,  cf.  §  104  i. 


§  28  b-e]     The  Rise  of  New  Vowels  and  Syllables       93 

syllable,  after  the  restoration  of  the  short  vowel,  Bometimes  combines 
with  the  second  to  form  a  firmly  closed  syllable,  e.  g.  ?33b  Nu  14'  for 
linpphol,  and  so  almost  always  in  the  infin.  constr.  after  7  (§  4  5  S')  J  ^^ 
isolated  cases  also  with  3,  as  "13]?  Jer  17^. 

2.  If  a  guttural  with  Hateph  follows,  the  original  d  of  the  prefixes  h 
is  retained  before  Hateph  Pathah,  but  before  Hateph  Seghol  or  Hateph 
Qames  it  is  modified  to  the  short  vowel  contained  in  the  Hateph. 
Thus  arise  the  vowel  groups  -=j-p-,  -rr-r^,  -n-rF>  e.g.  ^?>*.,l  and  I,  "l'^5<3  aa, 
"liy^  to  serve,  ^3^^  to  eat,  "hrh  in  sickness.  On  the  Metheg  with  every 
such  short  vowel,  see  §  16/  8.  Sometimes  here  also  a  fully  closed 
syllable  is  formed.  In  such  a  case,  the  prefix  takes  the  short  vowel, 
which  would  have  belonged  to  the  suppressed  Hateph,  e.  g.  3bn?  for 
3bn^;  DDni>  Is  47"  for  Don^  (see  §  67  cc);  ^0t6  but  also  IDN^. ;  and 
even  "iHV)  Jb  4^,  cf.  Gn  32'^  So  always  in  the  Infin.  and  Imperat.  Qal 
of  the  verbs  n^n  to  be  and  n^n  to  live,  e.  g.  ni'nb  to  be,  ^^ni  and  be  ye ; 
even  with  |0,  as  r\i''np,  on  which  cf.  §  102  6 ;  but  7\\n\_  and  be,  iTini. 
and  live,  have  e  instead  of  ?  under  the  prefix.  For  the  Metheg,  cf. 
§16/,  c. 

3.  When  a  Hateph  in  the  middle  of  a  word,  owing  to  flexional  C 
changes,  would  stand  before  a  vocal  ^^wd,  it  is  changed  into  the  short 
vowel,  with  which  it  is  compounded.  This  applies  especially  to  cases 
in  which  the  Hateph  stands  under  a  guttural  instead  of  quiescent 
i^wd,  as  an  echo  of  the  preceding  short  vowel,  e.g.ltoj;^  he  will  stand 
(for  Ibv:),  but  plur.  ^"It?y,\  for  yd'^mHhxi,,  and  ^3Bn3  for  neK'^ph^khxX 
{they  have  turned  themselves),  ^bvs  thy  work,  cf.  §  26  k.  The  syllables  , 
are  to  be  divided  yad-m^dhd,  and  the  second  dS  is  to  be  regarded 
exactly  as  the  helping  Pathah  in  "V^,  &c.^ 

4.  At  the  end  of  words,  syllables  occur  which  close  with  two  con-  U 
sonants  (§  10  i,  §  26  r),  but  only  when  the  latter  of  the  two  is  an 
emphatic  consonant  (U,  ?)  or  a  tenuis  (viz.^3,  "H,  T,  n^,  e.g.  ^f.''.  let  him 
turn  aside,  pfl).  and  he  caused  to  drink,  ^J?^  thou  (fern.)  hast  said,  'n3.'!l 
and  he  wejit,  "H"*."'.'!  and  let  him  have  dominion,  31^*1  and  he  took  captive. 

This  harsh  ending  is  elsewhere  avoided  by  the  Masora,^  which  C 
inserts  between  the  two  final  consonants  a  helping  vowel,  usually 


1  In  Ju  16"  read  '<y\^n  not  (with  Opitius,  Hahn  and  others)  T\t<T) . 

2  With  a  final  B),  the  only  example  is  B|p*in  Pr  30^,  where  several  MSS.  and 
printed  editions  incorrectly  have  5|  without  Dagel.    Instead  of  this  masoietic 

caprice  we  should  no  doubt  read  ^IPW . 

5  An  analogy  to  this  practice  of  the  Masora  is  found  among  the  modern 
Beduin,  who  pronounce  such  a  helping  vowel  before  h,  /i,  j,  g ;  cf.  Spitta, 
Gramm.  des  arab.  Vulgdrdiakktes  von  Aegypten,  Lpz.  1880,  §  43  rf. 


94      Peculiarities  and  Changes  of  Letters  [§§28/,  290-^ 

S^yhol,  but  with  medial  or  final  gutturals  a  Patliah,^  and  after  ^ 
a  Ilireq,  e.  g.  ?3*1  and  he  revealed,  for  wayyiyl ;  2T  Ut  it  multipli/,  for 
yirb ;  t^lp  holiness,  ground-form  quds ;  ?rn  brook,  ground-form  nafjl ; 
riripB'  -  for  J^inpK'  thou  hast  sent ;  H^?  house,  ground-form  bayt.  These 
helping  vowels  are,  however,  to  be  regarded  as  exactly  like  furtive 
Pathah  (§  22 f,g);  they  do  not  alter  the  monosyllabic  character  of 
the  forms,  lind  they  disappear  before  formative  suffixes,  e.  g.  'K'"li?  niy 

< 

holiness,  '"l^*?  home-ward. 
f       5.  On  the  rise  of  a  full  vowel  in  place  of  a  simple  S^wd,  under  the 
influence  of  the  2><iuse,  see  §  29  m ;  on  initial  K  for  .^,  see  §  23  h. 

§  29.    The  Tone,  its  Changes  and  the  Pause. 

a  1.  The  principal  tone  rests,  according  to  the  Masoretic  accentuation 
(cf.  §  15  c),  as  a  rule  on  the  final  syllable,  e.g.  bpj^,  -\2'l,  Hn^,  Dnn-n, 
D^f'^i?,  1''Pi^,  P*^"!t? — in  the  last  five  examples  on  the  formative  additions 
to  the  stem.  Less  frequently  it  rests  on  the  penultima,  as  in  HT? 
night,  ^?PiJ,  ^-il,  ^^ij;  but  a  closed  penultima  can  only  have  the  tone 
if  the  ultima  is  open  (e.g.  ^PPiJ,  "^J?.?,  '^J'r'P)'  "^^'l^^ilst  a  closed  ultima 
can  as  a  rule  only  be  without  the  tone  if  the  penultima  is  open,  e.  g. 
D|'^>1,  D^*1;  gee  also  below,  e. 

b  A  kind  of  counter-tone  or  secondary  stress,  as  opposed  to  the 
principal  tone,  is  marked  by  Metheg  (§  i6  c).  Words  which  are  closely 
united  by  Maqqeph  with  the  following  word  (§  16  a)  can  at  the  most 
have  only  a  secondary  tone. 

C  2.  The  original  tone  of  a  word,  however,  frequently  shifts  its  place 
in  consequence  either  of  changes  in  the  word  itself,  or  of  its  close 
connexion  with  other  words.  If  the  word  is  increased  at  the  end,  the 
tone  is  moved  forward  {descendit)  one  or  two  places  according  to  the 
length  of  the  addition,  e.g.  "l^'l  word,  plur.  D"'"12'=|;  t^y'}y^,  your  u-ords; 
^IP  holy  thing,  plur.D''B'*JP;  nb6\>  with  suffix  innS^jp,  with  Waw  con- 
secutive ^^^P).     On  the  consequent  vowel-changes,  see  §  27  d,  i-ni. 

cl  3.  On  the  other  hand,  the  original  tone  is  shifted  from  the  ultima 
to  the  penultima  {ascendit) : 

^  On  the  apparent  exceptions  Kp'T,  &c.,  cf.  §  22  e ;  other  instances  in  which 
N  has  entirely  lost  its  consonantal  value,  and  is  only  retained  orthographically, 
are  Npn  sin,  t<)i  valley  (also  ^3),  Nl^  vanity  (Jb  15=1  K^thibh  IK'). 

*  In  this  form  (§  65  g)  the  Bages  lene  remains  in  the  final  Taw,  althongh 
a  vowel  precedes,  in  order  to  point  out  that  the  helping  Pathah  is  not  to  be 
regarded  as  a  really  full  vowel,  but  merely  as  an  orthographic  indication  of 
a  very  slight  sound,  to  ensure  the  correct  pronunciation.  An  analogous  case 
is  "nn^  yihad  from  mn  (§  75  r). 


§29  f./]      ^^'^  Tone,  its  Changes  and  the  Pause        95 

(a)  In  many  forms  of  the  Imperfect,  under  the  influence  of  a  pre- 
fixed Waw  consecutive  {•\  see  §  49  c-e),  e,  g.  iCiS^  he  will  say,  ^'0^*\  and 
he  said  ;  "^l  he  will  go,  "^^.'.1  and  he  tvent.  Cf.  also  §  51  n  on  the  impf. 
Niph'al,  and  §  65  g,  end,  on  the  impf.  Pi'el ;  on  these  forms  in  Pause, 
when  the  )  consec.  does  not  take  effect,  see  below,  jo. 

(6)  For  rhythmical  reasons  (as  often  in  other  languages),  when  e 
a  monosyllable,  or  a  word  with  the  tone  on  the  first  syllable,  follows 
a  word  with  the  tone  on  the  ultima,  in  order  to  avoid  the  concurrence 
of  two  tone-syllables.'  This  rhythmical  retraction  of  the  tone,  however 
(liriN  JiD3  receding,  as  it  is  called  by  the  Jewish  gramraai-ians),  is  only 
admissible  according  to  a,  above,  provided  that  the  penultiraa,  which 
now  receives  the  tone,  is  an  open  syllable  (with  a  long  vowel ;  but 
see  g),  whilst  the  ultima,  which  loses  the  tone,  must  be  either  an  open 
syllable  with  a  long  vowel,  e.  g.  rh'^b^  N^P,  Gn  I^  4'',  zf,  Ex  i6^  ^/^  5>', 
104",  Dn  11",  or  a  closed  syllable  with  a  short  vowel,  e.  g.  D^^  ^^^^ 
Gn  3'^  Jb  3-\  22^.  2  The  grave  suffixes  DD-,  |3-,  DH-,  |n-  are  exceptions, 
as  they  never  lose  the  tone.  Moreover  a  fair  number  of  instances  occur 
in  which  the  above  conditions  are  fulfilled,  but  the  tone  is  not  retracted, 
e.g.  esp.  with  n^n,  and  before  N;  cf.  Qimhi,  Mikhlol,  ed.  Rittenberg 
(Lyck,  1862),  p.  4^,  line  13  ff. 

Although  Sere  can  remain  in  a  closed  ultima  which  has  lost  the  tone, it  f 
is  perhaps  rot  to  be  regarded  in  this  case  (see  §  8  6)  as  a  long  vowel.  At 
any  rate  it  then  always  ha.s,  in  correct  editions,  a  retarding  Metheg,  no 
doubt  in  order  to  prevent  its  being  pronounced  as  S^ghol,  e.g.  pP^  "^,?i'5: 
Nu  24^2;  cf.  Nu  1723,  Ju  20^  Is  66^  Jer  23^',  Ez  22^S  V'37',  and  even  with 
a  following/«r<ire  Pathah  Pr  i'^,  1 1^®,  &c.,  although  there  is  no  question 
here  of  two  successive  tone-syllables.  In  other  cases  the  shortening 
into  S^ghnl  does  take  place,  e.g.  DVl  af\T\  who  smiteth  the  anvil.  Is  41', 
for  Dys  D^iri;  IC"^  mii  i  K  i6^^— The  retraction  of  the  tone  even  occurs 
when  a  half-syllable  with  a  S^wa  mobile  precedes  the  original  tone- 
syllable,  e.g.  ibllDNhGn  19*,  and  frequently;  ""i^  -nni'^ V'  28';  '\>  «00 

*  Even  Hebrew  prose  proceeds,  according  to  the  accentuation,  in  a  kind  of 
iambic  rhythm.  That  this  was  intended  by  the  marking  of  the  tone,  can  be 
seen  from  the  use  of  Metheg. — Jos.  Wijnkoop  in  Barche  hannesigah  sive  leges  de 
accentus  Eehraicae  linguae  ascensione,  Ludg.  Bat.  1881,  endeavours  to  explain, 
on  euphonic  and  syntactical  grounds,  the  numerous  cases  in  which  the  usual 
retraction  of  the  tone  does  not  occur,  e.g.  T]K'n  N"»^3^  Is  45',  where  the  object 

probably  is  to  avoid  a  kind  of  hiatus  ;  but  cf.  also  Am  4'^.  PrStorius,  Veber 
den  riickweich.  Accent  im  Hebr.,  Halle,  1897,  has  fully  discussed  the  nasog  'a/ior. 

*  The  reading  D^^IJlf  (so  even  Opitius  and  Hahn)  Ez  16''  for  D""iy  is  rightly 

described  by  Baer  as  '  error  tui-pis'.— That  an  unchangeable  vowel  in  a  closed 
final  syllable  cannot  lose  the  tone  is  shown  by  Pratorius  from  the  duplication 
of  the  accent  (see  above,  §  22/). 


96         Peculiarities  and  Changes  of  Letters     [§  29  ^-it 

V'S^*;  ^"30  V.J'!99^^  H"j  as  also  when  the  tone-syllable of  the  second  word 
is  preceded  by  a  half-syllable,  e.g.  ''IQ  HK'y  Gn  i^'  (on  the  Dag.  f.,  cf. 
§20/);  'jbnrib'Gni57(cf.  §20c). 

g  According  to  the  above,  it  must  be  regarded  as  anomalous  when  the  Masora 
throws  back  the  tone  of  a  closed  ultima  upon  a  virtually  sharpened  syllable 
with  a  short  vowel,  e.g.  |3  inS   i  S  io»,  §  loi  a  ;  13  B'nD'l  Jb  8",  cf.  Lv  5" 

Ho  9' ;  ^32  pn^p  Gn  .^q^*'"  ;  whereas  it  elsewhere  allows  a  closed  penultima 
to  bear  the  cone  only  when  the  ultima  is  open.  Still  more  anomalous  is  the 
placing  of  the  tone  on  a  really  sharpened  syllable,  when  the  ultima  is  closed, 
as  in  by  Di^n  2  S  23I ;  yiC'  -I33  Jb34'^  cf.  also  J^i^-Dj?;'  Gn  4^*,  with  Metheg 
of  the  secondary  tone.  We  should  read  either  Dpn  or,  with  Frensdorff, 
Massora  Magna,  p.  i67,Gin3b.,Kittel,  after  Bomb.,  DPH.  Other  abnormal  forms 
are  ^2  pTHM  Ex  4*  (for  similar  instances  see  §  15  c,  end)  and  DB'  vn*"l  Dt  lo^ 

h      (c)  In  pause,  see  i-v. 

The  meeting  of  two  tone-syllables  (see  e,f)  is  avoided  also  by  connecting 
the  words  with  Maqqeph,  in  which  case  the  first  word  entirely  loses  the  tone, 
e.  g.  DK^"!Iiri3'"l  and  he  wrote  there,  Jos  8^'. 

T  T    ;   ■  - 

I  4.  Very  important  changes  of  the  tone  and  of  the  vowels  are  effected 
by  the  pause.  By  this  term  is  meant  the  strong  stress  laid  on  the 
tone-syllable  in  the  last  word  of  a  sentence  (verse)  or  clause.  It  is 
marked  by  a  great  distinctive  accent,  SilMq,  'Athndh,  and  in  the  ac- 
centuation of  the  books  D^sn,  'Ole  ufyored  (§  1%  h).  Apart  from  these 
principal  pauses  {the  great  pause),  there  are  often  pausal  changes  {the 
lesser  pause)  with  the  lesser  distinctive?,  especially  S^golta,  Zaqeph 
qatcn,  R%hi"'',  and  even  with  Pasta,  Tiphha,  Gere^,  and  (Pr  30^)  Pazer.^ 
The  changes  are  as  follows : 
Ic  (a)  When  the  tone-syllable  naturally  has  a  short  vowel,  it  as  a  rule 
becomes  tone-long  in  pause,  e.g.  P^^,  ''K^  j  ^^^.  '^^^5  W^i?)  '?••'?!?• 
An  a  which  has  been  modified  to  S^ghol  usually  becomes  a  in  pause, 

e.g.  "y^p.  (ground-form  qa^r)  in  pause'f^\>  2  K  11'* ;  y^.ii  yjH  Jer  22'° ; 

*  In  most  cases,  probably  on  account  of  a  following  guttural  or  (at  the  end 
of  a  sentence)  ^  (cf.  e.g.  Ex  21^',  Jer  3*  [but  Ginsb.  ejanni],  Ru  4^,  Ec  1 1^  [but 

Ginsb.  "IB'3'']  ;  before"!  Jen?'')  [see  also  §  29  w].     TlX   D3B'  i  S  7''',  pNI 

Is  65''',  Pr  25^,  where  a  has  munah,  are  very  irregular,  but  the  lengthening 

here  is  probably  only  to  avoid  the  cacophony  sdphdt  't<.    In  the  same  way 

n^XM  Ez\f^  (with  Mahpakh  before  n)  and  ny]\  Ez  37*  (with  Darga  before 

< 
J?)  are  to  be  explained.      The  four  instances  of  ""JX  for  ""JX  apparently  require 

a  different  explanation  ;  see  §  32  c. — The  theory  of  Olshausen  and  others  that 
the  phenomena  of  the  pause  are  due  entirely  to  liturgical  considerations,  i.  e. 
that  it  is  '  a  convenient  way  of  developing  the  musical  value  of  the  final 
accents  by  means  of  fuller  forms'  in  liturgical  reading  (Sievers,  Metr.  Studien, 
i.  236,  also  explains  pausal  forms  like  >y^hp^  ^•'tJp^  as  '  late  formations  of  the 

grammarians'),  is  contradicted  by  the  fact  that  similar  phenomena  are  still 
to  be  observed  in  modern  vulgar  Arabic,  where  they  can  only  be  attributed  to 
rhythmical  reasons  of  a  general  character. 


§  29  i-o]     The  Tone,  its  Changes  and  the  Pause  97 

also  in  2  K  4"  read  3B'i'5  with  ed.  Mant.,  &c.  (Baer  ^E^i^  y — "I2"n  becomes 

in  pause  "IS"!. 

Sometimes,  however,  the  distinct  and  sharper  o  is  intentionally  retained  / 
in  pause,  especially  if  the  following  consonant  is  strengthened,  e.  g.  ^HB"*  Jb  4'^", 

or  ought  to  be  strengthened,  e.  g.  fl^S  2  S  1 2^,  T3  Is  8^,  &c. ;  but  also  in  other 

cases  as  'riJpT  Gn  27^,  because  from  |j?T,  cf.  below,  q;  Ty  Qn  49^'' ;  IJK'npni 

2  Ch  29^8  (so  Baer,  but  Ginsb.  '^pn,  ed.  Mant.  '^p^) ;  and  regularly  in  the 

numeral  y3 "IN /owr,  Lv  11  ^o,  &c.     In  the  accentuation  of  the  three  poetical 

books  (§  15  d)  the  use  of  Paihah  with  'Athnah  is  due  to  the  inferior  pausal 
force  oi^ Athnah,  especially  after '(5Ze  vfyored  (§  150)  ;  cf.  \p  100*,  Pr  30^  and 
Qimhi,  Mikhlol,  ed.  Rittenberg,  p.  5'',  line  4  from  below.  Compare  the  list  of 
instances  of  pausal  a  and  e  in  the  appendices  to  Baer's  editions. 

(6)  "When  a  full  vowel  in  a  tone-bearing  final  syllable  has  lost  the  ni 
tone  before  an  aflformative,  and  has  become  vocal  S^wd,  it  is  restored 
in  pause  as  tone-vowel,  and,  if  short,  is  lengthened,  e.g.  ^^\l,  fern. 
nppi?  {qdfla),  in  pause  '"'^^^  ;  ''VP?'  (sim^u\  in  pause  ^V^F  (from  sing. 
V^f)  ;  HN^p,  HN^D  ;  l^epf,  ^b'6\>) '  (sing.  bbp^).  The  fuller  endings  of 
the  Imperfect  ^  and  P—  (§  47  m  and  0)  alone  retain  the  tone  even 
when  the  original  vowel  is  restored.  In  segholate  forms,  like  '"H?,  ^"l? 
(ground-form  lahy,  pary),  the  original  a  returns,  though  under  the 
form  of  a  tone-bearing  S^ghol,  thus  ''^^ ,  "'"IS  ;  original  ?  becomes  e,  e.g. 
''Vn,  in  pause  ""ifn;  original  d  {u)  becomes  o,  y^.  (ground-form  huli/), 
in  pause  yh  (§  93  as,  3/,  z). 

On  the  analogy  of  such  forms  as  'n^,  &c.,  the  shortened  Imperfects  n 
'n^  and  ''H^  become  in  pause  'H^,  'H'',  because  in  the  full  forms  i^'!/})  he 
will  be,  and  iTPl^  ^g  4<;t7Z  live,  the  ?  is  attenuated  from  an  original  a- 
Similarly  D?K'  shoulder,  in  ^^aws^  l^?^  (ground-form  saJchm),  and  the 
[iron.  '^N  /,  in |)awse  '3X;  cf.  also  the  restoration  of  the  original  a  as 
e  before  the  suffix  'I-^  thy,  thee,  e.  g.  T)3"1  <%  word,  in  ^jawse  ^"i^'l ; 
^"iDB'^  he  guards  thee,  in  pause  ^T'DtJ'^;  but  after  the  prepositions  ^,  b, 
^^  {^^)  the  suffix  ^-j_  in  pause  becomes  ^-^,  e.  g.  'H?,  "H^,  ^^^. 

(c)  This  tendency  to  draw  back  the  tone  in  pause  to  the  penultima  0 
appears  also  in  such  cases  as  '3bX  /^  in  jyause  '3J^ ;  nriX  </jom,  in  2)ause 
nJRX  (but  in  the  three  poetically  accented  books  also  '""^J?,  since  in 
those  books  'Athnah,  especially  after  'Ole  vfy<yred,  has  only  the  force 
of  a  Zaqeph;  hence  also  ^^^)^\  Pr  24^  instead  of  ^^.^VO^;  "'^V  now,  nny ; 
and  in  other  sporadic  instances,  like  v3  ^  37^"  for  v3  ;  but  in  i  S  12"^ 

'  Such  a  pausal  syllable  is  sometimes  further  emphasized  by  strengthening 
the  following  consonant,  see  §  20  i. 
2  SpB^  \f/  456^  cf.  also  \chy'  ^  40^^,  is  to  be  explained  in  the  same  way,  but 

not  ^pben  Zc  2",  where,  on  the  analogy  of  HC^n  Je  9^  we  should  expect 


COWLXT 


98         Peculiarities  and  Changes  of  Letters     [§  29  p-w 

ISDJjl  with  Baer  and  Ginsb.,  is  to  be  preferred  to  the  reading  of  ed. 

Mant.,  &c. 

p      [d)  Conversely  all   forms  of  imperfects  consecutive,  whose    final 

syllable,  when  not  in  pause,  loses  the  tone  and  is  pronounced  with 

a  short  vowel,  take,  when  in  pause,  the  tone  on  the  ultima  with  a 

<  ^  .< 

tone-long  vowel,  e.  g.  riD>1  and  lie  died,  m  pause  riD*l. 

n  Of  other  effects  of  the  pause  we  have  still  to  mention,  (i)  the  transition  of 
an  e  (lengthened  from  i)  to  the  more  distinct  a  (see  above,  I),  e.g.  inn  for  tnn 
Is  i85  (of.  §  67  t);  §  72  drf)  ;  ^IDj^  Is  33»  ;  ^YN  i  Ch  S^s  (beside  ^yi^  [,  see  v.  37. 
Cf.  :  ^X2D  Is  76  (^Knt9  Ezr  4'') ;  ^',  Ij^B'  Jer  22'*  ;  "TlDp  Ob  20  ;  :  ^n'*\  Ex  31'" ; 
:  K'SNil  2"s  12IS  (below,  §  51  m)— S."r.  D.])  ;    nsV  Gn  17";  nSSH   i  S  15*3  ; 

"iriNn  \t  40'^ ;  pmn  Jbi3^^,  mostly  before  liquids  or  sibilants  (but  alsoS^H 

"""  =  "  •■  t  <  ''\J 

Is  42^2,  and  without  the  pause  Tin  La  3^*).     So  also  '%\,'>^  (shortened  from  Tipi) 

becomes  in  pause  T]2*1 ;  cf.  l]?*!  La  3^ ;  J^ri  for  fpFl  Ju  19''".     On  S^g/ioZ  in  pause 
instead  of  Sere,  cf.  §  52  n,  60  d,  and  especially  §  75  n,  on  iTni  Pr  4*  and  7^ 
f      (2)  The  transition  from  ct  to  e  in  the  ultima ;  so  always  in  the  formula 

nyi  Dpiyp  (for  nU)/or  ever  and  ever. 

V  T  T  ;       ^ 

S  (3)  The  paused  Qames  (according  to  §  54  A:,  lengthened  from  original  a)  in 
Eithpa'el  (but  not  in  Pi'el)  for  Sere,  e.  g.  ^  pHH^  Jb  1 8*  for  Tjpnri^ .  But  pausal 
forms  like  iriD  £532'  (in  the  absol.  s(.  "IflD  133^)  go  back  to  a  secondary  form 
of  the  abs.  st.  inp,  133B', 

/  (4)  The  restoration  of  a  final  Todh  which  has  been  dropped  from  the  stem, 
together  with  the  preceding  vowel,  e.g.  Vyil^  Vnti  Is  21^*,  for  ^yzi^  ^nX^  the 

latter  also  without  the  pause  Is  c,0^-'^^ ;   cf.  Jb  I2«,  and  the  same  occurrence 
even  in  the  word  before  the  pause  Dt  32''',  Is  21'^.    . 
U      (5)  The  transition  from  0  or  0  to  a  in  pause  :  as  HPXB'  Is  7*',  if  it  be  a  locative 

of  %\i^,  and  not  rather  imperat.  Qal  of  ^SB'  •  TlS^^  Gn  43'*  for  TlilbB'  •  TV 
Gn  49» ;  fl^D^  Gn  492^;  perhaps  also  |^"1^  i  K  223^,  Is  59",  and  nSpl^tp  Is  28", 
cf.  2  K  21".  On  the  other  hand  the  regular  pausal  form  J'Sn""  (ordinary 
imperfect  ^bn')  corresponds  to  a  perfect  J^sn  (see  §  47  A). 

D  (6)  When  a  Paihah  both  precedes  and  follows  a  virtually  strengthened 
guttural,  the  second  becomes  a  in  pause,  and  the  first  S'ghol,  according  to 
§  22  c  and  §  275,  e.g.  TIK  my  brothers,  in  pause  TIS.  Similarly  in  cases  where 
an  original  Pathah  after  a  guttural  has  been  attenuated  to  i  out  oi pause,  and 
then  lengthened  to  e  with  the  tone  (cf.  §  54^;),  e.g.  Dnifl^,  but  in  pause  Qi^Jjri^ 
Dt  32=«;  cf.  NuS'',  23'9,  Ez  5'^,  ^135".— On  pausal  Sere,  for  S'ghol,  in  infin., 
imperat.,  and  imperf.  of  verbs  n"i?,  see  §  "J^hh. 

IK)  [Other  instances  of  the  full  vowel  in  lesser  pause,  where  the  voice  would 
naturally  rest  on  the  word,  are  Gn  15"  •n'3y\  Is  8'«,  402'',  Ho  412,  8^  Dn  9'', 
and  very  often  in  such  cases.] 


SECOND   PART 

ETYMOLOGY,  OR  THE   PARTS  OF   SPEECH 

§30.    Stems  and  Roots'^:    Biliteral,  Triliteral,  and 

Quadriliteral. 

1.  Stems  in  Hebrew,  as  in  the  other  Semitic  languages,  have  this  ^^ 
peculiarity,  that  by  far  the  majority  of  them  consist  of  three  con- 
sonants.   On  these  the  meaning  essentially  depends,  while  the  various 
modifications  of  the    idea  are  expressed   rather  by  changes  in.  the 
vowels,  e.  g.  p^V  {p^V  or  ptoy ;  the  3rd  pers.  sing.  perf.  does  not  occur) 

it  ivas  deep,  P'OV  dee}),  p^V  depth,  p^)J,  a  valley,  plain.     Such  a  stem 

may  be  either  a  verb  or  a  noun,  and  the  language  commonly  exliihits 

both  together,  e.g.  VII  ^*  '*'^^  sown,  Vn.\  seed  ;    D?n  he  vjas  wise,  D^H 

a  wise  man.     For  practical  purposes,  however,  it  has  long  been  the 

custom  to  regard  as  the  stem  the  ^rd  pers.  sing.  Perf.  Qal  (see  §  43), 

since  it  is  one  of  the  simplest  forms  of  the  verb,  without  any  formative 

additions.     Not  only  are  the  other  forms  of  the  verb  referred  to  this 

stem,   but  also  the  noun-forms,  and  the  large  number  of  particles 

derived  from  nouns  ;  e.  g.  tJ*"!^  he  was  holy,  K'']P  holiness,  t^'l^i^  holy. 

Sometimes  the  language,  as  we  have  it,  exhibits  only  the  verbal  0 

stem  without  any  corresponding  noun-form,  e.  g.  /pD  to  stone,  pi^J 

to  bray;   and  on  the  other  hand,  the  noun  sometimes  exists  without 

<  < 

the  corresponding  verb,  e.  g.  P?  stone,  SJi  south.  Since,  however,  the 
nominal  or  verbal  stems,  which  are  not  now  found  in  Hebrew,  generally 
occur  in  one  or  more  of  the  other  Semitic  dialects,  it  may  be  assumed, 
as  a  rule,  that  Hebrew,  when  a  living  language,  also  possessed  them. 
Thus,  in   Arabic,   the  verbal  stem  'dbtnd  (to  become  compact,  hard) 

<  < 

corresponds  to  I9?,  and  the  Aramaic  verb  n^gab  {to  be  dry)  to  2^^., 

Rem.  I.     The  Jewish  grammarians  call  the  stem  (i.e.  the  3rd  pers.  sing.  C 
Perf.  Qal)  B'"lb'  root.      Hence  it  became  customary  among  Christian  gram- 
marians to  call  the  stem  radix,  and  its  three  consonants  litterae  radicales,  in 
contradistinction  to  the  litterae  servUes  or  formative  letters.     On  the  correct  use 
of  the  term  root,  see  g. 

'  On  the  questions  discussed  here  compai'e  the  bibliography  at  the  Lead 
of  §  79. 

H  2 


loo  Etymology,  or  the  Parts  of  Speech      [§  30  d-g 

Cl  2.  others  regard  the  three  stem-consonauts  as  a  root,  in  the  sense  that,  con- 
sidered as  vowelless  and  unpronounceable,  it  represents  the  common  foundation 
of  the  verbal  and  nominal  stems  developed  from  it,  just  as  in  the  vegetable 
world,  from  which  the  figure  is  borrowed,  stems  grow  from  the  hidden 
root,  e.  g.  , 

Root  :  1^^,  the  indeterminate  idea  of  riding. 

Verb-atem,  TJpO  he  has  reigned.  Noun-stem,  TJ^IO  king. 

For  the  historical  investigation  of  the  language,  however,  this  hypothesis 
of  unpronounceable  roots,  with  indeterminate  meaning,  is  fruitless.  Moreover, 
the  term  root,  as  it  is  generally  understood  by  philologists,  cannot  be  applied 
to  the  Semitic  triliteral  stem  (see/).^ 
C  3.  The  3rd  sing.  Perf.  Qal,  which,  according  to  the  above,  is  usually  regarded, 
both  lexicographically  and  grammatically,  as  the  ground-form,  is  generally 

in  Hebrew  a  dissyllable,  e.g.  bop.    The  monosyllabic  forms  have  only  arisen 

by  contraction  (according  to  the  traditional  explanation)  from  stems  which 
had  a  weak  letter  ("I  or  *)  for  their  middle  consonant,  e.g.  Dp  from  qawam  ; 

or  from  stems  whose  second  and  third  consonants  are  identical,  e.g.  "IS  and 

T}if  (but  see  below,  §§  67,  72).     The  dissyllabic  forms  have  themselves  no 

doubt  arisen,  through  a  loss  of  the  final  vowel,  from  trisyllables,  e.g.  ?Cp 

from  qdtdld,  as  it  is  in  literary  Arabic. 

f  2.  The  law  of  the  triliteral  stem  is  so  strictly  observed  in  the 
formation  of  verbs  and  nouns  in  Hebrew  (and  in  the  Semitic  languages 
generally),  that  the  language  has  sometimes  adopted  artificial  methods 
to  preserve  at  least  an  appearance  of  triliteralism  in  monosyllabic 
stems,  e.g.T)2p  for  the  inf.  constr.  of  verbs  I'^S;  cf.  §  69  b.  Conversely 
such  nouns,  as  ^^  father,  D?<  mother,  HS  brother,  which  were  formerly 
all  regarded  as  original  monosyllabic  forms  [nomina  jmmitiva),  may, 
in  some  cases  at  least,  have  arisen  from  mutilation  of  a  triliteral  stem. 

g  On  the  other  hand,  a  large  number  of  triliteral  stems  really  point 
to  a  biliteral  base,  which  may  be  properly  called  a  7'oot  [radix 
primaria,  bill  iter  alls),  since  it  forms  the  starting-point  for  several 
triliteral  modifications  of  the  same  fundamental  idea.  Though  in 
themselves  unpronounceable,  these  roots  are  usually  pronounced  with 
a  between  the  two  consonants,  and  are  represented  in  writing  by  the 
sign  -y/,  e.g.  \/^D  as  the  root  of  113,  nni),  "113,  IwN.  The  reduction 
of  a  stem  to  the  underlying  root  may  generally  be  accomplished  with 
certainty  when  the  stem  exhibits  one  weak  consonant  with  two  strong 
ones,  or  when  the  second  and  third  consonants  are  identical.  Thus 
e.  g.  the  stems  'n?'!J,  'H^'^j  ^9'^>  '^?'^  ™*y  ^■ll  be  traced  to  the  idea  of 
striking,  breaking,  and  the  root  common  to  them  all  is  evidently  the 
two  strong  consonants  "[I  [dakh).  Very  frequently,  however,  the 
development  of  the  root  into  a  stem  is  effected  by  the  addition  of 

^  Cf.  Philippi,  '  Der  Grundstamm  des  starken  Verbums,'  in  Morgenlandische 
Forschungen,  Leipz.  1875,  PP-  69-106. 


§  30  h-k'\  Stems  and  Roots  loi 

a  strong  consonant,  especially,  it  seems,  a  sibilant,  liquid  or  guttural.^ 
Finally,  further  modifications  of  the  same  root  are  produced  when 
either  a  consonant  of  the  root,  or  the  letter  which  has  been  addeJ, 
changes  by  phonetic  laws  into  a  kindred  letter  (see  the  examples 
below).  Usually  such  a  change  of  sound  is  accompanied  by  a  modifica- 
tion of  meaning. 

Examples:   from  the  root  yp  (no   doubt  onomatopoetic,   i.e.   imitating  the  A 
sound),  which  represents  the  fundamental  idea  of  carving  off,  cutting  in  pieces, 
are  derived  directly:  }>Sp  and  H^fp  to  cut,  to  cut  off;  the  latter  also  metaph.  to 

decide,  to  judge  (whence  yip,  Arab,  qddi,  a  judge)  ;  also  aSj^  to  cut  off,  to  shear, 
PjXp  to  tear,  to  break,  JJXp  to  cut  into,  nSp  to  cut  off,  to  reap.  With  a  dental  instead 
of  the  sibilant,  Dp,  Ip,  whence  2^\>  to  cut  in  pieces,  to  destroy,  b^\)  to  cut  doicn, 
to  kill,  Fj^p  to  tear  off,  to  pluck  off.  With  the  initial  letter  softened, 
the  root  becomes  D3,  whence  HDS  to  cut  off,  and  DD3  to  shave ;  cf.  also  D33 

7  -    T  *    T 

Syr.  to  slay  {sacrifice),  to  kiU.  With  the  greatest  softening  to  12  and  li  •  tTS  to 
cut  off,  to  shear :  HW  to  hew  stone  ;  T13 .  Dta .  JJW ,  ^W ,  "IW  to  cut  off,  to  tear  off,  eat  up  ; 
similarly  Tia  to  cut  into,  JJna  to  cut  off;  cf.  also  ma ,  vni  "113.  Allied  to  this 
root  also  is  the  series  of  stems  which  instead  of  a  palatal  begin  with  a 
guttural  (n),  e.g.  inn  to  split,  cut;  cf.  also  ^nn,  plH,  "nn,  K'nn,  and  further 

D^n,  f'ln,  nrn,  nn,  3Dn,  ccn,  sicn,  ^dpi,  ddr,  cion,  axn,  njfn,  j^ifn,  ixn 

in  the  Lexicon. 
The  root  DH  expresses  the  sound  of  humming,  which  is  made  with  the 

mouth  closed  (/ivo) ;  hence  DlOn,  Din,  nion,  Dn3  (Dt?3),  Arab,  hdmhama,  to  huzz, 

to  hum,  to  snarl,  &c.  , 

As  developments  from  the  root  V"l  cf.  the  stems  Ijn,  7^1,  DSH,  VTl,  T^, 

K'jn,     Not  less  numerous  are  the  developments  of  the  root  "13  pS^  ?D)  and 

many  others.* 

Closer  investigation  of  the  subject  suggests  the  following  observations  : 
(a)  These  roots  are  mere  abstractions  from  stems  in  actual  use,  and  are  I 
themselves  not  used.  They  represent  rather  the  hidden  germs  {semina)  of  the 
stems  which  appear  in  the  language.  Yet  these  stems  are  sometimes  so 
short  as  to  consist  simply  of  the  elements  of  the  root  itself,  e.  g.  DFI  to  be 
finished,  7p  light.  The  ascertaining  of  the  root  and  its  meaning,  although  in 
many  ways  very  difiBcult  and  hazardous,'is  of  great  lexicographical  importance. 
It  is  a  wholly  different  and  much  contested  question  whether  there  ever  was 
a  period  in  the  development  of  the  Semitic  languages  when  purely  biliteral 
roots,  either  isolated  and  invariable  or  combined  with  inflexions,  served  for 
the  communication  of  thought.  In  such  a  case  it  would  have  to  be  admitted, 
that  the  language  at  first  expressed  extremely  few  elementary  ideas,  which 
were  only  gradually  extended  by  additions  to  denote  more  delicate  shades  of 
meaning.  At  all  events  this  process  of  transformation  would  belong  to 
a  period  of  the  language  which  is  entirely  outside  our  range.  At  the  most 
only  the  gradual  multiplication  of  stems  by  means  of  phonetic  change  (see 
below)  can  be  historically  proved. 

(6)  Many  of  these  monosyllabic  words  are  clearly  imitations  of  sounds,  and  K 

^  That  all  triliteral  stems  are  derived  from  biliterals  (as  Konig,  Lehrg.  ii.  i, 
370  ;  M.  Lambert  in  Studies  in  honour  of  A,  Kohut,  Berl.  1897,  p.  354  If.)  cannot 
be  definitely  proved. 

'  Cf.  the  interesting  examination  of  the  Semitic  roots  QR,  KR,  XR,  by 
P.  Haupt  in  the  Amer.  Journ.  of  Sem.  Lang.,  xxiii  (1907),  p.  341  ff. 


I02  Etymology,  or  the  Parts  of  Speech      [§  30  i-q 

sometimes  coincide  with  roots  of  a  similar  meaning  in  the  Indo-Germanic 
family  of  languages  (§  \  h).  Of  other  roots  there  is  definite  evidence  that 
Semitic  linguistic  consciousness  regarded  them  as  onomatopoetic,  whilst  the 
Indo-Germanic  instinct  fails  to  recognize  in  them  any  imitation  of  sound. 
/  (c)  Stems  with  the  harder,  stronger  consonants  are  in  general  (§  6  r)  to  be 
regarded  as  the  older,  from  which  a  number  of  later  stems  probably  arose 
through  softening  of  the  consonants  ;  cf.  "ITQ  and  in  pPlX  and  pHCJ'  pVX  and 
pyr,  ybV  and  y?V,  D?y ;  p\>''\  and  T]3n^  and  the  almost  consistent  change  of 
initial  1  to  '',  In  other  instances,  however,  the  harder  stems  have  only  been 
adopted  at  a  later  period  from  Aramaic,  e.g.  nVD,  Hebr.  nVJl.  Finally  in 
many  cases  the  harder  and  softer  stems  may  have  been  in  use  together  from 
the  first,  thus  often  distinguishing,  by  a  kind  of  sound-painting,  the  intensive 
action  from  the  less  intensive  ;  see  above  yip  to  cut,  HJ  to  shear,  &c. 
W-  (ri)  When  two  consonants  are  united  to  form  a  root  they  are  usually  either 
both  emphatic  or  both  middle-hard  or  both  soft,  e.g.  J'p  t3p,  D3,  t3  IJ  never 
JO^  yy^  tD3,  D3,  Tp.  Within  (triliteral)  stems  the  first  and  second  consonants 
are  never  identical.  The  apparent  exceptions  are  either  due  to  reduplication 
of  the  root,  e.g.  rm  {^  42^,  Is  381^),  Arabic  XINH,  or  result  from  other  causes, 
cf.  e.g.  n33  in  the  Lexicon.  The  first  and  third  consonants  are  very  seldom 
identical  except  in  what  are  called  concave  stems  (with  middle  1  or  i), 
e.g.  p3^  p2f ;  note,  however,  p3,  |n3,  B'CK',  B'lB',  and  on  y^J?  Jb  3930  see 
§  55/.  The  second  and  third  consonants  on  the  other  hand  are  very  fre- 
quently identical,  see  §  67.^ 
^l  (e)  The  softening  mentioned  under  I  is  sometimes  so  great  that  strong 
consonants,  especially  in  the  middle  of  the  stem,  actually  pass  into  vowels : 

cf.  §  19  0,  and  ^"(Wy  Lv  168  »•  if  it  is  for  b'lb)^,. 
0      if)  Some  of  the  cases  in  which  triliteral  stems  cannot  with  certainty  be 
traced  back  to  a  biliteral  root,  may  be  due  to  a  combination  of  two  roots — 
a  simple  method  of  forming  expressions  to  correspond  to  more  complex  ideas. 

1)  3.  Stems  of  four,  or  even  (in  the  case  of  nouns)  of  Jive  consonants" 
are  secondary  formations.  They  arise  from  an  extension  of  the  triliteral 
stem  :  (a)  by  addition  of  a  fourth  stem-consonant ;  (6)  in  some  cases 
perhaps  by  composition  and  contraction  of  two  triliteral  stems,  by 
which  means  even  quinquiliterals  are  produced.  Stems  which  have 
arisen  from  reduplication  of  the  biliteral  root,  or  from  the  mere  repe- 
tition of  one  or  two  of  the  three  original  stem-consonants,  e.  g.  ^3?? 
from  ?13  or  ?^'^,  "^Dinp  from  ino,  are  usually  not  regarded  as  quadri- 
lilerals  or  quinqueliterals,  but  as  conjugalional  foims  (§  55);  so  also 
the  few  words  which  are  formed  with  the  prefix  B',  as  ^I^k}}""^  flame 
from  3npj  correspond  to  the  Aramaic  conjugation  Sapliel,  ^Hp'^. 

n  Rem.  on  (a).  The  letters  r  and  I,  especially,  are  inserted  between  the  first 
and  second  radicals,  e.  g.  DD3  Dp"13  to  eat  up ;  t3''3"!K'  =  DIIK'  sceptre  (this 
insertion  of  an  r  is  especially  frequent  in  Aramaic) ;  HSypl  hot  wind  from  f|yT 

*  Consonants  which  are  not  found  together  in  roots  and  stems  are  called 
incompaiihle.    They  are  chiefly  consonants  belonging  to  the  same  class,  e.g.  33, 

p3,  p3,  Dl,  Dn,  tjn,  flD   *lt,  Dt,  J'T,  DV,  yx,  yn,  &o.,  or  in  the  reverse  .order. 

'^  In  Hebrew  they  are  comparatively  rare,  but  more  numei'ous  in  the  other 
Semitic  languages,  especially  in  Ethiopic. 


§§  3°  '■.«.  3'  «»^]  Stems  and  Roots  103 

to  he  hot.  Cf.  Aram.  bsiJ?  '°  '^'^^h  expanded  from  ?3y  (conjugation  Pa'el, 
corresponding  to  the  Hebrew  Pi'el).  In  Latin  there  is  a  similar  expansion 
of  fid,  scid,  tud,  jug  into  findo,  scindo,  tundo,  jungo.  At  the  end  of  words  the 
commonest  expansion  is  by  means  of  p  and  f,  e.  g.  |n3  axe,  ?^~\'2  garden-land 
(from  DnJ),  b'Vl^  corolla  (yna  cwi?) ;  cf.  §  85,  xi. 

Eem.  on  (6).  Forms  such  as  '^'ifi^li  frog,  rQ^2n  meadow-saffron,  niOpS  shadow  f 

0/  death, '^  were  long  regarded  as  compounds,  though  the  explanation  of  them 
all  was  uncertain.  Many  words  of  this  class,  which  earlier  scholars  attempted 
to  explain  from  Hebrew  sources,  have  since  proved  to  be  loan-words  (§  i  i), 
and  consequently  need  no  longer  be  taken  into  account. 

4.  A  special  class  of  formations,  distinct  from  the  fully  developed  s 
stems  of  three  or  four  consonants,  are  (a)  the  Interjections  (§  105), 
which,  as  being  direct  iraitatious  of  natural  sounds,  are  independent 
of  the  ordinary  formative  laws ;  (6)  the  Pronouns.  Whether  these 
are  to  be  regarded  as  the  mutilated  remains  of  early  developed  stems, 
or  as  relics  of  a  period  of  language  when  the  formation  of  stems  followed 
different  laws,  must  remain  undecided.  At  all  events,  the  many 
peculiarities  of  their  formation^  require  special  treatment  (§  32  ff.). 
On  the  other  hand,  most  of  the  particles  (adverbs,  prepositions,  con- 
junctions) seem  to  have  arisen  in  Hebrew  from  fully  developed  stems, 
although  in  many  instances,  in  consequence  of  extreme  shortening, 
the  underlying  stem  is  no  longer  recognizable  (see  §  99  ff.). 

§  31.    Grammatical  Structure. 

p.  L6i-wald,  '  Die  Formenbildungsgesetze  des  Hebr.'  {Hilfsbuch  fur  Lehrer 
des  Heir.),  Berlin,  1897,  is  recommended  for  occasional  reference. 

1.  The  formation  of  the  parts  of  speech  from  the  stems  (derivation),  a 
and  their  inflexion,  are  effected  in  two  ways  :  (a)  internally  by  changes 
in  the  stem  itself,  particularly  in  its  vowels:  (6)  externally  by  the 
addition  of  formative  syllables  before  or  after  it.  The  expression  of 
grammatical  relations  (e.  g.  the  comparative  degree  and  some  case- 
relations  in  Hebrew)  periphrastically  by  means  of  separate  words 
belongs,  not  to  etymology,  but  to  syntax. 

The  external  method  (6)  of  formation,  by  affixing  formative  syllables,  0 
which  occurs  e.g.  in  Egyptian,  appears  on  the  whole  to  be  the  more  ancient. 
Yet  other  families  of  language,  and  particularly  the  Semitic,  at  a  very  early 
period  had  recourse  also  to  the  internal  method,  and  during  their  youthful 
vigour  widely  developed  their  power  of  forming  derivatives.  But  the  con- 
tinuous decay  of  this  power  in  the  later  periods  of  language  made  syntactical 
circumlocution  more  and  more  necessary.  The  same  process  may  be  seen 
also  e.g.  in  Greek  (including  modern  Greek),  and  in  Latin  with  its  Romance 
offshoots. 

1  So  expressly  Noldeke  in  .Z^W^  189?)  P-  183  ff.  ;  but  most  probably  it  is  to 
be  read  niJOpi?  darkness  from  the  stem  D?2f  [Arab,  zalima,  to  be  dark]. 

^  Cf.  Hupfeld,  'System  der  semitischen  Demonstrativbildung,'  in  the 
Ztschr.f.  d.  Kunde  des  MorgenL,  vol.  ii.  pp.  124  ff.,  427  ff. 


I 


104  Etymology,  or  the  Parts  of  Speech        [§  31  c 

C  2.  Both  methods  of  formation  exist  together  in  Hebrew.  The 
internal  mode  of  formation  by  means  of  vowel  changes  is  tolerably 
extensive  (''P^,  ^^\^,  ^'l^\^;  ?^p,  7^1?,  &c.).  This  is  accompanied  in 
numerous  cases  by  external  formation  also  (-'l^i^ri'!' ,  ''''^i?'?,  ''^i??,  &c.), 
and  even  these  formative  additions  again  are  subject  to  internal 
change,  e.g.  ^^\1^\},  ''^iPO-  The  addition  of  formative  syllables  occurs, 
as  in  almost  all  languages,  chiefly  in  the  formation  of  the  persons  of 
the  verb,  where  the  meaning  of  the  affixed  syllables  is  for  the  most 
part  still  perfectly  clear  (see  §§  44,  47).  It  is  also  employed  to  distin- 
guish gender  and  number  in  the  verb  and  noun.  Of  case-endings,  on 
the  contrary,  only  scanty  traces  remain  in  Hebrew  (see  §  90). 


CHAPTER   I 


THE  PRONOUN 

Brockelmann,  Semit.  Sprachwiss.,  p.  98  ff. ;  Grundrisn,  i.  296  ff.  L.  Reinisch, 
'  Das  persQnl.  Fiiiwort  u.  die  Verbalflexion  in  den  chamito-semit.  Spi-achen ' 
(^Wiener  Akad,  der  Wiss.,  1909). 

§  32.    The  Personal  Pronoun.     The  Separate  Pronoun. 

1.  The  personal  pronoun  (as  well  as  the  pronoun  generally)  belongs  a 
to  the  oldest  and  simplest  elements  of  the  language  (§  30  s).    It  must 
be  discussed  before  the  verb,  since  it  plays  an  important  part  in  verbal 
inflexion  (§§  44,  47). 

2.  The  independent  principal  forms  of  the  personal  pronoun  serve  b 
(like  the  Gk.  eyw,  crv,  Lat.  ego,  tu,  and  their  plurals)  almost  exclusively 
to  emphasize  the  nominative-subject  (see,  however,  §  135  t?).     They 
are  as  follows : 


2.4 


thou. 


Plural. 

I.  Com.  vnaK,  in  ^awse^Jnax] 
(ynj,in2?awseWn3),  (13N)j 


2. 


m.  cin« 


■  ye. 


f.  nsn aiter prejixes  |n ,  (H 


they. 


Singular. 

I .  Com.  ^^"^^ ,  in  pause  *3i^ ;  |  , 
^Jfc^ ,  in  pause  ^J^     j 
'm.  nriN  (riK),   in  pause' 

nm  or  nris 
/.  >;i«('nx  properly  ^riK), 

in  pause  ^^  j 

fm.  Nin  he  (it). 

If.   i<Vshe{it). 

The  forms  enclosed  in  parentheses  are  the  less  common.  A  table  of  these 
pronouns  with  their  shortened  forms  (pronominal  suffixes)  is  given  in  Paradigm 
A  at  the  end  of  this  Grammar. 

Remakks. 
I.   First  Person. 
I.  The  form  ""pllN   is  less   frequent  than   ^3N.i     The   former  occurs  in  C 

^  On  the  prevalence  of  *3l)K  in  the  earlier  Books  compare  the  statistics 

collected  by  Giesebrecht  in  ZAW.  1881,  p.  251  ff.,  partly  contested  by  Driver 
in  the  Journal  of  Philology,  1882,  vol.  xi.  p.  222  ff.  (but  cf.  his  Introduction,  ed. 
6,  p.  I35>  line  i  f-).  *>"*  thoroughly  established  by  KCnig  in  T?ieol.  Stud.  u.  Krit, 
'^93)  PP-  464 ff.  and  478,  and  in  his  Einleilung  in  das  A.  T.,  p.  168,  &c.  In  some 
of  the  latest  books  ^3:X  is  not  found  at  all,  and  hardly  at  all  in  the  Talmud. 
[For  details  see  the  Lexicon,  s.  v.  '•iX  and  ""abN.! 

'  -;  .     J    ■' 


io6  The  Pronoun  [§  32  d-i 

Phoenician,  Moabite,  and  Assyrian,  but  in  no  other  of  the  kindred  dialects;^ 
from  the  hitter  the  suffixes  are  derived  (§  33).  The  6  most  probably  results 
from  an  obscuring  of  an  original  a  (cf.  Aram.  N3S,  Arab.  'ana).    The  pausal 

form  >3K  occurs  not  only  with  small  disjunctive  accents,  but  even  with  con- 

junctives ;  so  always  in  ^JS  ""n  as  I  live !  also  Is  49^^  with  Munah,  ^  119^''^  with 

Merkha  (which,  however,  has  been  altered  from  D^hi),  and  twice  in  Mai  i». 
In  all  these  cases  there  is  manifestly  a  disagreement  between  the  vocalization 
already  established  and  the  special  laws  regulating  the  system  of  accentuation. 
'  d  2.  The  formation  of  the  plural,  in  this  and  the  other  persons,  exhibits  a 
cei-tain  analogy  with  that  of  the  noun,  while  at  the  same  time  (like  the 
pronouns  of  other  languages)  it  is  characterized  by  many  differences  and 
peculiarities.     The  short  form  IJN  (13X)  from  which   the  suffix   is   derived 

occurs  only  in  Jer42«  KHhihh.  The  form  ^jn5  (cf.  §  19  h)  only  in  Ex  ifp-^, 
Nu  32^2,  La  3^2 .  !|j|-;3  in  pause,  Gn  42"  ;  in  Arabic  nahnu  is  the  regular  form. 
In  the  Misna  1JX  HJX)  has  altogether  supplanted  the  longer  forms. 

^  3.  The  pronoun  of  the  ist  person  only  is,  as  a  rule  in  languages,  of  the 
common  gender,  because  the  person  who  is  present  and  speaking  needs  no 
further  indication  of  gender,  as  does  the  2nd  person,  who  is  addressed  (in 
Greek,  Latin,  English,  &c.,  this  distinction  is  also  lacking),  and  still  more 
the  3rd  person  who  is  absent. 

II.  Second  Person. 
r  4.  The  forms  of  the  2nd  person  iins,  riS,  DFlK,  nanS,  &c.,  are  contracted 
from  'aw^rt,  &c.  The  kindred  languages  have  retained  the  n  before  the  n,  e.  g. 
Arab,  ^dnta,  fem.  'dnti,  thou;  pi.  'dntum,  fem.  ^antunna,  ye.  In  Syriac  DJX, 
fem.  TlJS  are  written,  but  both  are  pronounced  'at  In  Western  Aramaic 
ri3S  is  usual  for  both  genders. 

P"  riS  (without  n)  occurs  five  times,  e.  g.  tf  6*,  always  as  KHhihh,  with  nriK 
as  (^re.     In  three  places  riX  appears  as  a  masculine,  Nu  1 1'^,  Dt  5^*,  Ez  28^*. 

//  The  feminine  form  was  originally  ''rit<  as  in  Syriac,  Arabic,  and  Ethiopic. 
This  form  is  found  seven  times  as  K'lhihh  (Ju  I7^  i  K  I42,  2  K  4^6.28^  gi,  Jer 
430,  Ez  36")  and  appears  also  in  the  corresponding  personal  ending  of  verbs 
(see  §  44/),  especially,  and  necessarily,  before  suffixes,  as  ^yjjlptDp,  §  59  «  [c]  ; 

cf.  also  i  as  the  ending  of  the  2nd  fem.  sing,  of  the  imperative  and  imperfect. 
The  final  i  was,  however,  gradually  dropped  in  pronunciation,  just  as  in 
Syriac  (see  above,  /)  it  was  eventually  only  written ,  not  pronounced.  The  ' 
therefore  finally  disappeared  (cf.  §  10  fc),  and  hence  the  Masoretes,  even  in 
these  seven  passages,  have  pointed  the  word  in  the  text  as  '•riX  to  indicate 
the  QVe  riX  (see  §  17).  The  same  final  "»__  appears  in  the  rare  (Aramaic) 
forms  of  the  suffix  iS.!,,  ••3^4_  (§§  58,  91). 

i  5.  The  plurals  DriX  (with  the  second  vowel  assimilated  to  the  fem.  form) 
and  friX  (jriX),  with  the  tone  on  the  ultima,  only  partially  correspond  to  the 
assumed  ground-forms  'antumii,  fem.  ^antinnd,  Arab,  'intihn  (Aram.  pnS, 
|W:X)  and  'dnMnna  (Aram.  priS,  pri3«).  The  form  \m.  is  found  only  in 
Ez  34"  (so  Qimhi  expressly,  others  JRi^:)  ;   njiRS  (for  which  some  MSS.  have 

1  In  Phoenician  and  Moabite  (inscription  of  Mesa',  line  1)  it  is  written  "[JX, 
without  the  final  ^ In  Punic  it  was  pronounced  anec  (Plant.  Poen.  5,  i,  8) 

or  anech  (5,  2,  35).     Cf  Schroder,  Phbniz.  Sprache,  p.  143.     In  Assyrian  the 
corresponding  form  is  anaku,  in  old  Egyptian  anek,  Coptic  anok,  nok. 


§  32  h-vi-\  The  Personal  Pronoun  107 

T\im)  only  four  times,  viz.  Gn  316,  Ez  i3"-2»,  34" ;  in  1320  DFlK  (before  a  D)  is 
even  used  as  feminine. 

III.    Third  Person. 

6.  (a)  In  Nin  and  N''n  (M  and  M)  the  N  (corresponding  to  the  'Elifofpro-  k 
longation  in  Arabic,  cf.  §  23  i)  might  be  regarded  only  as  an  orthographic 
addition  closing  the  final  long  vowel,  as  in  N17,  N^"?:,  &c.  The  N  is,  however, 
always  written  in  the  case  of  the  separate  pronouns,'  and  only  as  a  toneless 
suffix  (§  33  a)  does  XIH  appear  as  in,  while  N''n  becomes  H.  In  Arabic  (as  in 
Syriac)  they  are  written  in  and  Tl  but  pronounced  huud  and  hiya,  and  in 
Vulgar  Arabic  even  huwwa  and  hiyya.  This  Arabic  pronunciation  alone  would 
not  indeed  be  decisive,  since  the  vowel  complement  might  have  arisen  from 
the  more  consonantal  pronunciation  of  the  1  and  "> ;  but  the  Ethiopic  we'^tu 
{  =  liu'a-tu)  for  Nin,  ye'ti  {^hi'a-ti)  for  N'H  (cf.  also  the  Assyrian  ya-iia  for 
Nin"*)  show  that  the  N  was  original  and  indicated  an  original  vocalic  termi- 
nation of  the  two  words.  According  to  Philippi  {ZDMG.  xxviii.  172  and  xxix. 
371  ff.)  N^n  arose  from  a  primitive  Semitic  ha-va,  NM  from  ha-ya. 

(b)   The  form   X^H  also  stands  in  the  consonantal  text  (K^ihibh)  of  the  / 
Pentateuch  ^  (with  the  exception  of  eleven  places)  for  the  fern.  N''n.     In  all 
such  cases  the  Masora,  by  the  punctuation  N'in,  has  indicated  the  Q^re  N''n 

{Q^re  perpeiuum,  see  §  17).  The  old  explanation  regarded  this  phenomenon  as 
an  archaism  wliich  was  incorrectly  removed  by  the  Masoretes.  This 
assumption  is,  however,  clearly  untenable,  if  we  consider  (i)  that  no  other 
Semitic  language  is  without  the  quite  indispensable  distinction  of  gender  in 
the  separate  pronoun  of  the  3rd  pers. ;  (2)  that  this  distinction  does  occur 
eleven  times  in  the  Pentateuch,  and  that  in  Gn  20^,  ^S^^,  Nu  5""  KIH  and 
N^n  are  found  close  to  one  another  ;  (3)  that  outside  the  Pentateuch  the  distinc- 
tion is  found  in  the  oldest  documents,  so  that  the  N""!!  cannot  be  regarded 
as  having  been  subsequently  adopted  from  the  Aramaic  ;  (4)  that  those  parts 
of  the  book  of  Joshua  whicli  certainly  formed  a  constituent  part  of  the 
original  sources  of  the  Pentateuch,  know  nothing  of  this  epicene  use  of  NIH. 
Consequently  there  only  remains  the  hypothesis,  that  the  writing  of  Xin  for 
N^^  rests  on  an  orthographical  peculiarity  which  in  some  recension  of  the 
Pentateuch-text  was  almost  consistently  followed,  but  was  afterwards  very 
properly  rejected  by  the  Masoretes.  The  orthography  was,  however,  peculiar 
to  the  Pentateuch-text  alone,  since  it  is  unnecessary  to  follow  the  Masora  in 
writing  H^n  for  XIH  in  i  K  17^5,  Is  30^^  Jb  31",  or  N^H  for  N'n  in  f  731*,  Ec 
58,  I  Ch  29^^.  The  Samaritan  recension  of  the  Pentateuch  has  the  correct 
form  in  the  K^lhibh  throughout.  Levy's  explanation  of  this  strange  practice 
of  the  Masoretes  is  evidently  right,  viz.  that  originally  NH  was  written  for 
both  forms  (see  k,  note),  and  was  almost  everywhere,  irrespective  of  gender, 
expanded  into  Nlil.  On  the  whole  question  see  Driver,  Leviticus  (in  Haupt's 
Bible),  p.  25  f.     In  the  text  Driver  always  reads  NH. 

7.  The  plural  forms  DH  (ilSn)  and  n3n  (after  prefixes  jH,  JH)  are  of  doubt-  W 

< 

ful  origin,  but  Dn    HDn  have  probably  been  assimilated  to  nSH  which  goes 
back  to  a  form  hinna.     In  Western  Aram.  f\t:iT}^  iDH  (flSn,  j^SX),  Syr.  henun 


'  In  the  inscription  of  King  Mesa'  (see  §  2  d),  lines  6  and  27,  we  find  NH 
for  N^n,  and  in  the  inscription  of  'ESmun'azar,  line  22,  for  K'^H,  but  in  the 
Zenjirli  inscriptions  (see  §  1  w)  both  NH  and  ^H  occur  (Hadad  i,  1.  29). 

'^  Also  in  twelve  places  in  the  Babylonian  Codex  (Prophets)  of  916  A.  D. ;  cf. 
Baer,  Ezechiel,  p.  108  f. ;  Buhl,  Canon  and  Text  of  the  0.  T.  (Edinb.  1892),  p.  240. 


ro8  The  Pronoun  [§§  32  n,  0, 33  a-e 

('emm),  Arab,  humu  (archaic  form  of  hum),  and  Ethiop.  homu,  an  6   or  u  is 
appended,  which  in  Hebrew  seems  to  reappear  in  the  poetical  suffixes  ID 

to4.,^t:^(§9l^3)•  ^ 

n  In  some  passages  ^VGii}^  stands  for  the  feminine  (Zc  5'",  Ct  6^,  Ru  1'* ;  cf. 
the  use  of  the  suffix  of  the  3rd  masc.  for  the  3rd  fem.,  §  135  0  and  §  145  0- 
For  the  quite  anomalous  Dn"ny  2  K  c/^^  read  Dnny  (Jb  32*^^). 

O  8.  The  pronouns  of  the  3rd  person  may  refer  to  things  as  well  as  persons. 
On  their  meaning  as  demonstratives  see  §  136. 

§  33.    Pronominal  Suffices. 

Brockelmann,  Semit.  Sprachwiss.,  p.  100  f. ;  Qrundriss,  i.  306  ff.  J.  Barth, 
'Beitrage  zur  Suffixlehre  des  Nordsemit.,'  in  the  Amer,  Journ,  0/  Sent.  Lang., 
1901,  p.  193  ff. 

a  1.  The  independent  principal  forms  of  the  personal  pronoun  (the 
separate  pronoun),  given  in  the  preceding  section,  express  only  the 
nominative.^  The  accusative  and  genitive  are  expressed  by  forms, 
usually  shorter,  joined  to  the  end  of  verbs,  nouns,  and  particles  {pro- 
nominal suffixes  or  simply  suffixes)  ;  e.  g.  ^'1  (toneless)  and  1  (from  dhi2) 
eum  and  eius,  ^n"'npC(p  /  have  killed  him  (also  ^""Jllr^i?),  ^'"l^p^i?  or  (with 
dhd  contracted  into  0)  WpCj?  thou  hast  killed  him ;  *i"liX  (also  ^'"l"?.^**) 
Itix  eius. 

The  same  method  is  employed  in  all  the  other  Semitic  languages,  as  well 
as  in  the  Egyptian,  Persian,  Finnish,  Tartar,  and  others  ;  in  Greek,  Latin, 
and  German  we  find  only  slight  traces  of  the  kind,  e.  g.  German,  er  gab's  for 
er  gab  es ;  Greek,  nar-qp  fiov  for  irarfjp  ifiov ;  Latin,  eccum,  eccos,  &c.,  in  Plautus 
and  Terence  for  ecce  eum,  ecce  eos. 

b      2.  The  case  which  these  suffixes  represent  is — 

(a)  When  joined  to  verbs,  the  accusative  (cf.,  however,  §117  ^), 
e.  g.  ^rriripo^  I  have  killed  him. 

C  (6)  When  affixed  to  substantives,  the  genitive  (like  Trarqp  fiov,  pater 
eius).  They  then  serve  as  possessive  pronouns,  e.  g.  '3N  {'dbh-i)  my 
father,  ID^D  his  horse,  which  may  be  either  equus  eius  or  equus  suus. 

d  (c)  When  joined  to  particles,  either  the  genitive  or  accusative, 
according  as  the  particles  originally  expressed  the  idea  of  a  noun 
or  a  verb,  e.g.  ^3""?,  literally  interstitium  mei,  between  me  {cf.mea 
causa) ;  but  ^??n  behold  me,  ecce  m«. 

e  {d)  Where,  according  to  the  Indo-Germanic  case-system,  the  dative 
or  ablative  of  the  pronoun  is  required,  the  suffixes  in  Hebrew  are 
joined  to  prepositions  expressing  those  cases  (?  sign  of  the  dative, 
3  in,  IP  from,  §  102),  e.g.  'O  to  him  {ei)  and  to  himself  (sibi),  13  in 
him,  ''lit?  (usually  "S'Sl?)  from  me. 

*  On  apparent  exceptions  see  §  135  <2. 


§§  33/.  9, 34  a-c]        Pronominal  Suffixes  109 

3.  The  suffixes  of  the  2nd  person  (^-r-,  &c.)  are  all  formed  with  J 
a  ^--sound,  not,  like  the  separate  pronouns  of  the  2nd  person,  with  a 
<-sound. 

So  in  all  the  Semitic  languages,  in  Ethiopic  even  in  the  verbal  form 
{qatalka,  thou  hast  killed  ='H.ehr.  npi5p), 

-4.  The  sujix  of  the  verb  (the  accusative)  and  the  suffix  of  the  noun  (the  g 

genitive)  coincide  in  most  forms,  but  some  differ,  e.  g.  '^ —  me,  ''-^  my. 

Paradigm  A  at  the  end  of  the  Grammar  gives  a  table  of  all  the  forms  of  the 
separate  pronoun  and  the  suffixes ;  a  fuller  treatment  of  the  verbal  suffix  and  the 
mode  of  attaching  it  to  the  verb  will  be  found  in  §  58  ff.,  of  the  noun-suffix  in 
§  91,  of  the  prepositions  with  suflSxes  in  §  103,  of  adverbs  with  suffixes  §  100  0. 

§  34.    The  Demonstrative  Pronoun. 

„.       /  m.  nt '  \  Plur.  com.  n?NI  (rarely  PX)  these.  CI 

^'  ^'''^■\fn^Mr^\,S^YY^^'- 

Kem.  I.    The  feminine  form  HNT  has  undoubtedly  arisen  from  DXt,  by  0 

obscuring  of  an  original  d  to  0  (for  Nl  =  nT  cf.  the  Ai'ab.  ha-da.  this,  masc.  ;  for 

n  as  the  feminine  ending,  §  80),  and  the  forms  ^^ ^  \]    both  of  which  are  rare,' 

are  shortened  from  flNt.     In  \p  132^^  S\  is  used  as  a  relative,  cf.  It  below.     In 

Jer  26^,  K'thibh,  nJlNp  (with  the  article  and  the  demonstrative  termination 

n )  is  found  for  DXt.    Tlie  forms  n?K  and  bn  are  the  plurals  of  HT  and  riNT 

by  usage,  though  not   etymologically.      The  form  PN  occurs  only  in   the 

Pentateuch  (but  not  in  the  Samaritan  text),  Gn  19^-^^  26'*,  &c.  (8  times), 

always  with  the  article,  PNIH  [as  well  as  HPNI,    n^NH  frequently],  and  in 

I  Ch  20*  without  the  article  [cf.  Driver  on  Dt  4*^].*  Both  the  singular  and 
the  plural  may  refer  to  things  as  well  as  persons. 

2.  In  combination  with  prepositions  to  denote  the  oblique  case  we  find  np  C 

to  (his  (cf.  for  h,  §  102  g),  flNlf',  HNlb  to  this  (fem.),  r\%b^  r]^kb  to  these  ;  HrnX 

hunc,  DNrnX  hanc,  H  ?N"nK  hos,  also  without  "DK ,  even  be/ore  the  verb  ^  75®, 
&c.     Note  also  rTf  l^riD  pretium  huius  (i  K  21^),  &c. 

^  In  many  languages  the  demonstratives  begin  with  a  <i-sound  (hence  called 
the  demonstrative  sound)  which,  however,  sometimes  interchanges  with  a 
sibilant.    Cf.  Aram.  |^    7|"1  masc.,  N"!   t]"'!  /em.  (this) ;  Sansk.  sa,  sd,  tat ;  Gothic 

sa,  so,  thata  ;  Germ,  da,  der,  die,  das;  and  Eng.  the,  this,  that,  &c.  Cf.  J.  Earth, 
'Zum  semit.  Demonstr.  ri,'  in  ZDMG.  59,  159  ff.,  and  633  ff.;  Sprachwiss,  Unter- 
suchungen  zum  Semit.,  Lpz.  1907,  p.  30  fF.   [See  the  Lexicon,  s.  v.  iTf,  and  Aram. 

^  That  ni  may  stand  for  the  feminine,  cannot  be  proved  either  from  Ju  16^* 
or  from  the  certainly  corrupt  passage  in  Jos  2". 
'  lit  2  K  6>^,  and  in  seven  other  places  ;  S)  only  in  Hos  7'*,  rp  132^^. 

*  According  to  Kuenen  (cf.  above,  §  2  n)  and  Driver,  on  Lev  18"  in  Haupt's 
Bible,  this  pN  is  due  to  an  error  of  the  punctuators.  It  goes  back  to  a  time 
when  the  vowel  of  the  second  syllable  was  not  yet  indicated  by  a  vowel  letter, 
and  later  copyists  wrongly  omitted  the  addition  of  the  H.  In  Phoenician 
also  it  was  written  7N,  but  pronounced  ily  according  to  Plautus,  Poen,  v,  i,  9. 


no  The  Pronoun  [§§  34  dg,  35  a-d 

d  2.  The  secondary  form  IT  occurs  only  in  poetic  style,  and  mostly  for 
the  relative,  like  our  that  for  who  [see  Lexicon,  s.v.].  Like  "i'^*^  (§  36), 
it  serves  for  all  numbers  and  genders. 

€  Rem.  I.  This  pronoun  takes  the  article  (njilj  nWH  nVxH^  7Nn)  according 
to  the  same  rule  as  adjectives,  see  §  126  m  ;  e.g.  r^^T\  tJ'^NH  this  man,  but  S^^NH  n't 
this  is  the  man, 

f      2.  Rarer  secondary  forms,  with  strengthened  demonstrative  force,  are  T\i^t^ 

Qa  2^^,  37^^;   ^t?n  fern.  Ez  36^^;  and  shortened  1?n,  sometimes  nMSc,  as  in 
Ju  620,  I  S  \f^,  2  K  23",  Zc  28,  Dn  8'«,  sometimes /em.,  2  K  4^^  .  ^f.  i  S  14^  [and 
20^3  LXX;  see  Commentaries  and  Kittel]. 
^      3.  The  personal  pronouns  of  the  3rd  person  also  often  have  a  demonstrative 
sense,  see  §  136. 

§  35.    The  Article. 

J.  Barth, '  Der  heb.  u.  der  aram.  Artikel,'  in  Sprachwiss.  Untersuch.  zum  Semit, 
Lpz.  1907,  p.  47  ff. 

d  1.  The  article,  which  is  by  nature  a  kind  of  demonstrative  pronoun, 
never  appears  in  Hebrew  as  an  independent  word,  but  always  in 
closest  connexion  with  the  word  which  is  defined  by  it.  It  usually 
takes  the  form  'H,  with  a  and  a  strengthening  of  the  next  consonant, 

e.g.  K'^v''^  ^^^  ***^)  "'^^l'  the  river,  D!v,Q  the Levites  (according  to  §  20m 
for  "ix?n ,  D*1^n). 

O  Rem.  With  regard  to  the  Bages  in  "•  after  the  article,  the  rule  is,  that  it  is 
inserted  when  a  n  or  J?  follows  the  \,  e.g.  On^n^n  the  Jews,  CBJ/'H  the  wearij 
(D^jy^S  La  43  Q'-re  is  an  exception),"  but  lIK^ri  /  Dn^^n ,  1^0]^,  &c.  Dages 
forte  also  stands  after  the  article  in  the  prefix  D  in  certain  nouns  and  in  the 
participles  Pi'el  and  Pu'al  (see  §  52  c)  before  n  JJ  and  "1,  except  when  the 
guttural  (or  ~\)  has  under  it  a  short  vowel  in  a  sharpened  syllable  ;  thus 
HD^niSn  Ez  226,  nnyon  the  cave,  D'^y-im  ^  37I  (cf.  Jb  38«,  I  Ch  4*1) ;  but 
!]^njpn  ^  io4»  (Ec  415,  2  Ch  23I'' ;  before  y  ip  103*)  ;  nfJE'^On  Is  2312 ;  D''^n'?1 
Jos  6^'.  Before  letters  other  than  gutturals  this  D  remains  without  DageS, 
according  to  §  20  m. 

C  2.  When  the  article  stands  before  a  guttural,  which  (according  to 
§  22  ft)  cannot  properly  be  strengthened,  the  following  cases  arise, 
according  to  the  character  of  the  guttural  (cf.  §  27  9'). 

(i)  In  the  case  of  the  weakest  guttural,  K,  and  also  with  I  (§  22  c 
and  q),  the  strengthening  is  altogether  omitted.  Consequently,  the 
Pathah  of  the  article  (since  it  stands  in  an  open  syllable)  is  always 
lengthened  to  Qames  ;  e.  g.  3Kn  the  father,  "^HSn  the  other,  DXn  the 
mother,  B'^NH  the  man,  "lixn  the  light,  Cl'^^^^f;  6  6/tds,  ij^nn  the  foot, 
m-\^  the  head,  V^^il  the  ivicked. 

d  So  also  niQK'n  Neh  3",  because  syncopated  from  DiSt^'XH  (cf.  verse  14  and 
Baer  on  the  passage);   Ciptt^H   (as  in  Nu  ii*,  Ju  9^1,  2  S  23^3,  with  the  K 


§  35  e-i]  The  Article  1 1 1 

orthographically  retained  "),  for  'TKH  Jer  40*  (cf.  'tN3  Terse  i)  ;  t3'''1lDn  Ec  4^* 
for  'DSn  •    n^Bin  2  Ch  226  for  'ISH  (cf.  2  K  S^S). 

-:,T  5  •  -IT  -:iT 

(2)  In  the  case  of  the  other  gutturals  either  the  virtual  strengthen-  e 
ing  takes  place  (§22  c) — especially  with  the  stronger  sounds  n  and 
n,  less  often  with  y — or  the  strengthening  is  wholly  omitted.  In 
the  former  case,  the  Pathah  of  the  article  remains,  because  the  syllable 
is  still  regarded  as  closed ;  in  the  second  case,  the  Pathah  is  either 
modified  to  S^ghdl  or  fully  lengthened  to  Qames.     That  is  to  say  : — 

A.    When  the  guttural  has  any  otlier  vowel  than  a  (^p)  or  6  {-^)-  f 
then 

(i)  before  the  stronger  sounds  PI  and  n  the  article  regularly  remains 
n  ;  e.  g.  N^nn  that,  ti'inn  the  month,  ?^nri  the  force,  '^9?C'-'  t^^  wisdom. 
Before  n,  a  occurs  only  in  'nn  Gn  6''  [not  elsewhere],  Ctp^infJ  Is  ■f^, 
D''3^nn  Is  I'j^  [not  elsewhere]  ;  before  n,  always  in  n^H^l,  ^HC"- 

(2)  before  y  the  Pathah  is  generally  lengthened  to  Qames,  e.g.  T!^T} g 
the  eye,  Tyn  the  city,  inyn  the  servant,  plur.  D"!?^^  ;  D'.^?^,^  i  K  if^ ; 
also  in  Gn  10^'^  'i?'!^^  is  the  better  reading.  Exceptions  are  n^Diya 
Ex  i5^»,  a^liyn  2  S  s''-^,  Is  42>«,  n^y?  Is  242,  D'3")yn  Is  65",  pfy? 
Ez22',  D"a[yn  Pr  2'^  and  nnVyn  Pr  2'^  n\rt>.  i  S  I6^  Ec  n^  but 
'yy,^  Gn  3^  Pr  lo^^.     Cf.  Baer  on  Is  42'^ 

5.    When  the  guttural  has  a  {—^)  then  h 

(i)  immediately  before  a  tone-bearing  n  or  V  the  article  is  always 
n ,  otherwise  it  is  il)  ;  e.  g.  DVn  the  2>eople,  "inn  ^/ig  mountain,  ])Vi)  (in 

pause)  the  eye,  '"'I'^v'  towards  the  mountain;  but  (according  to  §  22  c) 
0^1'^f?.  the  mountains,  ]^V^,  the  iniquity. 

(2)  befoie  n  the  article  is  invariably  H  without  regard  to  the  tone ;  i 
e.g.  ^?Civ  ^'*^  ^'*^  maw,  i^y}  the  festival. 

C.    When  the  guttural  has  -r^  the   article    is  H   before   H ;    e.  g.  k 
t2"'^ir'n  ^^*^  months ;  HU'injn  jjj,  ^/jg  waste  places  (without  the  article  'n3 
bdh'^rdbhoth)  Ez  33^^  nininn.  Ez  36^"«,  cf.  2  Ch  27^  but  n  before  V,  as 
D''^Dy^  the  sheaves  E,u  2^^. 

•   T  T  :  |T 

The  gender  and  number  of  the  noun  have  no  influence  on  the  form 
of  the  article. 

Rem.  r.  The  original  form  of  the  Hebrew  (and  the  Phoenician)  article  -il  / 
is  generally  considered  to  have  been  ?n,  the  P  of  which  (owing  to  the  proclitic 
nature  of  the  article)  has  been  invariably  assimilated  to  the  following  con- 
sonant, as  in  njp^  from  yilqah,  §  19  d.  This  view  was  supported  by  the  form 
of  the  Arabic  article  ^K  (pronounced  hal  by  some  modern  Beduin),  the  ?  of 
which  is  also  assimilated  at  least  before  all  letters  like  s  and  t  and  before  I,  n, 
and  r,  e.g.  "al-Qur'dn  but  'as-sdnd  (Beduin  has-sana)  =  Rebr.  Bi^T\  the  year. 


112  The  Pronoun  [§§  35  m-o,  36 

But  Earth  {Amer.  Joum.  of  Sem.  Lang.,  1896,  p.  7  ff.),  following  Hupfeld  and 
Stade,  has  shown  that  the  Hebrew  article  is  to  be  connected  rather  with  the 
original  Semitic  demonstrative  ha,'-  cf.  Arab,  hdda,  Aram,  haden,  &c.  The 
sharpening  of  the  following  consonant  is  to  be  explained  exactly  like  the 
sharpening  after  1  consecutive  (§49/;   cf.  also  cases  like  n?23     nT23,  &c., 

§  102  k),  from  the  close  connexion  of  the  ha  with  the  following  word,  and  the 
sharpening  necessarily  involved  the  shortening  of  the  vowel.* 
7n      The  Arabic  article  is  supposed  to  occur  in  the  Old  Testament  in  CaofjK 

1  K  lo"-"  (also  D''K)^il!5N  2  Ch  2^,  9"-"),  sandal-wood  (?),  and  in  K'''33i)N  hail, 
tce  =  B'^3a  (Arab,  gibs)  Ez  13"",  3822,  but  this  explanation  can  hardly  be 
correct.  On  the  other  hand,  in  the  proper  name  *niof)K  Gn  lo^s  the  first 
syllable  is  probably  bx  God,  as  suggested  by  D.  H.  Miiller  (see  Lexicon,  s.  v.) 
and  Noldeke,  Sitzungsber.  der  Berl.  Akad.,  1882,  p.  1186.  Dpbx  Pr  3081,  com- 
monly explained  as  =  Arab,  al-qaum,  the  militia,  is  also  quite  uncertain. 

n  2.  When  the  prefixes  3  ?,  3  (§  102)  come  before  the  article,  the  n  is 
elided,  and  its  vowel  is  thrown  back  to  the  prefix,  in  the  place  of  the  S^wa 
(§  19  A;,  and  §  23  k),  e.  g.  D^W?  in  the  heaven  for  D^OE'nil  (so  \p  36^) ;  DvS  for 
Dynb  to  the  movie,  DHHS  on  the  mountains,  D^K'inS  in  the  months  ;  also  in  Is  41', 

TT:  *  -t  7  "TIV  •       TT;!'.'  ■  ' 

read  ISyS  instead  of  the  impossible  "ISyS.     Exceptions  to  this  rule  occur 

almost  exclusively  in  the  later  Books  :  Ez  40^5,  4722^  Ec  8\  Dn  S^^,  Neh  9", 
123\    2  Ch  10'',  251",  292^;    of.,  however,   i  S  1321,  2  S  2120.     Elsewhere,  e.g. 

2  K  7",  the  Masora  requires  the  elision  in  the  (^re.  A  distinction  in  meaning 
is  observed  between  Di*n3  about  this  time  (Gn  39^1,  i  S  g^^,  &c.)  and  Di*3  first 

of  all  (Gn  25^1,  &c.).  After  the  copula  1  {and)  elision  of  th^  n  does  not  take 
place,  e.  g.  Dyni. 

T  T  :         ^ 

0  3-  The  words  ym  earth,  *in  mountain,  jn  feast,  Qy  people,  ^3  bull,  always 
appearafter  the  article  with  a  long  vowel  (as  in  pawse) ;  t*~lNn    ''\7\n   iHn    Dyn 

'VTT'tt'TV*Tt' 

"ISn  ;  cf.  also  p"\X  ark  (so  in  the  absol.  st.  in  2  K  12'*',  2  Ch  34^,  but  to  be 
read  pIN),  with  the  article  always  piXH. 

§  36.    The  Relative  Pronoun. 

The  relative  pronoun  (cf.  §  138)  is  usually  the  indeclinable  1'^X 
{who,  which,  &c.),  originally  a  demonstrative  pronoun;  see  further 
§§  138  and  155.  In  the  later  books,  especially  Eccles.  and  the 
late  Psalms,  also  Lam.  (4  times),  Jon.  (i^),  Chron.  (tvrice),  Ezra 
(once), — and  always  in  the  Canticle  (cf.  also  Ju  7^^  8"^,  2  K  6"),  -p  is 
used  instead ;  more  rarely  "^  Ju  5",  Ct  i''  (Jb  19^?) ;  once  ^  before  N 
Ju  6^''  (elsewhere  ^  before  a  guttural),  before  n  even  ^  Ec  3'*,  and 
according  to  some  (e.  g.  Qirahi)  also  in  Ec  2^.^     [See  Lexicon,  s.  v.] 

1  An  original  form  han,  proposed  by  Ungnad,  '  Der  hebr.  Art.,'  in  OLZ.  x 
(1907),  col.  210  f ,  and  ZDMG.  1908,  p.  80  ff.,  is  open  to  grave  objections. 

2  In  the  Lihyanitic  inscriptions  collected  by  Euting  (ed.  by  D.  H.  Miiller 
in  Epigraphische  Benkmaler  axis  Arabien,  Wien,  1889)  the  article  is  il,  and  also 
in  a  North  Arabian  dialect,  according  to  E.  Littmann,  Safa-inschriften,  p.  a, 
Rem.,  and  p.  34. 

»  The  full  form  y^H  does  not  occur  in  Phoenician,  but  only  C'N  (  =  •K'K  ?), 

pronounced  asse,  esse  (also  as,  es,  is,  ys,  us),  or — especially  in  the  later  Punic 


§  37  «-J/]    Interrogative  and  Indefinite  Pronouns      113 

§  37.    The  Interrogative  and  Indefinite  Pronouns. 

1.  The  interrogative  pronoun  is  "l?  who  ?  (of  persons,  even  before  a 
plurals,  Gn  33*,  Is  6o^  2  K  18^,  and  sometimes  also  of  things  Gn  33^, 
Ju  13",  Mi  I* ;  cf.  also  "'^"n?  whose  daughter  ?  Gn  24^' ;  'Pp  to  whom  ? 
'p-ns  whoml)—^'0,  no  (see  h)  what?  (of  things). — nr""??  which?  what  ? 

The  form  -111?  -D  &c.  (followed  hy  Dage^  forte  conjunct.:  even  in  ^,  Hb  2*,  &c.,  I) 
against  §  20  m)  may  be  explained  (like  the  art.  -n  §  35  I,  and  -1  in  the  imptrf. 
C07jsec.)  from  the  rapid  utterance  of  the  interrogative  in  connexion  with  the 
following  word.  Most  probably,  however,  the  Bcige^  forte  is  rather  due  to 
the  assimilation  of  an  originally  audible  n  (rlD,  as  Olshausen),  which  goes 
back  through  the  intermediate  forms  math,  mat  to  an  original  mani :  so 
W.  "Wright,  Comparative  Grammar,  Cambridge,  1890,  p.  124,  partly  following 
Bbttclier,  Hebrdische  Grammatik,  §  261.  A  ground-form  mant  would  moat  easily 
explain  JO  (what?),  used  in  Ex  16^*  in  explanation  of  |0  manna,  while  }lp  is 
the  regular  Aramaic  for  who.  Socin  calls  attention  to  the  Arabic  mah  (in 
pause  with  an  audible  h  :  Mufassal,  193,  8).     Observe  further  that — 

(o)  In  the  closest  connexion,  by  means  of  Maqqeph,  "iMD  takes  a  following  C 
Dagei  (§  20  d),  e.g.  ';]?~np  what  is  it  to  thee?  and  even  in  one  word,  as  D3?10 
what  is  it  to  you  ?  Is  3" ;  cf.  Ex  4.^,  Mai  i",  and  even  before  a  guttural,  DHD 

Ez  86  KHhibh.  i 

(6)  Before  gutturals  in  close  connexion,  by  means  oi Maqqeph  or  (e.g.  Ju  14"*,  CI 
I  S  20")  a  conjunctive  accent,  either  nD  is  used  with  a  virtual  strengthening 
of  the  guttural  (§  22  c),  so  especially  before  n,  and,  in  Gn  31^^,  Jb  2121,  before  ]\ 
— or  the  doubling  is  wholly  omitted.  In  the  latter  case  either  (cf.  §  35  e-k) 
a  is  fully  lengthened  to  Qames  (so  always  before  the  H  of  the  article,  except  in 
Ec  212 ;  also  before  HOn,  HSn,  and  so  H  (Hb  2^^),  X  (2  S  i8«  ,  2  K  8"), 
y  (Gn  si''^,  2  K  8'»),  or  modified  to  S^ghol,  especially  before  y,  H,  and  generally 
before  H.  The  omission  of  the  strengthening  also  takes  place  as  a  rule  with 
n  n  y.^when  they  have  not  Qames,  and  then  the  form  is  either  HD  or  nO, 
the  latter  especially  before  PI  or  y,  if  Maqqeph  follows. 

The  longer  forms  nO  and  flO  are  also  used  (nO  even  before  letters  which  6 
are  not  gutturals)  when  not  connected  by  Maqqeph  but  only  by  a  conjunctive 

1    accent.    As  a  rule  DD  is  then  used,  but  sometimes  niD  when  at  a  greater  dis- 
tance from  the  principal  tone  of  the  sentence,  Is  i'^,  ip  4^.     (On  nO  in  the 

,    combinations  ni33   nj33   and  even  HtDP    i  S  i^,  cf.  §  102  k  and  I.) 

V  - '  V  - '  V  T  >  ft 

I  (c)  In  the  principal  pause  PIO  is  used  without  exception  ;  also  as  a  rule  j 
with  the  smaller  disjunctives,  and  almost  always  before  gutturals  (ilD  only  in 
very  few  cases).  On  the  other  hand,  nO  more  often  stands  before  letters 
which  are  not  gutturals,  when  at  a  greater  distance  from  the  principal  tone 
of  the  sentence,  e.g.  i  S  4*,  15'*,  2  K  i''.  Hag  i«  (see  KOhler  on  the  passage), 
\f/  10'^,  Jb  7'^!  ;  cf.,  however,  Pr  31^,  and  Delitzsch  on  the  passage. 

2.  On  ^O  and  HO  as  indefinite  pronouns  in  the  sense  of  quicunque,  g 
quodcunque,  and  as  relatives,  is  qui,  id  quod,  Sec,  see  §  137  c. 

and  in  the  Poenulus  of  Plautus— CJ*  {sa,  si,  sy,  su).  Also  in  New  Hebrew  -^ 
has  become  the  common  form.  Cf.  Schroder,  Phon.  Sprache,  p.  162  fif.  and 
below,  §  155  ;  also  BergstrSsser, '  Das  hebr.  Prafix  B','  in  ZAW.  1909,  p.  40  S. 


COWLEY 


CHAPTER    II 

THE   VERB 

§  38.     General  View, 

a  Verbal  stems  are  either  original  or  derived.  They  are  usually 
divided  into — 

(a)  Verbal  stems  proper  {primitive  verbs),  which  exhibit  the  stem 
without  any  addition,  e,g.  'H??  ^^  ^^*  reigned. 

0  (b)  Verbal  derivatives,  i.e.  secondare/  verbal  stems,  derived  from  the 
pure  stem  (letter  a),  e.g.  ^'^[>  to  sanctify,  K'?!i2^n  to  sanctify  oneself,  from 
^1\>  to  be  holy.     These  are  usually  called  conjugations  (§  39). 

C  (c)  Denominatives,^  i.  e.  verbs  derived  from  nouns  (like  the  Latin 
causari,  praedari,  and  Eng.  to  skin,  to  stone),  or  even  from  particles 
(see  d,  end)  either  in  a  primitive  or  derivative  form,  e.g.  ^>^^,  Qui 
and  PHel,  to  pitch  a  tent,  from^  pHN  tent ;  B'HB'n  and  B»"I2'  to  take  root, 
and  {J'15?'  to  root  out,  from  ^"p  root  (§52  A). 

d  This  does  not  exclude  the  possibility  that,  for  nouns,  from  which  denomin- 
ative verbs  are  derived,  the  corresponding  (original)  verbal  stem  may  still  be 
found  either  in  Hebrew  or  in  the  dialects.  The  meaning,  however,  is 
sufficient  to  show  that  the  denominatives  have  come  from  the  noun,  not 
from  the  verbal  stem,  e.g.  PIJIlp  a  brick  (verbal  stem  ]2?  to  be  white),  denomin. 

]2?  to  make  bricks ;  31  afsh  (verbal  stem  n31  to  be  prolific),  denomin.  iV\  to  fish  ; 

Fl^n  to  winter  (from  tj'lh  autumn,  winter,  stem  fjlH  to  pluck) ;   y^p  to  pass  the 

< 

summer  (from  y^p  summer,  stem  y^p  to  be  hot). 

On  '  Semitic  verbs  derived  from  particles '  see  P.  Haupt  in  the  Amer.  Journ. 
0/  Sem.  Lang.,  xxii  (1906),  257  ff. 

§  39.    Oround-forrti  and  Derived  Stems. 

Brockelmann,  Sew.  Sprachwiss.,  p.  119  ff. ;  Grundriss,  p.  504  ff. 

CI  1.  The  3rd  sing.  masc.  of  the  Perfect  in  the  form  of  the  pure  stem 
(i.e.  in  Qal,  see  e)  is  generally  regarded,  lexicographically  and  gram- 
matically, as  the  ground-form  of  the  verb  (§  30  a),  e.  g.  ?!?[;  he  has 
killed,  ^?^  he  was  heavy,  fO\^  he  was  little.^     From  this  form  the  other 

^  Cf.  W.  J.  Gerber,  Die  hebr.  Verba  denom.,  insbes.  im  theol.  Sprachgebr.  desA.T., 
Lf.z.  1896. 

2  For  the  sake  of  brevity,  however,  the  meaning  in  Hebrew-English  Lexicons 

is  usually  given  in  the  Infinitive,  e.  g.  HD?  to  learn,  properly  he  has  learnt. 


§  39  b-e]        Ground-form  and  Derived  Stems  115 

persons  of  the  Perfect  are  derived,  and  the  Participle  also  is  connected 
with  it.  b''0\>  or  b^ip,  like  the  Imperative  and  Infinitive  construct  in 
sound,  may  also  be  regarded  as  an  alternative  ground-form,  with 
which  the  Imperfect  (see  §  47)  is  connected. 

In  verbs  V'JJ  (i.e.  with  1  for  their  second  radical)  the  stem-form,  given  both  0 
in  Lexicon  and  Grammar,  is  not  the  3rd  sing.  masc.  Perfect  (consisting  of  two 
consonants),  but  the  form  with  medial  1  ^  which  appears  in  the  Imperative 
and  Infinitive ;  e.  g.  2V^  to  return  (3rd  pers.  perf.  3K') :   the  same  is  the  case 
in  most  stems  with  medial  "•,  e.  g.  p"!)  to  judge. 

2.  From  the  pui-e  stem,  or  Qal,  the  derivative  stems  are  formed  ^' 
according  to  an  unvarying  analogy,  in  which  the  idea  of  the  stem 
assumes  the  most  varied  shades  of  meaning,  according  to  the  changes 
in  its  form  (intensive,  frequentative,  privative,  causative,  reflexive, 
reciprocal ;  some  of  them  with  corresponding  passive  forms),  e.  g. 
np^  to  learn,  "l^'?  to  teach ;  ^^f  to  lie,  S-I^'H  to  lay ;  tSBC'  to  judge, 
USB'i  to  contend.  In  other  languages  such  formations  are  regarded 
as  new  or  derivative  verbs,  e.  g.  Germ,  fallen  (to  fall),  fallen  (to  fell) ; 
trinken  (to  drink),  tranken  (to  drench) ;  Lat.  lactere  (to  suck,  Germ. 
saugen),  lactare  (to  suckle,  Germ,  sdugen) ;  iacere  (to  throw),  iacere 
(to  lie  down)  ;  ytvofiai,  yiwdo).  In  Hebrew,  however,  these  fox-mations 
are  incomparably  more  regular  and  systematic  than  (e.  g.)  in  Greek, 
Latin,  or  English ;  and,  since  the  time  of  Eeuchlin,  they  have  usually 
been  called  conjugations  of  the  primitive  form  (among  the  Jewish 
grammarians  C^J?!!,  i.e.  formations,  or  more  correctly  species),  and  are 
always  treated  together  in  the  grammar  and  lexicon.^ 

3.  The  changes  in  the  primitive  form  consist  either  in  internal  d 
modification  by  means  of  vowel-change  and  strengthening  of  the  middle 
consonant  py^\>,  ^^P;  ^£?^p,  b^V ;  cf.  to  lie,  to  lay;  to  fall,  to  fell),  or 
in  the  repetition  of  one  or  two  of  the  stem-consonants  (''P^i?,  ^^f^P), 
or  finally  in  the  introduction  of  formative  additions  (■'^i??),  which  may 
also  be  accompanied  by  internal  change  (^''^pn^  PtSj^J^n),     Cf.  §  31  b. 

In  Aramaic  the  formation  of  the  conjugations  is  eifected  more  by  formative 
additions  than  by  vowel-change.  The  vocalic  distinctions  have  mostly  become 
obsolete,  so  that,  e.  g.  the  reflexives  with  the  prefix  nn^  HN   HSI  have  entirely 

usurped  the  place  of  the  passives.  On  the  other  hand,  Arabic  has  preserved 
great  wealth  in  both  methods  of  formation,  while  Hebrew  in  this,  as  in  other 
respects,  holds  the  middle  place  (§1  m). 

4.  Grammarians  differ  as  to  tlie  number  and  arrangement  of  these  C 
conjugations.     The  common  practice,  however,  of  calling  them  by  the 

^  The  term  Conjugation  thus  has  an  entirely  difiierent  meaning  in  Hebrew 
and  Greek  or  Latin  grammar. 

I  2 


ii6  The  Verb  [§39/.? 

old  grammatical  terms,  prevents  any  misunderstanding.  The  simple 
form  is  called  Qal  (p\>  light,  because  it  has  no  formative  additions)  ;  the 
others  (D''"!?3  heavy,  being  weighted,  as  it  were,  with  the  strengthening 
of  consonants  or  with  formative  additions)  take  their  names  from  the 
paradigm  of  bys  he  has  done,^  which  was  used  in  the  earliest  Jewish 
grammatical  works.  Several  of  these  have  passives  which  are  dis- 
tinguished from  their  actives  by  more  obscure  vowels.  The  common 
conjugations  (including  Qal  and  the  passives)  are  the  seven  following, 
but  very  few  verbs  exhibit  them  all : 

Active.  Passive. 

f      I.  Qal  h\^\>tokill.  (Cf.  §52  6.) 

2.  Niph'al       7^1??  to  kill  oneself  (rarely  passive). 

3.  Pi'el  7^i?  to  kill  many,  to  massacre.  4.  Pu'al      ?K)p. 
5.  Hiph'il       ^'''Cipn  to  cause  to  kill.                           6.  Hoph'al  ^^ipH. 
7.  Hithpa'el    ''^ipnn  to  kill  oneself.      [Very  rare,  Hothpa  al  ?t?i^nn.] 

p-  There  are  besides  several  less  frequent  conjugations,  some  of  which, 
however,  are  more  common  in  the  kindred  languages,  and  even  in 
Hebrew  (in  the  weak  verb)  regularly  take  the  place  of  the  usual 
conjugations  (§  55). 

In  Arabic  there  is  a  greater  variety  of  conjugations,  and  their  arrangement 
is  more  appropriate.  According  to  the  Arabic  method,  the  Hebrew  con- 
jugations would  stand  thus:  i.  Qal;  2.  Pi'el  and  Pu'al;  3.  Po'el  and  Po'al  (see 
§  55  b) ;  4.  Hiph'il  and  Hoph'al ;  5.  Hithpa'H  and  Hothpa'al ;  6.  Hithpo'el  (see 
§  55  6) ;  7.  Niph'al;  8.  Hithpa'el  (see  §  54  0  5  9-  ^^'^'  (see  §  55  d).  A  more 
satisfactory  division  would  be  into  three  classes:  (i)  The  intensive  Pi'el  with 
the  derived  and  analogous  forms  Pu'al  and  Hithpa'el.  (2)  The  causative  Hiph'il 
with  its  passive  Hoph'al,  and  the  analogous  forms  {Saph'el  and  Tiph'el).  (3)  The 
reflexive«or  passive  Niph'al. 

1  This  paradigm  was  borrowed  from  the  Arabic  grammarians,  and,  according 
to  Bacher,  probably  first  adopted  throughout  by  Abulwalid.  It  was,  how- 
ever, unsuitable  ou  account  of  the  guttural,  and  was,  therefore,  usually 
exchanged  in  later  times  for  HpQ,  after  the  example  of  Moses  Qimhi.     This 

verb  has  the  advantage,  that  all  its  conjugations  are  actually  found  in  the  Old 
Testament.  On  the  other  hand,  it  has  the  disadvantage  of  indistinctness  in 
the  pronunciation  of  some  of  its  forms,  e.g.  n"Ii?El,  Dri"1j5S.  The  paradigm 
of  pop,  commonly  used  since  the  time  of  Danz,  avoids  this  defect,  and  is 
especially  adapted  for  the  comparative  treatment  of  the  Semitic  dialects, 
inasmuch  as  it  is  found  with  slight  change  (Arab,  and  Ethiop.  ^T\p)  in  all  of 

them.  It  is  true  that  in  Hebrew  it  occurs  only  three  times  in  Qal,  and  even 
then  only  in  poetic  style  (^  139^',  Jb  13^*,  24^*) ;  yet  it  is  worth  retaining  as 
a  model  which  has  been  sanctioned  by  usage.  More  serious  is  the  defect, 
that  a  number  of  forms  of  the  paradigm  of  7t3p  leave  the  beginner  in  doubt 
as  to  whether  or  not  there  should  be  a  Dagei  in  the  B^gadk^phath  letters,  and 
consequently  as  to  the  correct  division  of  the  syllables. 


§  40  a-cl 


Tenses.     Moods.     Flexion 


117 


§  40.    Tenses.    Moods.     Flexion. 

A.  Ungnad,  '  Die  gegenseitigen  Beziehungen  der  Verbalformen  im  Grund- 
stnmm  des  semit.  Verbs,'  in  ZDMG.  59  (1905),  766  ff.,  and  his  'Zum  hebr. 
Verbalsystem  ',  in  Beitrdge  sur  Assyriologie  ed.  by  Fr.  Delitzsch  and  P.  Haupt, 

1907)  P-  55  ff- 

1.  While  the  Hebrew  verb,  owing  to  these  derivative  forms  or  a 
conjugatioBS,  possesses  a  certain  richness  and  copiousness,  it  is,  on  the 
other  band,  poor  in  the  matter  of  tenses  and  moods.     The  verb  has 
only  two  tense-iorms  [Perfect  and  Imperfect,  see  the  note  on  §  47  a), 
besides  an  Imperative  (but  only  in  the  active),  two  Infinitives  and 

a  Particijple.  All  relations  of  time,  absolute  and  relative,  are  expressed 
either  by  these  forms  (hence  a  certain  diversity  in  their  meaning, 
§  106  flf.)  or  by  syntactical  combinations.  Of  moods  properly  so 
called  (besides  the  Imperfect  Indicative  and  Imperative),  only  the 
Jussive  and  Optative  are  sometimes  indicated  by  express  modifications 
of  the  Imperfect-form  (§  48). 

2.  The  inflexion  of  the  Perfect,  Imperfect,  and  Imperative  as  to  b 
persons,  differs  from  that  of  the  Western  languages  in  having,  to  a 
great  extent,  distinct  forms  for  the  two  genders,  which  correspond  to 
the  different  forms  of  the  personal  pronoun.  It  is  from  the  union 
of  the  pronoun  toith  the  verbal  stem  that  the  personal  inflexions  of  these 
tenses  arise. 

The  following  table  will  serve  for  the  beginner  as  a  provisional  C 
scheme  of  the  formative   syllables  {afformatives   and  preformatives) 
of  the  two  tenses.     The  three  stem-consonants  of  the  strong  verb  are 
denoted  by  dots.     Cf.  §  44  ff.  and  the  Paradigms. 

Pekfect. 
Singular.  Plural. 


3.  m. 

3.    /•  "-.- 

2.  m.  ^ 

2.    /.  ^ 

I.    c.  'rt 


c. 


Impekfect. 


Singular, 


3.  m. 

3.  /• 

2.  m. 

2.  /v 

I.    c. 


n 
n 
n 


2. 

m.     OPl 

« 

1           t 

2. 

/.      19 

« 

• 

I. 

c.       « 

« 

•          * 

Plural. 

3- 

m.    ^     ♦ 

^ 

3- 

/na    . 

♦    n 

2. 

m.    ^     ' 

.    n 

2. 

/n:    . 

•    n 

I. 

C. 

•     : 

1 18  The  Verb  [§§  41  a-d,  42, 43  a 

§  41.    Variations  from  the  Ordinary  Form  of  the 

Strong  Verb. 

a  The  same  laws  which  are  normally  exhibited  in  stems  with  strong 
(unchangeable)  consonants,  hold  good  for  all  other  verbs.  Devia- 
tions from  the  model  of  the  strong  verb  are  only  modifications  due  to 
the  special  character  or  weakness  of  certain  consonants,  viz. :  — 

(a)  When  one  of  the  stem-consonants  (or  radicals)  is  a  guttural. 
In  this  case,  however,  the  variations  only  occur  in  the  vocalization 
(according  to  §  22),  not  in  the  consonants.  The  guttural  verbs 
(§§  62-65)  are,  therefore,  only  a  variety  of  the  strong  verb. 

If  ib)  When  a  stem-consonant  {radical)  disappears  by  assimilation 
(§  196-/),  or  when  the  stem  originally  consisted  of  only  two  con- 
sonants {verbs  rs,  yy,  and  ^V,  as  K^«,  bp_,  Dip,  §§  66,  67,  72). 

C  (c)  When  one  of  the  stem-consonants  {radicals)  is  a  weak  letter. 
In  this  case,  through  aphaeresis,  elision,  &c.,  of  the  weak  consonant, 
various  important  deviations  from  the  regular  form  occur.  Cf. 
§  68  ff.  for  these  verbs,  such  as  2^1  «?»,  rhi. 

d  Taking  the  old  paradigm  pyS  as  a  model,  it  is  usual,  following  the  example 
of  the  Jewish  grammarians,  to  call  the  first  radical  of  any  stem  D,  the  second 
V,  and  the  third  7.  Hence  the  expressions,  verb  N^S  for  a  verb  whose  first 
radical  is  X  (primae  radicalis  \_sc.  literae]  N) ;  Y'V  for  mediae  radicalis  1 ;  V^V  for 
a  verb  whose  second  radical  is  repeated  to  form  a  third. 

I.     The  Strong  Verb. 

§42. 

As  the  formation  of  the  strong  verb  is  the  model  also  for  the  weak  verb,  a 
statement  of  the  general  formative  laws  should  precede  the  treatment  of 
special  cases. 

Paradigm  B,  together  with  the  Table  of  the  personal  preformatives  and 
afformatives  given  in  §  40  c,  oifers  a  complete  survey  of  the  normal  forms. 
A  full  explanation  of  them  is  given  in  the  following  sections  (§§  4.V.«;6),  where 
each  point  is  elucidated  on  its  first  occurrence  ;  thus  e.  g.  the  inflexion  of  the 
Perfect,  the  Imperfect  and  its  modifications,  will  be  found  under  Qal,  &c. 

A.  The  Puke  Stem,  or  Qal. 
§  43.  Its  Form  and  Meaning. 
a  The  common  form  of  the  3rd  sing.  masc.  of  the  Perfect  Qal  is  -'^ij, 
with  d  {Pathah)  in  the  second  syllable,  especially  in  transitive  verbs 
(but  see  §  44  c).  There  is  also  a  form  with  e  {Sere,  originally  ?), 
and  another  with  d  {Holem,  originally  m)  in  the  second  syllable,  both 
of   which,  however,  have    almost    always  an  intransitive^   meaning, 

1  But  cf.  such  instances  as  Jer  48^.  In  Arabic  also,  transitive  verbs  are 
found  with  middle  I,  corresponding  to  Hebrew  verbs  with  e  in  the  second 


§  43  b,  c,  44  a]        Fo?in  and  Meaning  of  Qal  1 19 

and  serve  to  express  states  and  qualities,  e.g.*'?!  to  he  heavy,  ]^\l 
to  be  small. 

In  Paradigm  B  a  verb  middle  a,  a  verb  middle  5,  and  a  verb  middle  o  are 
accordingly  given  side  by  side.  The  second  example  TDS  is  chosen  as  showing, 
at  the  same  time,  when  the  Dagei  lene  is  to  be  inserted  or  omitted.  , 

Rem.  I.    The  vowel  of  the  second  syllable  is  the  principal  vowel,  and  hence  0 
on  it  depends  the  distinction  between  the  transitive  and  intransitive  mean- 
ing.    The  Qames  of  the  first  syllable  is  lengthened  from  an  original  d  (cf. 
Arabic  qdtdld),  but  it  can  be  retained  in  Hebrew  only  immediately  before  the 
tone,  or  at  the  most  (with  an  open  ultima)  in  the  counter-tone  with  Melheg ; 

otherwise,  like  all  the  pretonic  vowels  (a,  e),  it  becomes  S^wd,  e.  g.  Drip^p  and 
plur.  niasc.  In  the  Aramaic  dialects  the  vowel  of  the  first  syllable  is  always 
reduced  to  §«wa,  as  i't3p  =  Hebr.  btOp-  The  intransitive  forms  in  Arabic  are 
qdtild,  qdiaid;  in  Hebrew  (after  the^  rejection  of  the  final  vowel)  t  being  in 
the  tone-syllable  has  been  regularly  lengthened  to  e,  and  u  to  o. 

2.  Examples  of  denominaHves  in  Qal  are  :  niOn  to  cover  with  pitch,  from  IDH  C 
pitth ;  n^D  to  salt,  from  nbh  salt ;  -\2^  (usually  Hiph.)  to  buy  or  sell  corn,  from 
ly^  corn ;  see  above,  §  38  c. 

§  44.    Flexion  of  the  Perfect  of  Qal} 

1.  The  formation  of  the  persons  of  the  Perfect  Is  effected  hy  the  a 
addition  of  certain  forms  of  the  pei  sonal  pronoun,  and  marks  of  the  3rd 
fem.  sing,  and  3rd  pL  (as  afformatives)  to  the  end  of  the  verbal-stem, 
which  contains  the  idea  of  a  predicate,  and  may  be  regarded,  in 
meaning  if  not  in  form,  as  a  Participle  or  verbal  adjective.  For  the 
3rd  pers.  sing.  masc.  Perfect,  the  pronominal  or  subject  idea  inherent 
in  the  finite  verb  is  sufficient :  thus,  ^^i?  he  has  killed,  ^'^^\>  thou  hast 
killed  (as  it  were,  killing  thou,  or  a  killer  thou),  a  killer  wast  thou= 
nriX  ?l3p  ;  NT  he  was  fearing,  Dri"NT  ye  were  fearing  =  ^^^  **'*V  The 
ending  of  the  ist  pers.  plur.  (W — )  is  also  certainly  connected  with 
the  termination  of  1Jn5N,  ^3N  we  {^  ^2  b,  d).  The  aiformative  of  the 
ist  pers.  sing.  ('JJI)  is  to  be  referred,  by  an  interchange  of  3  and  n 
(cf-  §  33  /),  to  that  form  of  the  pronoun  which  also  underlies  ^3l3^^,  I.^ 
In  the  third  person  n__  (originally  ri.^,  cf.  below,/)  is  the  mark  of 
the  feminine,  as  in  a  great  number  of  nouns  (§  80  c),  and  ^  is  the 
termination  of  the  plural ;  of.,  for  the  latter,  the  termination  of 
the  3rd  and  2nd  pers.  plur.  Imperf.  -Ana  in  Arabic  and  t?  (often  also  p) 

syllable.  Hence  P.  Haupt  {Proc.  Amer.  Or.  Soc,  1894,  p.  ci  f.)  prefers  to 
distinguish  them  as  verba  voluntaria  (actions  which  depend  on  the  will  of  the 
subject)  and  involuntaria  (actions  or  states  independent  of  the  will  of  the 
subject). 

1  Cf.  Noldeke,  'Die  Endungen  des  Perfects'  {Untersuchungen  sur  semit. 
Gramm.  ii.),  in  ZDMG.  vol.  38,  p.  407  ff.,  and  more  fully  in  Beitrdge  sur  sem. 
Sprathwiss.,  Strassb.  1904,  p.  15  if. 

^  According  to  NOldeke,  I.e.,  p.  419,  the  original  Semitic  termination  of  the 
ist  sing.  Perf.  was  most  probably  kO, ;  cf.  the  Ethiopic  qatalku,  Arabic  qatdtu. 


I20  The  Verb  [§44  J-/ 

in  Hebrew,  also  ilna  (in  the  construct  state  €)  as  the  plural  tei-mina- 

tion  of  masc.  nouns  in  literary  Arabic. 

b      2.  The  characteristic  Pathah  of  the  second  syllable  becomes  S^wd 

before  an  afformative  beginning  with  a  vowel,  where  it  would  otherwise 

stand  in  an  open  syllable  (as  ^}^P^,  '^^^^.',  but  in  pause  nb^i?,  I^^i^). 

Before  an  afformative  beginning  with  a  consonant  the  Pathah  remains, 

whether  iu  the  tone-syllable  ij!}^bp^,  ^%?,,  "'J?^^!?,  ''^S'^i^;    in  pause 

ripDi?  &c.)  or  before  it.     In  the  latter  case,  however,  the  Qames  of  the 

first  syllable,  being  no  longer  a  pretonic  vowel,  becomes  vocal  S'^wd ;  as 

C^^^i?,  i^.S'^i?;    cf.  §  27  z  and  §  43  6.     On  the  retention  of  o  with 

Melheg  of  the  counter-tone  in  the  PcTf.  consecutive,  cf.  §  49  ^. 

^  Kern.  I.  Verbs  middle  S  in  Hebrew  (as  in  Ethiopic,  but  not  in  Arabic  or 
Aramaic)  generally  change  thei'-sound  in  their  inflexion  into  Pathah  (frequently 
so  even  in  the  3rd  sing.  masc.  Perf.).  This  tendency  to  assimilate  to  the  more 
common  verbs  middle  a  may  also  be  explained  from  the  laws  of  vocalization 
of  the  tone-bearing  closed  penultima,  which  does  not  readily  admit  of  Sere, 
and  never  of  Hireq,  of  which  the  Sere  is  a  lengthening  (cf.  §  26  p).  On  the 
other  hand.  Sere  is  retained  in  an  open  syllable  ;  regularly  so  in  the  weak 

stems  K"p  (§  74  g),  before  suffixes  (§  59  »),  and  in  the  pausal  forms  of  the 

strong  stem  in   an  open   tone-syllable,   e.  g.    Hpi^  it  cleaveth,  Jb  29^"  (not 

np^'n),  cf.  2  S  1^^,  Jb  41^*;  even  (contrary  to  §  29  3)  in  a  closed  pausal  syllable, 

e.  g.  ]2^,  Dt  3312  (out  of  pause  fSB',  Is  32")  ;  but  br.j)  Is  33^  &c.,  according 
,  to  §  29  g. 
It      2.  In  some  weak  stems  middle  a,  the  Pathah  under  the  second  radical  some- 
times, in  a  closed  toneless  syllable,  becomes and,  in  one  example,  __. 

Thus  from   ^'V:   r\i^^y)  and  thou  shalt  possess  it,  Dt  17";    DriB'"]"!  Dt  19I  ; 

DriB''}^1  Dt  4I,  and  frequently  ;  from  l^J  to  bring  forth,  to  beget ;  ^''J^ni'^  ^  2' 
(ciF."Nu  II",  Jer227,  ipioy^  from  ^^^q.  J2WSA  Mai  320 ;  from  b^f;  VJ^hii.^ 
I  have  asked  him,  i  S  i*"  (Ju  13*),  and  three  times  DribSB'  i  S  12",  25^  Jb  21 29. 
Qimhi  already  suggests  the  explanation,  that  the  i  [s)  of  these  forms  of  ^iW 
and  B'1'  is  the  original  vowel,  since  along  with  7SK'  and  K'T'  are  also  found 
PNt^  and  Kh''  (sec  the  Lexicon).  The  possibility  of  this  explanation  cannot 
be  denied  (especially  in  the  case  of  {{'"I"',  see  §  69  s)  ;  the  i  in  these  forms 
might,  however,  equally  well  have  arisen  from  an  attenuation  of  a  (§  27  s), 
such  as  must  in  any  case  be  assumed  in  the  other  instances.  Moreover,  it  is 
worthy  of  notice  that  in  all  the  above  cases  the  t  is  favoured  by  the  character 
of  the  following  consonant  (a  sibilant  or  dental),  and  in  most  of  them  also  by 
the  tendency  towards  assimilation  of  the  vowels  (cf.  §  54  A;  and  §  64/). 

€  3.  In  verbs  middle  0,  the  Holem  is  retained  in  the  tone-syllable,  e.  g.  ri"li^  thou 
didst  tremble ;  *pb^  in  pause  for  \^y  ihey  were  able ;  but  in  a  toneless  closed 
syllable  the  original  short  vowel  appears  in  the  form  of  a  Qames  hatvph ; 
^^i]^P^^  /  have  prevailed  against  him,  if/  i^^;  FO^'*]  (see  §  49  h)  then  shalt  thou  be 
able,  Ex  iS^*;  in  a  toneless  open  syllable  it  becomes  vocal  S'wd,  e.g.  n?3', 

T        4.  Rarer  forms ^  are:  Sing.  3rd /em.  in  n__  (as  in  Arabic,  Ethiopic,  and 
1  Many  of  these  forms,  which  are  uncommon  in  Hebrew,  are  usual  in  the 


il, 


§  44  o-rr^']        FUocion  of  the  Perfect  of  Qal  121 

Aramaic),  e.g.  r\b]ii  it  is  gone,  Dt  3286;  nnSK'SI  Is  231^  (in  the  Aramaic  form, 
for  nn3e'3'!);  from^  a  verb  V'V ,  T\2^],  cf.  §  72  0.  This  original  feminine 
ending  -a<A  is  regularly  retained  before  suffixes,  see  §  59  a  ;  and  similarly  in 
stems  n"b,  either  in  the  form  ath  (which  is  frequent  also  in  stems  N"?  §  74  9), 
or  with  the  Pathcuii  weakened  to  vocal  S'wd  before  the  pleonastic  ending  n__, 
e.  g.  nnba  §  75  ».     in  Ez  31^  the  Aramaic  form  Nn33  occurs  instead  of  nn33  . 

2nd  masc.  HPl  for  n  (differing  only  orthographically),  e.g.  nnnall  thou  liasi g 
dealt  treacherously,  Mai  2^^  ;  cf.  i  S  I6»,  Gn  312  (nrim  which  is  twice  as  common 
as  nri3,  cf.  §  66  A)  ;  Gn  21-3,  2  S  226,  2  K  9S,  Is  a*,  ^^  sG*  (so  also  in  Eiph'il ; 
2K9^Is3723,\t6o'»).  , 

2nd/ewi.  has  sometimes  a  Yodh  at  the  end,  as  in  ">n3pn  thou  wentest,  Jer  31"  ;  fl 
cf.  2^3,  3<-6,  419  (but  read  the  ptcp.  nyot^,  with  the  LXX,  instead  of  the  2nd 
fem.),46",  and  so  commonly  in  Jeremiah,  and  Ez  (i6i«,  &c.)  ;  see  also  Mi^^^, 
Ru  f*.  TlD^'n  &c.,  is  really  intended,  for  the  vowel  signs  in  the  text  belong 
to  the  marginal  reading  flD^n  (without  '^)^  as  in  the  corresponding  pronoun 
"nS  (^nS)  §32/1.  The  ordinary  form  has  rejected  the  final  i,  but  it  regularly 
reappears  when  pronominal  suffixes  are  added  (§  59  a,  c). 

ist  pers.  comm.  sometimes  without  Yodh,  as  riJ?T  f  140")  ^^  42S  1  K.  8**,  t 
Ez  i663  (all  in  K*thibh),  ip  16^,  without  a  Q«re ;  in  2  K  iS^o  also  nnpS  is 
really  intended,  as  appears  from  Is  36^.  The  Q're  requires  the  ordinary  form, 
to  which  the  vowels  of  the  text  properly  belong,  whilst  the  K*thibh  is 
probably  to  be  regarded  as  the  remains  of  an  earlier  orthography,  which 
omitted  vowel-letters  even  at  the  end  of  the  word.  - 

jn  as  the  termination  of  the  2nd  plur.  m.  for  DH  Ez  3326,  might  just  possibly  k 
be  due  to  the  following  T\  (cf.,  for  an  analogous  case.  Mi  i^"^,  §  87  e\  but^  is 
probably  a  copyist's  error.     Plur.  2nd /em.  in  nW-  (according  to  others  HSri-) 
Am  4',  but  the  reading  is  very  doubtful ;   since  n  follows,   it  is  perhaps 
merely  due  to  dittography ;  cf.,  however,  HiriK  §  32  ». 

3rd  plur.  comm.  has  three  times  the  very  strange  termination  j^  ^ ;  l^yil",  I>t  / 
83i«  (both  before  N,  and  hence,  no  doubt,  if  the  text  is  correct,  to  avoid  a 
hiatus),  and  in  the  still  more  doubtful  form  ppjf  Is  26^*;  on  p  in  the  Imperf. 
see  §  47  m  ;  on  the  affixed  K  in  Jos  10",  Is  28^2,  see  §  23  i. 

It  is  very  doubtful  whether,  as  in  most  Semitic  languages  (see  §  47  c,  note),  111 
tlie  3rd-/em.  plur.  in  Hebi-ew  was  originally  distinguished  from  the  3rd  masc. 

other  Semitic  dialects,  and  may,  therefore,  be  called  Aramaisms  (Syriasms) 
or  Arabisms.  They  must  not,  however,  be  regarded  as  cases  of  borrowing, 
but  as  a  return  to  original  forms. 

1  Where  the  Masora  apparently  regards  the  ""ri  as  the  termination  of  the 
2nd  sing,  fern.,  e.g.  in  Jer  2^^°  (twice).  Mi  4^^^  ifc  has  rather  taken  the  form 
as  ist  pers.  sing.  (cf.  Stade,  Gramm.,  p.  253) ;  so  in  Ju  s',  where  ^PiDp,  on 
account  of  verse  12,  must  either  have  originally  been  intended  as  2nd  sing, 
/cm.,  or  is  due  to  an  erroneous  pronunciation  of  the  form  tHOp  as  riDj?  instead 
of  3rd  sing.  fern.  DPp  (as  LXX). 

2  That  these  examples  can  hardly  be  referred  to  a  primitive  Semitic  ending 
un  in  the  3rd  plur.  Pevf.,  has  been  shown  by  Noldeke  in  ZDMG.  vol.  38,  p.  409 
ff. ;  cf.  also  ZDMG.  vol.  32,  p.  757  f.,  where  G.  Hoifmann  proves  that  the  ter- 
minations in  NUn  of  the  3rd  plur.  in  Aramaic,  formerly  adduced  by  us,  are 
secondary  forms.     [See  also  Driver,  Heb.  Tenses^,  p.  6  note."] 


122  The  Verb  [§§  44 «,  0, 45 « 

p?Mr.  by  the  termination  H ^  as  in  Biblical  Aramaic.     NOldeke  (ZDMG.  38 

[1884"',  p.  411)  referred  doubtfully  to  the  textual  readings  in  Dt  21'^,  Jos  15*, 
j812.i«.i9^  Jer  2^^,  22®,  where  the  Masora  uniformly  inserts  the  termination  m, 
and  to  Gn  4810  in  the  Samaritan  Pentateuch,  Gn  49^2,  i  S  4I5,  f  iS^s,  Neh  1310. 
In  his  Beitrcige  sur  sem.  Sprachwiss.,  p.  19,  however,  he  observes  that  the  con- 
struction of  a  fem.  plural  with  the  3rd  sing.  fern,  is  not  unexampled,  and  also 
that  n  is  often  found  as  a  mistake  for  1.     On  the  other  hand  Mayer  Lambert 

(Une  serie  de  Qere  ketib,  Paris,  1891,  p.  6  ff.)  explains  all  these  K®thibh,  as  well 
as  if/  73',  Jer  50*  (?),  and  (against  Naldeke)  i  K  22"  (where  n  is  undoubtedly 

the  article  belonging  to  the  next  word),  Jb  16^®  (where  the  masc.  ""JEB  requires  the 
marginal  reading),  also  Jer  48*^,  51^',  Ez  26^,  i//  68^*,  as  remains  of  the  3rd/e?n. 

plur.  in  n .     The  form  was  abandoned  as  being  indistinguishable  from  the 

(later)  form  of  the  3rd  /em.  sing.,  but  tended  to  be  retained  in  the  perfect  of 
verbs  n"b,  as  HTI  K^thibh  six  times  in  the  above  examples. 
ft      5.   The  afformatives  ri^  {Pi\   ""Fl^  ^i  are  generally  toneless,  and  the  forms 
with  these  inflexions  are  consequently  Mil'el  (npt)p,  &c.) ;  with  all  the  other 

aflformatives  they  are  Milra'  (§15  c).  The  place  of  the  tone  may,  however,  be 
shifted  :  (a)  by  tbe  pause  (§  29  i-v),  whenever  a  vowel  which  has  become 
vocal  §*>wa  under  the  second  stem-consonant  is  restored  by  the  pause ;  as 

rhhp  for  ni)t3p  mpy^  for  r\hy^\  and  ^hh\>  for  \%\>  m^  for  ^N^?^^ ;  (&)  in 
certain  cases  after  wdw  consecutive  of  the  Perfect  (see  §  49  h). 
0      6.  Contraction  of  a  final  n  with  the  n  of  the  afformative  occurs  e.  g.  in 
'<rn3  Hag  2^,  &c.  ;   cf.  Is  I420,  &c.,  in  the  Per/.  Po'el;  Dt  4^5  in  the  Hiph'il  of 
rintJ' ;  Is  21*,  &c.,  in  the  Hiph'il  of  DSB'.     Contraction  of  a  final  3  with  the 

aflformative  13  occurs  in  13ri3  Gn  34" ;  in  Niph.  Ezr  g',  cf.  2  Ch  14^*' ;  in  Eiph. 
2  Ch  29^^;  with  the  afformative  n3  in  the  Imperfect  Qal  Ez  17^  ;  Pi'eltf)  71^, 
where  with  Baer  and  Ginsburg  HSjIiri  is  to  be  read,  according  to  others 
nasin  (cf.  in  PoUl  najipri  Ez  32"),  but  certainly  not  n33in  with  the  Mantua 
ed.,  Opitius  and  Hahn  ;  with  n3  in  the  Imperat.  Eiph.  Gn  4^2,  Is  32^. 

§  45.    The  Infinitive. 

P.  Pratorius,  '  Ueber  den  sog.  Inf.  absol.  des  Hebr,,'  in  ZDMG.  1902,  p.  546  fif. 

(I  1.  The  Infinitive  is  represented  in  Hebrew  by  two  forms,  a  shorter 
and  a  longer ;  both  are,  however,  strictly  speaking,  independent  nouns 
{verbal  substantives).  The  shorter  form,  the  Infinitive  constrioct  (in  Qal 
''tSpj'  sometimes  incorrectly  ''i'^i?),  is  used  in  very  various  ways,  gome- 
times  in  connexion  with  pronominal  suffixes,  or  governing  a  substantive 
in  the  genitive,  or  with  an  accusative  of  the  object  (§  1 15),  sometimes 
in  connexion  with  prepositions  (^t^P?  to  kill,  §  114/),  and  sometimes 
in  dependence  upon  substantives  as  genitive,  or  upon  verbs  as  accu- 
sative of  the  object.  On  the  other  hand,  the  use  of  the  longer  form, 
the  Infinitive  absolute  (in  Qal  •''i'^i^,  sometimes  also  Pbi^^  obscured  from 
original  qdtdl),  is  restricted  to  those  cases  in   which  it  empliasizes 

1  Cf.  the  analogous  forms  of  the  noun,  §  93  t. 


§  45  h-f}  The  Infinitive  123 

the  abstract  verbal  idea,  without  regard  to  the  subject  or  object  of  the 
action.  It  stands  most  frequently  as  an  adverbial  accusative  with 
a  finite  verb  of  the  same  stem  (§113  h-s)} 

The  flexibility  and  versatility  of  the  Infin.  constr.  and  the  rigidity  u 
and  inflexibility  of  the  Infin.  absol.  are  reflected  in  their  vocalization. 
The  latter  has  unchangeable  vowels,  while  the  0  of  the  Infin.  constr. 
may  be  lost.   For  bbj?,  according  to  §  84**,  e,  goes  back  to  the  ground- 
form  qiltul. 

Other  forms  of  the  Infin.  constr,  Qal  of  the  strong  verb  are —  C 

(a)  7Dp,  e.  g.  33t^  to  lie,  Gn  34"^ ;  bSK'  to  sink,  Ec  12* ;  especially  with  verbs 

which  have  a  in  the  second  syllable  of  the  Imperf. :  hence  sometimes  also 
with  those,  whose  second  or  third  radical  is  a  guttural  (frequently  besides  the 
ordinary  form).  All  the  examples  (except  235^,  see  above)  occur  in  the 
closest  connexion  with  the  following  word,  or  with  sufiixes  (see  §  61  c).  In 
Ez  2i33  the  Masora  seems  to  treat  r\2hb  (A'erse  20,  in  pause  PlQCp)  as  an 
Infinitive  =  n2pp;  probably  H^^P  should  be  read, 

(b)  n^tii?  and,  attenuated  from  it,  nb^f? ;    7]b^\)  and  H^Di^  (which  are  U 
feminine  forms'  of  ^tOp  and  bb|5,  mostly  from  intransitive  verbs,  and  some- 
times  found  along  with  forms  having  no  feminine  ending  in  use),  e.g. 
HOB'S!)  to  be  guilty,  Lv  52*,  HDnX  to  love,  nK^b'  to  hate ;  i^Hyb,  often  in  Dt.,  to 

fear  ;  n^p]  to  be  old  ;  nN"!i5  to  meet  (in  HNli??  §  19  A:)  ;  nWlp  to  lie  down,  Lv  20I6 ; 
nnt^Db  to  anoint,  Ex  29*^ ;  r\)imb  to  wash,  Ex  30^^,  &c.  ;  nSOtsi)  (also  a  subst.  =* 

t:t:  ''^t:t;  »t:t; 

uncleanness,  like  HNDp)  to  be  unclean,  Lv  15^* ;  H^l^p  to  approach,  Ex  36^  &c.  ; 
cf.  Lv  12^-^  Dt  iiK  is  30",  Ez  21",  Hag  i^;  alsoVl^nn  to  be  far  off,  Ez  8« ; 
n^pn  to  pity,  Ez  16^;  cf.  Ho  7*.  On  the  other  hand  in  nbon  Gn  ly^^,  the 
original  a  has  been  modified  to  S ;  cf.  HJ^tH  Is  S^^,  &c. 

(c)  In  the  Aramaic  manner  (ijpi?^  but  cf.  also  Arab,  maqtal)  there  occur  as  ^ 
Infin.  Qal:  nSb^D  to  send.  Est  9"  ;  N"1pp  to  call  and  VDO  to  depart,  Nu  lo^  (Dt 
10") ;  ni^p  to  take,  2  Ch  19'',  &c. ;  iiw6  to  carry,  Nu  4",  &c.  (cf.  even  niN^!) 
Ez  17^) ;  also  with  a  feminine  ending  ilbvp  '0  9°  wp>  Ezr  7*,  &c.  ;  cf.  for  these 
forms  (almost  all  very  late)  Ryssel,  De  Elohistae  Pantateitchici  sermone,  p.  50,  and 
Strack  on  Nu  4^^*. 

id)  nSop  in  mh.\  Gn  8';  rb^2\  Nu  I4'8;  probably  also  nK'in  Ex  31',  35". 

2.  A  kind  of  Gerund  is  formed  by  the  Infin.  constr.  with  the  prepo-  f 
sition  P;  as  /'tip?  ad  interficiendum,  ?33p  ad  cadendnm  (see  §  28  a). 

1  The  terms  absolute  and  construct  are  of  course  not  to  be  understood  as 
implying  that  the  Infin,  constr,  pbp  forms  the  construct  state  (see  §  89)  of  the 
Infin,  absol.  (PiDp  ground-form  qdtal).  In  the  Paradigms  the  Inf.  constr.,  as 
the  principal  form,  is  placed  before  the  other,  under  the  name  of  Infinitive 
simply. 

*  According  to  the  remark  of  Elias  Levita  on  Qimhi's  Mikhlol,  ed.  Rittenb., 
14  a,  these  feminine  forms  occur  almost  exclusively  in  connexion  with  the 
preposition  b. 


124  ^^^^  ^^f'b  [§§45  3,46a-d 

rr  The  blending  of  the  p  with  the  Infin.  constr.  into  a  single  grammatical  form 
seems  to  be  indicated  by  the  fii-mly  closed  syllable,  cf.  32K'?  Gn  34'' ;  PSJ? 
ff/  iiS^',  with  Dage^  lene  in  the  Q  =  linpol;  hence,  also  liq-tol,  &c.  ;  but  ?sia 
hin^phol,  Jb  4"  ;  ^333  2  S  38*.  Exceptions  xax!)  Nu  4^3,  S^*  ;  J^iD?!?'!  E'iDjb 
Jer  iw  18',  3i«8 ;  nnK'jj  Jer  47*  ;  nntD^)  Jer  1 1^^,  &c.,  ^  37" ;  pinnb  2  Ch  34IO  ; 
according  to  some  also  330?  Nu  21*  and  B'337  2  Ch  2810  (Baer  tJ'SSp) ;  on 
the  other  hand  f3K'3  Gn  3522;  -|3)3  Jer  17^.  '  For  the  meaningless  Vinnb 
EzrioiSreadCniJ'. 

§  46.    7%(2  Imperative. 

CL  1.  Tlie  ground-forms  of  the  Imperative,  7t3i?  (properly  qHul,  which 
is  for  an  original  qutul),  and  7^P  (see  below,  c),  the  same  in  pro- 
nunciation as  the  forms  of  the  Infin.  constr.  (§  45),  are  also  the  basis 
for  the  formation  of  the  Imperfect  (§  47)."  They  represent  the  second 
person,  and  have  both  fem.  and  plur.  forms.  The  third  person  is 
supplied  by  the  Imperfect  in  the  Jussive  (§  109  b);  and  even  the  second 
person  must  always  be  expressed  by  the  Jussive,  if  it  be  used  with  a 
negative,  e.  g.  Pbiprrbi?  ne  occidas  (uot  t't^ip'i'Ky  The  passives  have  no 
Imperative,  but  it  occurs  in  the  reflexives,  as  Niph'al  and  Hithpa'el.* 

h  2.  The  Afformatives  of  the  2nd  sing.  fem.  and  the  2')id  plur.  niasc. 
and  fem.  are  identical  in  every  case  with  those  of  the  Imperfect  (§47  c). 
In  the  same  way,  the  Imperative  of  the  2nd  sing,  masc,  in  common 
with  the  Imperfect,  admits  of  the  lengthening  by  tbe  *^-^  paragogicum 
(§48  i),  as,  on  the  other  hand,  there  are  certain  shortened  forms  of 
this  person  analogous  to  the  Jussive  (§  48.  5). 

C  Rem.  I.  Instead  of  the  form  ?bp  (sometimes  also^kne,  e.g.  lilDB^  Ec  la" ; 
before  Maqqeph  "bt3p  with  Qames  hatuph),  those  verbs  which  have  an  a  in  the 
final  syllable  of  the  Imperf.  (i.  e.  especially  verbs  middle  I)  make  their 
Imperative  of  the  form  ^^p,  e.g.  C^^b  dress!  (Perf.  1^3^  and  {^3^)  ;  33K'  lie 
down!  in  pause  33E'  i  S  o^*-^. 

7  at: 

U  2.  The  first  syllable  of  the  sing.  fem.  and  plur.  masc.  are  usually  to  be 
pronounced  with  S'wd  mobile  {qifli,  qiL'lu,  and  so  ''3DB',  &c.,  without  Bage^  lene, 
and  even  ISB'D  with  Metheg,  Ex  12^1;  but  cf.  ''3DN  Jer  10",  and  with  the 
same  phonetic  combination  ''SiJ'n  Is  47^  ;  see  analogous  cases  in  §  93  w)  ;  less 
frequently  we  find  an  5  instead  of  the  i,  e.g.  ""SPD  rule,  Juq^";  ^3K'D  draw, 
Ez  3220 ;  13"in  Jer  2^^  (cf.  >3"in  Is  44I")  ;  on  ^DDp  i  S  288  Q're,  VVV  Jer,  2220 

(cf.  I  K  13'),  see  §  ro  /*.  This  0  arises  (see  above,  a)  from  a  singular  ground- 
form  qHtul,  not  from  a  retraction  of  the  original  m  of  the  second  syllable. 
We  must  abandon  the  view  that  the  forms  with  t  in  the  first  syllable  (cf.  also 

^  The  Infin.  ahsol.,  like  the  Greek  Infin.,  is  also  sometimes  used  for  the 
Imperative  (§  113  66).  Cf.  in  general,  Koch,  Ber  semitische  Inf.  (Schaflfhausen, 
1874). 

2  In  Hoph'al  an  Imperative  is  found  only  twice  (Ez  32^®,  Jer.  49*),  and 
closely  approximating  in  meaning  to  the  reflexive. 


§§  46  e,/,  47  a]  The  Imperative  125 

■•■DDX  njn  ''"IIIO  "'')3y)  arise  from  a  weakening  of  the  characteristic  vowel  o. 
They,  or  at  least  some  of  them,  must  rather  be  regarded  with  Bartli  {ZDMG. 
i889,'p-  182)  as  analogous  to  the  original  i-imperfects.  See  further  analogies 
in  §§  47  i  and  481;  61  &,  63n.  ... 

The  pausal  form  of  the  2nd  plur.  masc.  is  nf3  i  K  3";  from  V?>?',  ^^f,  C 
&c.  ;  similarly  the  2nd  sing.  fem.  in  pause  is  nnj?  Is  23"  ;  even  without  the 
pause  '^yhh  Ju 910",  KHh.  ;  >Db'i?  i  S  2S8,  KHh.  (of.  with  this  also  naibo,  &c., 
§  48  0 ;  from  nob,  "•nOB'  Jo  2". 

3.  In  the  2nd  plur.  fem.  lyOK'  occurs  once,  in  Gn  4=^  (for  MJJJIOE')  with  loss  f 

of  the  n and  insertion  of  a  helping  vowel,  unless  it  is  simply  to  be  pointed 

IVDEJ.     Also  instead  of  the  abnormal  IK-lj?  Ex  220  (for  njSnp)  we  should 
perhaps  read  as  in  Eu  i^o  J^np  (cf.  jsk)  i'  and  ^\2^  i"). 

On  the  examples  of  a  2nd  plur.  fem.  in 1,  Is  32^1,  see  §  48  i. 


§  47.    The  Imperfect  and  its  Inflexion. 

1.  The  persons  of  the  Imperfect,^  in  contradistinction  to  those  of  (I 
the  Perfect,  are  formed  by  placing  abbreviated  forms  of  the  personal 
pronoun  (preformatives)  before  the  stem,  or  rather  before  the  abstract 
form  of  the  stem  (''t^p).  As,  however,  the  tone  is  retained  on  the 
characteristic  vowel  of  the  Stem-form,  or  even  (as  in  the  2nd  sing.  fem. 
and  the  -yrd  and  2nd.  plur.  masc.)  passes  over  to  the  afformatives,  the 
preformatives  of  the  Imperfect  appear  in  a  much  more  abbreviated 
form  than  the  afformatives  of  the  Perfect,  only  one  consonant  ("",  ^,  N,  J) 
remaining  in  each  form.     But  as  this  preformative  combined  with  the 

1  On  the  use  of  the  Semitic  Perfect  and  Imperfect  cf.  §  106  ff.  and  the 
literature  cited  in  §  106.  For  our  present  purpose  the  following  account  will 
suffice  : — The  name  Imperfect  is  here  used  in  direct  contrast  to  the  Perfect, 
and  is  to  be  taken  in  a  wider  sense  than  in  Latin  and  Greek  grammar.  The 
Hebrew  (Semitic)  Per/,  denotes  in  general  that  which  is  concluded,  completed,  ,  / 
and  past,  that  which  has  happened  and  has  come  into  effect ;  but  at  the  same  Ky 
time,  also  that  which  is  represented  as  accomplished,  even  though  it  be  continued 
into  present  time  or  even  be  actually  still  future.  The  Impetf.  denotes,  on  the 
other  hand,  the  beginning,  the  unfinished,  and  the  continuing,  that  which  is  just 
happening,  which  is  conceived  as  in  process  of  coming  to  pass,  and  hence, 
also,  that  which  is  yet  future  ;  likewise  also  that  which  occurs  repeatedly  or 
in  a  continuous  sequence  in  the  past  (Latin  Imperf.).  It  follows  from  the 
above  that  the  once  common  designation  of  the  Imperf.  as  a  Future  emphasizes 
only  one  side  of  its  meaning.  In  fact,  the  use  of  Indo-Germanic  tense-names 
for  the  Semitic  tenses,  which  was  adopted  by  the  Syrians  under  the  influence 
of  the  Greek  grammarians,  and  after  their  example  by  the  Arabs,  and  finally 
by  Jewish  scholars,  has  involved  many  misconceptions.  The  Indo-Germanic 
scheme  of  three  periods  of  time  (past,  present,  and  future)  is  entirely  foreign 
to  the  Semitic  tense-idea,  which  regards  an  occurrence  only  from  the  point  of 
view  of  completed  or  incomplete  action. — In  the  formation  of  the  two  tenses 
the  chief  distinction  is  that  in  the  Perfect  the  verbal  stem  precedes  and  the 
indication  of  the  person  is  added  afterwards  for  precision,  while  in  the 
Imperf.  the  subject,  from  which  the  action  proceeds  or  about  which  a  condition 
is  predicated,  is  expressed  by  a  prefixed  pronoun. 


i 


126  I'he  Verb  [§  47  ^-^ 

stem-form  was  not  always  Bufficlent  to  express  at  the  same  time 
differences  both  of  gender  and  number,  the  distinction  had  to  be 
farther  indicated,  in  several  cases,  by  special  afformatives.  Cf.  the 
table,  §  40  c. 

h      2.  The  derivation  and  meaning,  both  of  the  preformatives  and  the 
afformatives,  can  still,  in  most  cases,  be  recognized. 

In  theirs*  pers.  ^i^P?,  plur.  ^t3p3,  N  is  probably  connected  with 
'3^? ,  and  3  with  «n3 ;  here  no  indication  of  gender  or  number  by 
a  special  ending  was  necessary.  As  regards  the  vocalization,  the 
Arabic  points  to  the  ground-forms  'dqtul  and  ndqtul :  the  ?  of  the  ist 
plur.  is,  therefore,  as  in  the  other  preformatives,  attenuated  from  a. 
The  S^ghol  of  the  ist  sing,  is  probably  to  be  explained  by  the  pre- 
ference of  the  K  for  this  sound  (cf.  §220,  but  also  §  51  i');  according 
to  Qimhi,  it  arises  from  an  endeavour  to  avoid  the  similarity  of  sound 
between  !?bpi<  (which  is  the  Babylonian  punctuation)  and  ?bp^,  which, 
according  to  this  view,  was  likewise  pronounced  iqtol} 

C  The  preformative  n  of  the  second  persons  (P't^pn,  ground-form 
tdqtal,  &c.)  is,  without  doubt,  connected  with  the  n  of  nriS,  DriS.  &c., 
and  the  afformative  "-^  of  the  2nd  fem.  sing.  V^pri  with  the  i  of  the 
original  feminine  form  "Jjl^  (see  §  32  A).  The  afformative  1  of  the  2nd 
masc.  plur.  l^tDpn  (in  its  more  complete  form,  p ,  see  m)  is  the  sign  of 
the  plural,  as  in  the  3rd  pers.,  and  also  in  the  Perfect  (§44  a).  In 
the  Imperfect,  however,  it  is  restricted  in  both  persons  to  the 
masculine,^  while  th*^  afformative  '13  (also  S)  of  the  3rd  and  2nd  plur. 
fem.  is  probably  connected  with  nan  eae  and  HiriS  vos  (fem.). 

d  The  preformatives  of  the  third  persons  ('  in  the  masc.  ?bp^,  ground- 
form  ydqtid,  plur.  ^^[^\  ground-form  ydqtuM;  n  in  the  fem.  ^'^k^, 
plur,  nibopn)  have  not  yet  met  with  any  satisfactory  explanation. 
With  n    might  most  obviously  be   compared    the  original   feminine 

1  Cf.  §  24  e.  In  favour  of  the  above  view  of  Qimhi  may  be  \irged  the 
phonetic  orthography  l^N  (in  Pr  iS^*  B'^N),  2814"  (unless,  with  Perles,  SB'S 
is  to  be  read),  Mi  610,  for  B?";,  and  ''B'^N  i  Ch  2"  for  '•B'^  (as  verse  12).  Also 
HBtSn  Mi 6"  is  probably  for  'INH  =  'rn,  npQX  Is  1012  for  ipS^ ;  IJDnJN  Is  51" 
foVTl'lOm";  and  conversely  SaB'B'^  is'for 'E'B'N  =  "13^' B'''^'.  Similarly,  ''Y^'' 
1  S  I4«"'i3  probably  for  i^B'N  or  H^B'N;  in  2  S  238  na'«i'n  ^B'''  is,  according  to 
the  LXX,  an  error  for  n^SB''' =  DB'BB'N .  In  Assyrian  also  the  simple  t 
corresponds  to  the  Hebrew  "•  as  the  preformative  of  the  Impf.  Qal. 

2  This  is  also  the  proper  gender  of  the  plural  syllable  u,  vn.  In  Hebre^^', 
indeed,  it  is  used  in  the  3rd  plur.  Perfect  for  both  genders,  but  in  the  kindred 
languages  even  there  only  for  the  masculine,  e.g.  in  Syriac  qValu,  g^talun, 
with  the  feminine  form  cftdlen,  in  Western  Aram,  q^dlu,  fem.  <ftdla  ;  in  Arab. 
qdtalu,  fem.  qdtdlnd,  Eth.  qdtdlu,  qdtdld. 


§  47  ^-'0         The  Imperfect  and  its  Inflexion  127 

ending  T\__  of  nouns,  and  of  the  3rd  fern.  sing,  perfect.  For  the 
afformatives  '  (P)  and  HJ,  see  c. 

3.  The  characteristic  vowel  of  the  second  syllable  becomes  S^wd  e 
before  tone-bearing  afformatives  which  begin  with  a  vowel,  but  is 
retained  (as  being  in  the  tone-syllable)  before  the  toneless  afformative 

nj.     Thus :  ^!'9Pn,  li'^p:,  i^'tDjpn  (but  in  pause  ^S'bpri,  &c.),  mbbpn. 

Pem.  I.   The  o  of  the  second  syllable  (as  in  the  inf.  constr.  and  imperat.),    f 
being  lengthened  from  an  original  m  in  the  tone-syllable,  is  only  tone-long  "^ 
(§  9r).     Hence  it  follows  that:   (a)  it  is  incorrectly,  although  somewhat 
frequently,  written  plene ;    (&)  before  Maqqeph  the  short  vowel  appears  as 
Qames  Jjaiuph,  e.g.  Dty'anilJI  and  he  wrote  there,  Jos  8^2  (but  cf.  also  Ex  21", 

Jos  18^") ;  (c)  it  becomes  S^wd  before  the  tone-bearing  afformatives  ^ and  ^ 

(see  above,  e  ;  but  Jerome  still  heard  e.g.  iezbuleni  for  ^3>3r  ;  cf.  ZAW.  iv.  83). 
^  Quite  anomalous  are  the  three  examples  which,  instead  of  a  shortening  to^ 
S'wd,  exhibit  a  long  u  :  Qn  ^tDISB'^  Ex  i82«,  immediately  before  the  principal 
pause,but  according  to  Qimhi(ed.JJi«m6.  p.  i8''),ed.Mant.,Ginsb.,Kittel  against 
the  other  editions,  with  the  tone  on  the  ultima  ;  likewise  H^O  """I^Dyn'N^ 
Ru  2^ ;  D^lOK'ri  (in  principal  pause)  Pr  14'.  In  the  first  two  cases  perhaps 
^CISBE'^  and  nnyri  (for  ^I33B'^,  &c.)  are  intended,  in  virtue  of  a  retrogressive 
effect  of  the  pause  ;  in  Pr  14^  D^ICB'n  is  to  be  read,  with  August  Miiller. 

2.  The  0  of  the  second  syllable  is  to  be  found  almost  exclusively  with  transi-  /* 
tive  verbs  middle  a,  like  ?^p.    Intransitives  middle  a  and  e  almost  always  take 
d(Pathah)^  in  the  impf.,  e.g.l'n"),  }>3")>  to  couch,  33B',  322'^   to  lie  domi  (1)0^, 
*llpi)^  to  learn  is  also  originally  intransitive  =  to  accustom  oneself)  ;   pli^   ?^3^ 

to  become  great  (but  cf.  |3B^  and  |3K'  imperf.  |3B'^  to  dwell  and  to  inhabit,  733 
imperf.  ?i^  to  wither) ;  also  from  verbs  middle  0,  as  jbp  to  be  small,  the  imperf. 
has  the  form  |t3p^ . 

Sometimes  both  forms  occur  together ;  those  with  0  having  a  transitive,  I 
and  those  with  a  an  intransitive  meaning,  e.g.  "\2fp''  he  cuts  off,  "^2fp''  he  is  cut 
off,  i.e.  is  short;  B'pn  impf.  0,  to  overcome.  Ex  17"  ;  impf.  a,  to  be  overcome,  Jb  14^'*. 
More  rarely  both  forms  are  used  without  any  distinction,  e.  g.  "F]i?^  and  T]K'^ 
he  bites,  ^Sni  and  J^bn^  he  is  inclined  (but  only  the  latter  with  a  transitive 

meaning  =  ;ze  bends,  in  Jb  40").  On  the  a  of  the  impf.  of  verbs  middle  and 
third  guttural,  cf.  §  64  b ;  §  65  b.  In  some  verbs  first  guttural  (§  63  n), 
V"V  (§  67  p),  """Q  (§  69  b),  and  N"D  (§  68  c),  and  in  ]Pi)  for  yinten  from  JflJ  to  give, 

instead  of  «  or  5  a  movable  Sere  (originally  t)  is  found  in  the  second  syllable. 
A  trace  of  these  i-imperfects  ^  in  the  ordinary  strong  verb  is  probably  to  be 
found  in  ^3p^*1  2  K  7^,  since  [013  otherwise  only  occurs  in  Qal.    We  call  these 

three  forms  of  the  imperfect  after  their  characteristic  vowel  impf.  0,  impf.  a, 
impf.  e. 

3.  For  the  yd  sing.  fem.  pbpfl  (  =  tiq-tol),  Baer  requires  in  i  S  25^^°  {yjCri  /j 
(but  read  with  ed.  Mant.,&c.  K'HSri).     For  the  2nd  sing.  fern.  cljtOpri)  the  form 

^  This  a  is,  however,  by  no  means  restricted  to  intransitive  strong  verbs ; 
apart  from  verbs  third  guttural  (§  65  b),  it  is  to  be  found  in  j^'Q  and  ]}"]},  and 

in  many  verbs  K^D  and  ''"Q  (§§  69-71). 

2  Cf.  Barth,  'Das  Mmperfekt  im  Nordsemitischen,'  ZDMG.  18S9,  p.  177  ff. 


128  The  Verb  [§  47 1, 


m 


bbpri  is  found  in  Is  57*,  Jer  3^,  Ez  22*,  23^'^,  in  every  case  after  the  regular 
form;  but  cf.  also  Ez  26".  In  Is  171",  where  the  2nd  fern,  precedes  and 
follows,  probably  '31  pyiin  is  to  be  read  with  Marti  for  IH^Itn. — For  the 
ird  plur.  fern.  n3pt3pri  we  find  in  Jer  49I1,  in  pause  iriD^Pl  (for  nanD^ri),  and 

thrice  (as  if  to  distinguish  it  from  the  and  pars.)  the  form  nJptBp''  with  the 
preformative  "•  (as  always  in  Western  Aram.,  Arab.,  Eth.,  and  Assyr.),  in 
Gn  30^^,  I  S  6^*,  Dn  8".  On  the  other  hand,  njpbpri  appears  in  some  cases 
to  be  incorrectly  used  even  for  the  fem.  of  the  3rd  pers.  or  for  the  masc.  of 
the  2nd  pers.  sing,  as  njnbtJ'ri  Ju  5^8  (where,  however,  perhaps  HDripB'ri  is  to 
be  read),  and  Ob^',  for  2nd  sing,  masc,  according  to  Olshausen  a  corruption 
of  nj  rb^n  -,  in  Pr  i^\  S^  for  npri  read  TXpn  as  in  Jb  392^ ;  in  Ex  1"  read 
ilJSIpri  with  the  Samaritan. — In  Is  27^1,  28',  as  also  in  Jb  171*  (if  we  read 
"•713113  with  LXX  for  the  2nd  Tllpn),  it  is  equally  possible  to  explain  the 
form  as  a  plural.  This  small  number  of  examples  hardly  justifies  our  finding 
in  the  above-mentioned  passages  the  remains  of  an  emphatic  form  of  the 
Impf.,  analogous  to  the  Arab.  Modus  energicus  I,  with  the  termination  amid. 
I  For  n3  we  frequently  find,  especially  in  the  Pentateuch  and  mostly 
after  wdw  consecutive,  simply  ^|  nd,  e.g.  Gn  i9^'-38,  37'',  Ex  i^^i^,  152"',  Nu  2f.2, 
Ez  32",  16^5 ;  in  Arab,  always  nd.  According  to  Elias  Levita  JK'Ipn 
(2  S  13I*)  is  the  only  example  of  this  kind  in  the  strong  verb.  The  form 
ni'-najni  (so  also  Oimhi  and  ed.  Mant. ;  but  Baer,  Ginsb.  n3n33ni)  for  ninfjni 

they  were  high,  Ez  16'*,  is  irregular,  with  ■• inserted  after  the  manner  of 

verbs  ]}"])  and  l^'J?,  §  67  d  ;  §721;  according  to  Olshausen  it  is  an  error  caused 
by  the  following  form. 

VI  4.  Instead  of  the  plural  forms  in  ^  there  are,  especially  in  the  older 
books,  over  300  forms  ^  with  the  fuller  ending  P  (with  NUn  paragogi- 
cum),  always  bearing  the  tone  ;  cf.  §  29  m  and  §  44  /  ;  on  its  retention 
before  stiffixes,  see§  60  e;  also  defectively  1^*1^  Ex  2I^^  2  2^&c.  This 
usually  expresses  marked  emphasis,  and  consequently  occurs  most 
commonly  at  the  end  of  sentences  (in  the  principal  pause),  in  which 
case  also  the  (pausal)  vowel  of  the  second  syllable  is  generally  retained. 
Thus  there  arise  full-sounding  forms  such  as  P^P?^  they  collect,  >//•  104^®; 
ni?T  ^^y  tremble,  Ex  15";  pVlOK^ri  ye  shall  hear,  Dt  i";  cf.  Ex  34'^ 
with  Zaqeph  qa^on,  Athnah,  and  Silluq;  Jos  24'*,  with  Segolta;  Is  13^ 
and  17"  with  Zaqeph  qaton,  17'^  with  Athnah  and  Silluq,  41*  after 
wdw  consec.  Without  the  pause,  e.g.  ^  ii"^  HK'p  P^IT,  cf.  4^,  Gn 
,828.29.30  ff.^  4^1^  j^^  22^^  Jos  4«  (ri^?^:);  Is  8^  'I'S  9'='','Ru2«  (p-^ifp: 
and  PS**^^) ;  Ju  1 1'*  after  waw  consec. 

Some  of  these  examples  maybe  partly  due  to  euphonic  reasons,  eg.  certainlj' 
Ex  I7"'',  Nu  i629,  3220,  I  S  9",  I  K96,  and  often,  to  avoid  a  hiatus  before  N  or  V. 
It  was,  however,  the  pause  especially  which  exerted  an  influence  on  the 
restoration  of  this  older  and  fuller  termination  (cf.  §  159  c,  note),  as  is  mani- 
fest from  Is  26":    IK'd^l  lin"'  }VTn"'"?3  they  see  not;  may  they  see  and  become 

••  :         vrlv     '     AT  -.-.n 

1  [See  details  in  F.  B«ttcher,  Lehrb.,  §  930  ;  and  cf.  Driver  on  i  S  2^'.] 


§§47«-i'.48a,6]      The  Imperfect  and  its  Inflexion         129 

ashamed.     All  this  applies  also  to  the  corresponding  forms  in  the  Imperfect 
of  the  derived  conjugations.^     In  Aramaic  and  Arabic  this  earlier  }^  (old 

Arabic  una\  is  the  regular  termination  ;  but  in  some  dialects  of  vulgar  Arabic 
it  has  also  become  u. 

With  an  aflBied  X  we  find  (in  the  imperf.  Niph'al)  xVK'3"'  Jer  lo'',  evidently  fl 

an  error  for  ^NKT,  caused  by  the  preceding  kVK'J. — In  D^B'b'^  Is  55^  since 
D  follows,  the  D  is  no  doubt  only  due  to  dittography. 

5.  Corresponding  to  the  use  of  Jl  for  ^  there  occurs  in  the  2nd  sing,  fem.,  Q 

although  much  less  frequently,  the  fuller  ending  p (as  in  Aram,  and  Arab. ; 

old  Arab,  ina),  also  always  with  the  tone,  for  ^ generally  again  in  the 

principal  pause,  and  almost  in  all  cases  with  retention  of  the  vowel  of  the 
penultima  ;  thus  pi?3iri  Ru  28-21,  cf.  3<-i8,  i  S  i^*  (PliriK'n),  Jer  3122,  Is  45". 

6.  On  the  reappearance  in  pause  of  the  0  which  had  become  S*wd  in  the  r) 

forms  ""p^pri ,  &c.,  see  above,  e ;  similarly,  the  imperfects  with  a  restore  this 

vowel  in  pause  and  at  the  same  time  lengthen  it  (as  a  tone-vowel)  to  a,  hence, 

e.g.  ^!5"13n    v^^V     This  influence  of  the  pause  extends  even  to  the  forms 

without  afformatives,  e.g.  ?'']3*1,  in  pause  7"n3*1.     But  the  fuller  forms  in  tin 

and  in  have  the  tone  always  on  the  ultima,  since  the  vowels  u  and  t  in  a 
closed  final  syllable  never  allow  of  the  retraction  of  the  tone. 

7.  On  the  numerous  instances  of  passive  forms  in  the  imperfect,  mostly  n 
treated  as  Hoph'al,  see  §  53  m. 

§  48.    Shortening  and  Lengthening  of  the  Imperfect  and 
Imperative.    The  Jussive  and  Cohortative. 

1.  Certain  modifications   which   take   place    in   the    form    of  the  CI 
imperfect,  and  express  invariably,  or  nearly  so,  a  distinct  shade  of 
meaning,  serve  to  some  extent  as  a  compensation  for  the  want  of  special 
forms  for  the  Temjyora  relativa  and  for  certain  moods  of  the  verb. 

2.  Along  with  the  usual  form  of  the  imperfect,  there  exists  also  O 
a  lengthened  form  of  it  (the  cohortative),  tindL  a  shortened  form  (the 
jussive)?  The  former  occurs  (with  few  exceptions)  only  in  the  ist 
person,  while  the  latter  is  mostly  found  in  the  2nd  and  3rd  persons, 
and  less  frequently  in  the  1st  person.  The  laws  of  the  tone,  however, 
and  of  the  formation  of  syllables  in  Hebrew,  not  infrequently  pre- 
cluded the  indication  of  the  jussive  by  an  actual  shortening  of  the 
form ;  consequently  it  often — and,  in  the  imjierfect  forms  with 
aBPonnatives,  always — coincides  with  the  ordinary  imperfect  {indica- 
tive) form. 

In  classical  Arabic  the  difference  is  almost  always  evident.  That  language 
distinguishes,  besides  the  indicative  yaqtiilu,  (a)  a  subjunctive,  ydqliild;  {b)  a 

^  It  is  to  be  observed  that  the  Chronicles  often  omit  the  Ni'm,  where  it  is 
found  in  the  parallel  passage  in  the  Books  of  Kings  ;  cf.  i  K  8^8.43  with  2  Cli 
529.33.  I  K  i22«,  2  K  116  with  2  Ch  II*,  23*. 

'  The  perfect  has  only  one  form,  since  it  cannot  be  used,  like  the  imperfect, 
to  express  mood-relations  (see  §  106  p). 

OOWLXT  IT 


T30  The  Verb  [§48e-/ 

jussive,  yaqtul',  (c)  a  double  'energetic'  mood  of  the  impf.,  yaqtuldnna  and 
ydqtaldn,  in  pause  ydqtuld,  the  last  form  thus  corresponding  to  the  Hebrew 
cohortative. 

C  3.  The  characteristic  of  the  cohortative  form  is  an  d  ('"'-r^)  affixed 
to  the  ist  pars.  sing,  or  plur.,  e.g.  '"I?^!??  from  /t^pS.'  It  occurs  iu 
ahnost  r'll  conjugations  and  classes  of  the  strong  and  weak  verb 
(except  of  course  in  the  passives),  and  this  final  n__  has  the  tone 
wherever  the  afformatives  1  and  ""-^  would  have  it.  As  before  these 
endings,  so  also  before  the  n__  cohortative,  the  movable  vowel  of  the 
last  syllable  of  the  verbal  form  becomes  o^wd,  e.g.  in  Qal  ""JD'^N 
/  will  observe,,  in  Pi'el  'Ij^nJi  let  us  break  asunder,  V'  2';  on  •^^R'^? 
Is  i8<  Q^re  (cf.  also  27*,  Ezr  8^\  &c.),  see  §  10  A;  with  the  KHMbh  of 
these  passages,  compare  the  analogous  cases  IDIStyS  &c.,  §  4^]  g. —  On 
the  other  hand,  an  unchangeable  vowel  in  the  final  syllable  is  retained 
as  tone-vowel  before  the  n._,  as  (e.g.)  in  Hiph.  '"l'^*?l^*  /  will  praise. 
In  pause  (as  before  -A  and  t),  the  vowel  which  became  ci^wd  is  restored 
as  tone-vowel ;  thus  for  the  cohortative  '"''J^?'^  ^^^  pausal  form  is 
n-ibB?S  ^  5910 ;  cf.  Gn  iS^S  Is  41^". 

(l     The  change  of  H into  the  obtuse  H seems  to  occur  in  i  S  28",  unless, 

with  Nestle,  we  are  to  assume  a  conflate  reading,  S^pNI  and  ITIpNI  ;  and 

with  the  3rd  pers.  \p  20*,  in  a  syllable  sharpened  by  a  following  Bagei  forte 
conjunct. ;  cf.  similar  cases  of  the  change  of  H into  the  obtuse  H in  I  and 

in  §§  73  d,  80  i,  90  i.    In  tp  20*,  however,  hSb^'H^ — with  suffix — is  probably 

intended.    An  H cohort,  is  also  found  with  the  3rd  pers.  in  Is  5^^  (twice) ; 

Ez  23^0,  and  again  in  verse  16  according  to  the  Q*re,  but  in  both  these  cases 
without    any  effect    on    the  meaning.     Probably    another  instance    occurs 

< 

in  Jb  iii'^,  although  there  nsyn  might  also,  with  Qimhi,  be  regarded  as  2nd 
masc.  For  the  doubly  irregular  form  nnNlSn  Dt  33^*  (explained  by  Olshausen 
and  Konig  as  a  scribal  error,  due  to  a  confusion  with  PNI^n  inverse  14),  read 
niXUn.  For  '?jriNi3ri  Jb  2  2^1  the  noun  ^JlN^Dri  thine  increase,  might  be 
meant,  but  the  Masora  has  evidently  intended  an  imperfect  with  the  ending 
aih,  instead  of  H ^  before  the  suffix,  on  the  analogy  of  the  3rd  sing.  fern. 

perfect,  see  §  59  a ;  on  TlSDm  i  S  25^*,  see  §  76  h. 

€  The  cohortative  expresses  the  direction  of  the  will  to  an  action  and 
thus  denotes  especially  self-encouragement  (in  the  ist  plur.  an 
exhortation  to  others  at  the  same  time),  a  resolution  or  a  wish,  as 
an  optative,  &c.,  see  §  108. 

f  4.  The  general  characteristic  of  the  jussive  form  of  the  imperfect 
is  rapidity  of  pronunciation,   combined  with  a  tendency  to  retract 

*  Probably  this  d  goes  back  to  the  syllable  an,  which  in  Arabic  (see  above, 
Rem.  to  6)  is  used  for  the  formation  of  the  'energetic'  mood,  and  in  Hebrew 
(see  the  footnote  to  §  58  t)  often  stands  before  suffixes. 


I' 


§  48  g-i^  Shortening  and  Lengthening  of  Impej-fect  131 

the  tone  from  the  final  syllable,  in  order  by  that  means  to  express 
the  urgency  of  the  command  in  the  very  first  syllable.  This 
tendency  has,  in  certain  forms,  even  caused  a  material  shortening  of 
the  termination  of  the  word,  so  that  the  expression  of  the  command 
appears  to  be  concentrated  on  a  single  syllable.  In  other  cases, 
however,  the  jussive  is  simply  marked  by  a  shortening  of  the  vowel  of 
the  second  syllable,  without  its  losing  the  tone,  and  very  frequently 
(see  above,  h)  the  nature  of  the  form  does  not  admit  of  any  alteration. 
It  is  not  impossible,  however,  that  even  in  such  cases  the  jussive 
in  the  living  language  was  distinguished  from  the  indicative  by  a 
change  in  the  place  of  the  tone. 

In  the  strong  verb  the  jussive  differs  in  form  from  the  indicative  g 
only  in  Hiph'U  (juss.  T'|?P!,  ind.  ''''tpp!),  and  similarly  in  the  weak  verb, 
wherever  the  imperfect  indicative  has  i  in  the  second  syllable,  e.  g. 
from  2K*J  impf.  Hiph.  n^En\  juss.  atJ'i^ ;  from  WO,  ri^»^^  and  nD> ;  also 
in  Qal  of  the  verbs  Vy  and  ^"V,  as  rito>,  ind.  rao^;  i??.^,  ind.  h^y^;  in  all 
conjugations  of  verbs  T\"7,  so  that  the  rejection  {apocope)  of  the  ending 
n^^  in  Qal  and  Hiph.  gives  rise  to  monosyllabic  forms,  with  or 
without  a  helping  vowel  under  the  second  radical,  e.g.  Qal  ind.  nT>3^, 
juss.  ?5^ ;  Hiph.  ind.  i^^T-,  juss.  ?2.'; ;  and  in  the  Pi'el  "^V.  from  the 
indie,  n-ijf^  (called  apocopated  imperfects).  But  almost  all '  the  plural 
forms  of  the  jussive  coincide  with  those  of  the  indicative,  except  that 
the  jussive  excludes  the  fuller  ending  P.  Neither  do  the  forms  of  the 
2nd  sing,  fem.,  as  v''t3p'?,  '•niJSri,  y'^'^,  Sec,  admit  of  any  change  in 
the  jussive,  nor  any  forms,  whether  singular  or  plural,  to  which  suffixes 

< 

are  attached,  e.  g.  ''3n''Ciri  as  ind.  Jer  38'^  as  jussive  Jer  41^. 

The  meaning  of  the  jussive  is  similar  to  that  of  the  cohortative,  h 
except  that  in  the  jussive  the  command  or  with  is  limited  almost 
exclusively  to  the  2nd  or  3rd  pers.     On  special  uses  of  the  jussive, 
e.g.  in  hypothetical  sentences  (even  in  the  ist  pers.),  see  §  109  h. 

5.  The  imperative,  in  accordance  with  its  other  points  of  connexion  i 
with  the  imperfect  in  form  and  meaning,  admits  of  a  similar  lengthening 
(by  n___j  Arab,  imper.  energicus,  with  the  ending  -dnna  or -dn,  in  pause 
-a)  and  shortening.  Thus  in  Qal  of  the  strong  verb,  the  lengthened 
form  of  ^toK'  guard  is  n'lDK's  (^^/ym^rd,  cf.  ^ijOj?  qUTi,  §  46  d);  atS|,  nnw 
Jer  49";  2y^,  nnDK'  lie  down;  V^^,  'IVO^  Iiear,  in  lesser  pause  niDK' 

^  Only  in  1st  plur.  do  we  find  a  few  shortened  forms,  as  "(SB'S  i  S  14'*', 
parallel  with  cohortatives  ;  and  N"ip  Is  41^  K'th. 

2  On  the  reading  mip*<i'  (i.  e.  samara,  according  to  the  Jewish  grammarians), 
required  by  the  Masora  in  \p  86*,  119'*'^  (cf.  also  Is  38'*,  and  ^J^DC  f  16'),  see 
§  9  u ;  on  HDvO,  Ju  9^  K'lh.,  see  §  46  e. 

K  2 


132  The  Verb  [§§  48  h,  i,  49  a 

Dnp";  in  Niph'al  ny^l^n  Gn  21^'.  Cf.,  however,  also  -Tjar?  sdl, 
Gn  25='^  notwithstanding  the  impf.  "130^ ;  naij;  Jb  33^  (cf.  ^3"]y  Jer  46=), 
hut  impf.  t^T,.;  '"ISO*?  coZZec<,  Nu  ii^"  (for  'DK  cf.  §  63  Z  and  the  plural 
^SDN),  but  2nd  masc.  ^DN ;  n"J^3  >//■  141^  Barth  (see  above,  §  471 
note)  finds  in  these  forms  a  trace  of  old  imperfects  in  i,  cf.  §  63  n. 
On  the  other  hand,  nzi"]i5  ^  ep^**  (also  Imperat.  31p  Lv  9^,  &c.),  but 
impf.  ^lip^  Without  n,  we  have  the  form  ^^  go,  Nu2  3'^  Ju  19'^ 
2  Ch  25'^  The  form  70\>  in  pause  becomes  '"iptap,  the  form  bttp 
becomes  '"I??!?)  c-  g-  '"^^H^  ^^^  SS'^'-  But  also  without  the  pause  we  find 
Tiy\%  Ju  98  ir«</i.  and  nsifif  v.  26'  Z«<A.,  on  which  see  §  46  e.  On 
the  other  hand  HTJl,  HDK'Si,  ITiy,  '"l^l^n  Is  32"  are  to  be  explained  as 
aramaizing  forms  of  the  2nd  plur.  fem. ;  also  for  ^T|n  v.  1 1  read  *^']'m, 
and  for  ClSip  v.  12  read  nYSD. 
h  The  shortened  imperative  is  found  only  in  verbs  T^T?,  e.g.  in  Pi'el 
y\  from  n?a.  The  shade  of  meaning  conveyed  by  the  imperatives 
with  n__is  not  always  so  perceptible  as  in  the  cohortative  forms  of  the 
imperfect,  but  the  longer  form  is  frequently  emphatic,  e.  g.  D^P  rise  uj), 
nop  up  !  \^  give,  njri  give  up  ! 

I  Rem.  The  form  T\^''\  for  nyi,  best  attested  in  Pr  24"  (where  it  is  taken 
by  the  Masora  as  imperat.,  not  as  infin.,  ny'l)  is  evidently  due  to  the  influence 
of  the  n  which  follows  it  in  close  connexion  (so  Strack,  on  the  analogy  of 
Jb  31^) ;  for  other  examples  of  this  change  of  a  to  S*ghol,  see  above,  under  d, 
§  73  d,  and  §  80  i.  On  the  other  hand,  it  is  doubtful  whether  T\2l1  Ju  9^9  (from 
TdX)  is  intended  for  n31     and  not  rather  for  the  common  form   of  the 

T     T-'  T    -> 

imperative  Pi'el  HjII.  In  favour  of  the  former  explanation  it  may  be  urged 
that  the  imperative  nXV  (from  NJf)  follows  immediately  after  ;  in  favour  of 
the  latter,  that  the  ending  t\~  ,  with  imperatives  of  verbs  H"/,  is  not  found 
elsewhere,  and  also  that  here  no  guttural  follows  (as  in  Pr  24^*). 

§  49.    The  Perfect  and  Imperfect  with  Wdw  Consecutive. 

a  1.  The  use  of  the  two  tense-forms,  as  is  shown  more  fully  in  the 
Syntax  (§§  106,  107,  cf.  above,  §  47,  note  on  a),  is  by  no  means 
restricted  to  the  expression  of  the  past  or  future.  One  of  the  most 
striking  peculiarities  in  the  Hebrew  consecution  of  tenses  '  is  the 
phenomenon  that,  in  representing  a  series  of  past  events,  only  the  first 

^  The  other  Semitic  languages  do  not  exhibit  this  peculiarity,  excepting 
the  Phoenician,  the  most  closely  related  to  Hebrew,  and  of  course  the 
Moabitish  dialect  of  the  AfeJa'  inscription,  which  is  practically  identical  with 
Old  Hebrew.  It  also  appears  in  the  inscription  of  "13T  of  Hamath  (cf. 
Noldeke,  ZA.  1908,  p.  379)  where  we  find  H^  NtJ'XI  and  I  lifted  up  my  hand, 
*33yM  and  he  answered  me,  after  a  perfect  of  narration. 


§  49  i-d]  Perf.  and  Imperf.  with  Waw  Consecutive   133 

verb  stands  in  the  perfect,  and  the  narration  is  continued  in  the 
imperfect.  Conversely,  the  representation  of  a  series  of  future  events 
begins  with  the  imperfect,  and  is  continued  in  the  perfect.  Thus  in 
2  K  2o\  In  those  days  was  Hezekiah  sick  unto  death  (perf.),  and 
Isaiah  .  .  .  came  (imperf.)  to  him,  and  said  (imperf.)  to  him,  &c.  On 
the  other  hand,  Is  7",  the  Lord  shall  bring  (imperf.)  upon  thee  .  .  . 
days,  &.C.,  7**,  and  it  shall  come  to  2)ass  (perf.  H^HI)  in  that  day  .  .  . 

This  progress  in  the  sequence  of  time,  is  regularly  indicated  by  b 
a  pregnant  and  (called  waw  consecutive^),  which  in  itself  is  really  only 
a  variety  of  the  ordinary  waw  copulative,  but  which  sometimes  (in  the 
imperf.)  appears  with  a  different  vocalization.  Further,  the  tenses 
connected  by  waw  consecutive  sometimes  undergo  a  change  in  the  tone 
and  consequently  are  liable  also  to  other  variations. 

2.  The  waw  consecutive  of  the  imperfect  is  (a)  pronounced  with  c 
Pathuh  and  a  I) age}  fort'}  in  the  next  letter,  as  TOp)]  and  he  killed; 
before  N  of  the  1st  pers.  sing,  (according  to  §  22  c)  with  Qames,  as 
bb\)^y  and  I  killed.  Exceptions  are,  ^E?!?^1  Ez  16'"  according  to  the 
Dikduke  ha-famim,  §  71  ;  also  ^'"inntoK"!.  2  S  i'"  according  to  Qimhi ; 
but  in  Ju  6^  ^.J^lt  should  be  read  according  to  Baer,  and  '^^^  in  both 
places  in  Ju  2o^  Dages  forte  is  always  omitted  in  the  preformative 
^j  in  accordance  with  §  20  m. 

(b)  When  a  shortening  of  the  imperfect  form  is  possible  (cf.  §  48  g),  d 
it  takes  effect,  as  a  rule  (but  cf.  §  51  n),  after  waw  consec,  e.g.  in 
Hiphil  b;?P!l  (§53  n).  The  tendency  to  retract  the  tone  from  the 
final  syllable  is  even  stronger  after  waw  consec.  than  in  the  jussive. 
The  throwing  back  of  the  tone  on  to  the  penultima  (conditional  upon 
its  being  an  open  syllable  with  a  long  vowel,  §  29  a),  further  involves 
the  greatest  possible  shortening  of  the  vowel  of  the  ultima,  since  the 
vowel  then  comes  to  stand  in  a  toneless  closed  syllable,  e.g.  D'lp^,  juss. 

^  This  name  best  expresses  the  prevailing  syntactical  relation,  for  by  waw 
consecutive  an  action  is  always  represented  as  the  direct,  or  at  least  temporal 
consequence  of  a  preceding  action.  Moreover,  it  is  clear  from  the  above  examples, 
that  the  waw  consecutive  can  only  be  thus  used  in  immediate  conjunction  with 
the  verb.  As  soon  as  waw,  owing  to  an  insertion  (e.  g.  a  negative),  is  separated 
from  the  verb,  the  imperfect  follows  instead  of  the  perfect  consecutive,  the 
perfect  instead  of  the  imperfect  consecutive.  The  fact  that  whole  Books  (Lev., 
Num.,  Josh.,  Jud.,  Sam.,  a  Kings,  Ezek.,  Ruth,  Esth.,  Neb.,  2  Chron.)  begin 
with  the  imperfect  consecutive,  and  others  (Exod.,  i  Kings,  Ezra)  with  waw 
copulative,  is  taken  as  a  sign  of  their  close  connexion  with  the  historical  Books 
now  or  originally  preceding  them.  Cf.,  on  the  other  hand,  the  independent 
beginning  of  Job  and  Daniel.  It  is  a  merely  superficial  description  to  call 
the  waw  consecutive  by  the  old-fashioned  name  waw  conversive,  on  the  ground 
that  it  iilways  converts  the  meaning  of  the  respective  tenses  into  its 
opposite,  i.e.  according  to  the  old  view,  the  future  into  the  preterite,  and 
vice  versa. 


134  '^^^  ^^'^^  [§  49  «-* 

Dp',  with  wdw  consec.  DI^Jl  anci  Ae  arose  (§  67  ?i  and  x,  §  68  c?,  §  69  p, 
§  71.  §  72  <  and  aa,  §  736).' 
f^'  In  ih.Q  first  pers.  sing,  alone  the  retraction  of  the  tone  and  even  the 
reducing  of  the  long  vowel  in  the  final  syllable  {d  to  o,  i  to  e,  and  then 
to  0  and e) are  not  usual.^at  least  according  to  the  Masoretic  punctuation, 
and  the  apocope  in  verbs  n"?  occurs  more  rarely  ;  e.g.  always  DIpKI  (or 
Dp^l,  a  merely  orthographic  difference)  and  I  arose;  Hiph.  ^'^\^^\ 
(but  generally  written  Dp^,\,  implying  the  pronunciation  wd'dqem, 
as  Dp?^,t  implies  wadqum);  ^^1^}^  and  I  saw,  more  frequently  than 
N'lKI ,  §75^.  On  the  other  hand,  the  form  with  final  n__  is  often  used  in 
the  1st  pers.  both  sing,  and  plur.,  especially  in  the  later  books,  e.  g. 
r\nbf^\  and  I  sent,  Gn  32^  41",  43^',  Nu  8"  (n3nN\,  as  in  Ju  6«,  i  S  2^8, 
and  often,  probably  a  sort  of  compensation  for  the  lost  j) ;  Ju  6^°, 

12',  2  s  22^*,  f  3«,  7^  90",  rI9^^  Jb  I^«^  19^  ez  f^,  s^  9^ 

Neh  2",  5"•'■'^  6",  13'-^'"^  '•,  &c. — Sometimes,  as  in  \^3^,  with  a  certain 
emphasis  of  expression,  and  probably  often,  as  in  Ju  lo^^  •''V  •  **il 
before  N,  for  euphonic  reasons.  In  Is  8^  HTyXI^  may  haA'^e  been 
originally  intended ;  in  yJA  73^^  'nxi^  and  in  Jb  30^*  ^^^\.    In  Ez  3^  read 

nbaxi  or  n^Dxi. 

T  -.•  :    I  T  T  :  I  T 

,/  This  O  is  in  meaning  a  strengthened  wdw  copulative,  and  resembles  in  pro- 
nunciation the  form  which  is  retained  in  Arabic  as  the  ordinary  copula  (tea).' 
The  close  connexion  of  this  wd  with  the  following  consonant,  caused  the  latter 
in  Hebrew  to  take  DageS,  especially  as  a  could  not  have  been  retained  in  an 

open  syllable.    Cf.  nji)3,  ni33,  lltS?  (for  nJ3p\  where  the  prepositions  2  and  p 
and  the  particle  3,  are  closely  connected  with  HD  in  the  same  way  (§  102  k). 
if      The  retraction  of  the  tone  also  occurs  in  such  combinations,  as  in  HtS?  (for 
n73?  §  102  I). — Tl.e  identity  of  many  consecutive  forms  with  jussives  of  the 

same  conjugation  must  not  mislead  us  into  supposing  an  intimate  relation 
between  the  moods.  In  the  consecutive  forms  the  shortening  of  the  vowel 
(and  the  retraction  of  the  tone)  seems  rather  to  be  occasioned  solely  by  the 
strengthening  of  the  preformative  syllable,  while  in  the  jussives  the  shorten- 
ing (and  retraction)  belongs  to  the  character  of  the  form. 

/j      3.  The  counterpart   of  wdw  consecutive  of  the  imjperfect  is  wdw 
consecutive  of  the  perfect,  by  means  of  which  perfects  are  placed  as 

^  The  plural  forms  in  p  also  occur  less  frequently  after  wdw  consecutive  ;  cf., 
however,  p3^1^1  Ju  8^,  iii»,  Am  6»,  Ez  44*,  Dt  4",  s^".  The  2nd  fem.  sing,  in 
p .  never  occurs  after  wdw  consecutive. 

''■  In  the  1st  plur.  1^0^31  Neh  4*  is  the  only  instance  in  which  the  vowel 

remains  unreduced  (cf.  nitTJI,  i.e.  1\m\,  4'  A'«</i. ;  Q^re  nB'il).  On  the 
treatment  of  the  tone  in  the  imperfect,  imperative,  and  infinitive  Niph'al,  see 

§  .SI  "• 

*  In  usage  the  Hebrew  icdw  does  duty  for  the  Arabic /a  (wato  apoilosis,  see 

§  143  d)  as  well  as  wd. 


§  49 »-™]  Perf.  and  Imperf.  with  Waw  Consecutive   135 

the  sequels  in  the  future  to  preceding  actions  or  events  regarded  as 
incomplete  at  the  time  of  speaking,  and  therefore  in  the  imperfect, 
imperative,  or  even  participle.  This  wavu  is  in  form  an  ordinary  wdv) 
cojmlative,  and  therefore  shares  its  various  vocalization  (1, 1,  J,  as  2  K  y'', 
and  1);  e.g.  'TJ}).,  after  an  imperfect,  &c.,  and  so  it  happens ■=  and  it 
will  happen.  It  has,  however,  the  effect,  in  certain  verbal  forms,  of 
shifting  the  tone  from  the  penultiina,  generally  on  to  the  ultima,  e.g. 
^FlD^v'  I  went,  consecutive  form  ^J???,9]  and  I  will  go,  Ju  i^,  where  it  is 
co-ordinated  with  another  perfect  consecutive,  which  again  is  the  con- 
secutive to  an  imperative.     See  further  on  this  usage  in  §  112. 

As  innumerable  examples  show,  tlie  Qaines  of  the  first  syllable  is  retained  I 
in  the  strong  perf.  consec.  Qal,  as  formerly  before  the  tone,  so  now  in  the 
secondary  tone,  and  therefore  necessarily  takes  Metheg.     On  the  other  hand, 
the  0  of  the  second  syllable  in  verbs  middle  oupon  losing  the  tone  necessarily 

becomes  v,  e.g.  J^i'D'")  Ex  iS^^. 

'       °      T  :   T  IT :  J 

The  shifting  forward  of  the  tone  after  the  waw  consecutive  of  the  perfect  is,  a 
however,   not  consistently  carried  out.     It  is  omitted — (a)  always  in  the 
istpers.  pL,  e.  g.  IJIIB'^I  Gn  34^^  ;  (6)  regularly  in  Hiph'il  before  the  afiformatives 

n and  ^    see  §  53  r;  and  (c)  in  many  cases  in  verbs  N"?  and  n"?,  almost 

always  in  the  ist  sing,  of  N"P  (Jer  29^*),  and  in  n"p  if  the  vowel  of  the 
2nd  syllable  is  i,  Ex  176,  26*-^-''-'^'>^-,  Ju  626,  &c.,  except  in  Qal  (only  Lv  248, 
before  K)  and  the  2nd  sing.  masc.  of  Hiph'il-forms  before  N,  Nu  20*,  Dt  201^, 
I  S  15S,  2  K  13" ;  similarly  in  Pi'el  before  X,  Ex  25'*,  Jer  27*.  On  the  other 
hand  the  tone  is  generally  moved  forward  if  the  second  syllable  has  e  (in 
«'6  Gn  2710  &c.,  in  n"b  Ex  40*,  Jer  33«,  Ez  327)  ;  but  cf.  also  nS^JI  Lv  igi^" 
and  frequently,  always  before  the  counter-tone,  Jo4''i,  ^  ig^*.^  With  a,  in 
the  penultima  the  form  is  DNB'J'!  Is  14*,  and  probably  also  HN'Jpl  Jer  2',  3I*, 

I  S  10^  with  little  T*li!=a,  a  postpositive  accent.  . 

But  before  a  following  N  the  ultima  mostly  bears  the  tone  on  phonetic  / 

grounds,  e.g.  "^K  nSSI  Gn  6^%  Ex  3I8,  Zc  6'°  (by  the  side  of  flNfl),  &c.  (cf., 
however,  niO?),  before  N,  Gn  17",  Jer  f,  Ez  362^)  ;  "HX  n''3ri^  Ju  6",  cf. 
Ex  25",  LV245  (but  also  -nS  "•rT'W  Lv  25").  L'kewise,  before  H,  Am  8',  and  y, 
e.g.  Gn  2610,  2712,  Lv  26»  (cf.,  however,  vbv  ^nNliJI,  Ez  3821)  ;  on  verbs  V"V, 
see  §  67  ft:  and  ee. 

(d)  The  tone  always  keeps  its  place  when  such  a  perfect  stands  in  pause,  VI 
e.g.  ny^K'l  Dt  6",  11'^;   mOXI  is  14*,  Ju  4* ;   sometimes  even  in  the  lesser 
pause,  as  Dt  2^8,  Ez  3^6,  i  S  29^  (where  see  Driver),  with  Zaqeph  qaton  ;  and 
frequently  also  immediately  before  a  tone-syllable  (according  to  §  29  e),  as  in 

n3  nn3K'''i  Dt  17",  Ez  14"  17"  Am  i^-^o-w—but  also  Rn  nptj'm  Dt  21I1,  23". 

AT         T   :  -  T :  '      '  -tit'  .,.     T  ■;_,.,  . 

2419,  I  K  8«. 


^  The  irregularity  in  the  tone  of  these  perfects  manifestly  results  from 
following  conflicting  theories,  not  that  of  Ben  Asher  alone. 


136  The  Verb  [§  50  a~f 

§  60.    The  Participle. 

a      1.  Qal  has  both  an  active  participle,  called  Poel  from  its  form  (''J?^), 

and  a  passive,  PaM  (SlVS).' 

Pa'ul  is  generally  regarded  as  a  survival  of  a  passive  of  Qal,  which  still 
exists  throughout  in  Arabic,  but  has  been  lost  in  Hebrew  (see,  however,  §  52  e), 
just  as  in  Aramaic  the  passives  of  Pi'el  and  Hiph'il  are  lost,  except  in  the 
participles.     But  instances  of  the  form  qutldl  are  better  regarded  as  remnants 

of  the  passive  participle  Qal  (see  §525),  so  that  p^VQ  must  be  considered  as 

an  original  verbal  noun  ;  cf.  Barth,  Nominalbildung,  p.  173  S. 

h  2.  In  the  intransitive  veibs  mid.  e  and  mid.  0,  the  form  of  the 
participle  active  of  Qal  coincides  in  form  with  the  3rd  sing,  of  the 
perfect,  e.  g.  |K'J  sleeping,  from  |K'J ;  "liS^  (only  orthographical ly  different 
from  the  perf.  ">i^)  fearing;  cf.  the  formation  of  the  participle  in 
Niph'al,  §  51  a.  On  the  other  hand,  the  participle  of  verbs  mid.  a 
takes  the  form  «'t?'p  (so  even  from  the  transitive  ^<p,'^  to  hate,  part.  NpB'). 
The  o  of  these  forms  has  arisen  through  an  obscuring  of  the  d,  and  is 
therefore  unchangeable,  cf.  §  9  5".  The  form  7^1^  (with  a  changeable 
Qames  in  both  syllables),  which  would  correspond  to  the  forms  W\ 
and  "li^,  is  only  in  use  as  a  noun,  cf.  §  84"/.  The  formation  of  the 
participle  in  Pi'el,  Hiph'il,  and  Hithpa'el  follows  a  different  method. 

C  3.  Participles  form  their  feminine  ('"'^^ip  or  ri^^I^)  and  their  plural 
like  other  nouns  (§  80  e,  §  84"  r,  »,  §  94). 

(i  Rem.  I.  From  the  above  it  follows,  that  the  d  of  the  form  JK'"'  is  lengthened 
from  a,  and  consequently  changeable  (e.g.  fern.  n3tJ'^) ;  and  that  the  6  of  ?U\>  on 

the  other  hand  is  obscured  from  an  unchangeable  d.i  In  Arabic  the  verbal 
adjective  of  the  form  qatil  corresponds  to  the  form  qatel,  and  the  part,  qdtil  to 
qotel.  In  both  cases,  therefore,  the  e  of  the  second  syllable  is  lengthened  from  t, 
and  is  consequently  changeable  (e.  g.  ?tpp  ^  plur.  Dyt3p ;  133 ,  constr.  pi.  ''133). 
g  1]''Din  ^  16^,  instead  of  the  form  qotel,  is  an  anomaly;  it  is  possible,  how- 
ever, that  Tj^JDin  (incorrectly  written  fully)  is  intended  (cf.  3''3b  2  K  S'^i),  or 
even  the  imperfect  Hiph'il  of  T]lp^.  The  form  f)D'  in  Is  29^*,  38^  appears  to 
stand  for  f)D*,  but  most  probably  the  Masora  here  (as  certainly  in  5]^Di''  Ec  1") 
intends  the  3rd  sing,  imperf.  Hiph.,  for  which  the  better  form  would  be 
^DV  ;  b"'3iX  I  Ch  27^",  being  a  proper  name  and  a  foreign  word,  need  not 
be  considered. — n3N  (constr.  state  of  *13N),  with  d  in  the  second  syllable, 
occurs  in  Dt  32^8  (cf.  moreover,  §  65  d).     On  obin  Is  41'  (for  D?^n),  see  §  29/. 

J  2.  A  form  like  the  pass.  ptcp.  Pa'vil,  but  not  to  be  confused  with  it,  is 
sometimes  found  from  intransitive  verbs,  to  denote  an  inherent  quality,  e.  g. 
]^r2ii  faithful ;  ^^2^  desperate,  Jer  15'^  &c. ;  TOD3  trustful,  Is  26^  t/^  112'';  Q^vy 

T  ^  T  *■  -  T  T 

Strong;  1^35?'  drunken,  Is  51^^'  ;  and  even  from  transitive  verbs,  T^PIX  handling, 
Ct  3^ ;  1^31  mindful,  ^  103";  yi*!^  knowing,  Is  53*  ;  cf,  §  84«  m. 

'  The   constr.  st.  DN3  in  the  formula  niH"'   DNJ,   the  word   (properly  the 
whispering)  of  the  Lord,  &c.,  is  always  written  defectively. 
*  Cf.  Voilers,  'Das  Qatil-partizipium,'  in  ZA.  1903,  p.  313  ff. 


§  51  a-e]  Niph'al  l^J 

B.    Vekba  Debivativa,  ok  Debited  Conjugations. 

§  51.    NipKal} 

1.  The  essential  characteristic  of  this  conjugation  consists  in  a  « 
prefix^  to  the  stem.  This  exists  in  two  forms:  (a)  the  (probably 
original)  prepositive  na,  as  in  the  Hebrew  perfect  and  participle, 
although  in  the  strong  verb  the  a  is  always  attenuated  \ol:  ?Cp!l  for 
original  nd-qdtal,  participle  ''?!??,  infinitive  absolute  sometimes  ''itipJ; 
(6)  the  (later)  proclitic  in  (as  in  all  the  forms  of  the  corresponding 
Arabic  conjugation  vii.  'inqcUdld),  found  in  the  imperfect  ^pi?^  for 
yinqdtel,  in  the  imperative  and  infinitive  construct,  with  a  secondary 

n  added,  ^^^*}  (for  hinqdtel),  and  in  the  infinitive  absolute  bbj^n      The 

inflexion  of  Kijyh'al  is  perfectly  analogous  to  that  of  Qal. 

The  features  of  Niph'al  are  accordingly  in  the  perfect  and  participle  the  U 
prefixed  Nim,  in  the  imperative,  infinitive,  and  imperfect,  the  Dages  in  the 
first  radical.  These  characteristics  hold  good  also  for  the  weak  verb.  In 
the  case  of  an  initial  guttural,  which,  according  to  §  22  b,  cannot  take  Dages 
forte,  the  omission  of  the  strengthening  invariably  causes  the  lengthening  of 
the  preceding  vowel  (see  §  63  h). 

2.  As  regards  its  meaning,  Niph'al  bears  some  resemblance  to  the  C 
Gieek  middle  voice,  in  being — (a)  primarily  reflexive  of  Qal,  e.g.  )^D?? 
to  thrust  oneself  {against),  ""P^?  to  take  heed  to  (yaeself,  (fivXda-a-ea-dai, 
V1D3  to  hide  oneself,  i'WJ  to  redeem  oneself;  cf.  also  n||y3  to  answer  for 
oneself.  Equally  characteristic  of  Niph'al  is  its  frequent  use  to  express 
emotions  which  react  upon  the  mind  ;  DD?  to  trouble  oneself,  ^3^^3  to 
sigh  {to  bemoan  oneself,  cf.  6hvp^a-6ai,  lamentari,  contristari) ;  as  well 
as  to  express  actions  which  the  subject  allows  to  happen  to  himself, 
or  to  have  an  effect  upon  himself  {Niph'al  tolerativum),  e.  g.  tJ'liJ  to 
search,  to  inquire,  Niph.  to  allow  oneself  to  he  inquired  of,  Is  65^ 
Ez  I4^  &c.;  so  the  Niph.  of  Nif^  to  find,  "Ip^  to  warn,  to  correct, 
Jer  6*,  31'',  &c. 

(6)  It  expresses  reciprocal  or  mutual  action,  e.g.  IB"^  to  spea^,  Niph.  (l 
to  speak  to  one  another;    t^SB*  to  judge,  Niph.  to  go  to  law  with  one 
another;    YT,  to  counsel,   Niph.  to  take  counsel,  cf.   the  middle  and 
deponent  verbs  fiovXevea-OaL  {Y^^^},  fiaxio-Oai  (Dnp3),  altercari,  luctari 
(njf3  to  strive  with  one  another)  proeliari. 

(c)  It  has  also,  like  Hithpael  (§  54  /)  and  the  Greek  middle,  the  C 
meaning  of  the  active,  with  the  addition  of  to  oneself  {sibi),  for  one- 

^  Cf.  A.  Rieder,  De  linguae  Hebr.  verbis,  quae  vocanlur  derivata  nifal  et  hilpacl, 
Gumbinnen  (Progr.  des  Gymn.),  1884,  a  list  of  all  the  strong  Niph'al  forma 
(81)  andHithpa'el  forms  (36)  in  the  Old  Testament;  and  especially  M.  Lambert, 
'L'emploi  du  Nifal  en  Hebreu,'  REJ.  41,  196  ff. 

»  See  Philippi  in  ZDMG-.  1886,  p.  650,  and  Earth,  ibid.  1S94,  p.  8  f. 


138  The  Verb  [§51/-* 

self,  e.  g.  ?i<f  3  to  ask  (something)  for  oneself  (i  S  20^-^,  Neh  13®),  cf. 
alTovfxai  ae  tovto,  ivSvcraaOaL  ;(tTaiva,  to  put  on  (oneself)  a  tunic. 
J        {d)  In  consequence  of  a  looseness  of  thought  at  an  early  period  of 
the  language,  Niph'al  comes   finally  in  many  cases  to  represent  the 
passive^  of  Qal,  e.  g.   y>'\  to  bear,  Niph.  to  he  horn;  1?iJ  to  hury,  Niph. 
to  be  buried.    In  cases  where  Qal  is  intransitive  in  meaning,  or  is  not 
used,  JVi])h'al  appears  also  as  the  passive  of  Pi'el  and  Hiph'il,  e.  g.  "l?? 
to  he  in  honour,  Pi'el  to  honour,  Niph.  to  be  honoured  (as  well  as  Pu'al 
n33) ;  nns  Pi'gl  to  conceal,  Hiph.  to  destroy,  Niph.  passive  of  either. 
In  such  cases  I^ipKal  may  again  coincide  in  meaning  with  Qal  (n?n 
Qal  and  Niph.  to  be  ill)  and  even  take  an  accusative. 
cr      Examples  of  denominatives  are,  "\3'\l  to  be  born  a  male.  Ex  34^'  (from  *13T  ; 
but  probably  "I3i}n  should  here  be  read) ;    33?3  cordatum  fieri,  Jb  ii^'  (from 
33p  cor) ;  doubtless  also  n333  to  obtain  children,  Gn  iC^,  30^. 

h  The  older  grammarians  were  decidedly  wrong  in  representing  Niph'al  simply 
as  the  passive  of  Qal ;  for  Niph'al  has  (as  the  frequent  use  of  its  imperat.  shows), 
in  no  respect  the  character  of  the  other  passives,  and  in  Arabic  a  special 
conjugation  ('inqdtdld)  corresponds  to  it  with  a  passive  of  its  own.  Moreover, 
the  forms  mentioned  in  §  52  e  point  to  a  differently  formed  passive  of  Qal. — 
The  form  vNJi  Is  59^,  La  4",  is  not  to  be  regarded  as  a  passive  of  Niph'al, 
but  with  KSnig  and  Cheyne  as  a,  forma  mixta,  in  the  sense  that  the  punctuators 
intended  to  combine  two  optional  readings,  IPNiS,  perf.  Niph.,  and  V^^.3,  perf. 

Pu'al  [cf.  also  Wright,  Compar.  Gramm.,  p.  224].  Although  the  passive  use  of 
Niph'al  was  introduced  at  an  early  period,  and  became  tolerably  common,  it 
is  nevertheless  quite  secondary  to  the  reflexive  use. 

t  Rem.  I.  The  infin.  absol.  PIOpJ  is  connected  in  form  with  the  perfect,  to 
which  it  bears  the  same  relation  as  7it3i?  to  P^p  in  Qal,  the  6  in  the  second 
syllable  being  obscured  from  an  original  a.  Examples  are,  ^1033  Gn  31'"; 
Dnp3  Ju  11^*;  i'NK'3  i  S  2o«-^^  all  in  connexion  with  the  perfect. 

/i7  Examples  of  the  form  Pbi^H  (in  connexion  with  imperfects)  are,  ]h^T\  Jer 
32*;  ^bNH  Lv  7I*;  once  B'l'IX  Ez  14^,  where,  perhaps,  the  subsequent  tJ'"}"|JN 
has  led  to  the  substitution  of  K  for  n.— Moreover,  the  form  bt^]^T}  is  not 
infrequently  used  also  for  the  infin.  absol., «  e.g.  Ex  22*,  Nu  15^1,  Dt  4^8,  i  K 
2o3^  On  the  other  hand,  f\'}iT)3  should  simply  be  read  for  the  wholly 
abnormal  e)'"n3n3  ip  68'  (commonly  explained  as  being  intended  to  correspond 
in  sound  with  the  subsequent  fl^Jn,  but  probably  a '  forma  mixta ',  combining 
the  readings  PjlDHp  and  ^"133). 

1  Cf.  Halfmann,  Beitrdge  sur  Syntax der  hebrdischen  Sprache,  1.  Stiick.Wittenb., 
1888,  2.  St.  1892  (Gymn.-Programm),  statistics  of  the  Niph'al  (Pu'al,  Hoph'al, 
and  qatul)  forms  at  different  periods  of  the  language,  for  the  purpose  of 
ascertaining  the  meaning  of  Niph.  and  its  relation  to  the  passive  ;  the  selection 
of  periods  is,  however,  very  questionable  from  the  standpoint  of  literary 
criticism.         , 

2  But,  like  7bi?n,  only  in  connexion  with  imperfects,  except  Jer  7^     Earth 

is  therefore  right  in  describing  {Nominalbildung,  p.  74)  both  forms  as  later 
analogous  formations  (in  addition  to  the  original  Semitic  ^iCj??),  intended 
to  assimilate  the  infinitive  to  the  imperfect  which  it  strengthens. 


i 


§§  51  ^-p.  52  fl]  NipJial  139 

Elision  of  the  T\  after  prepositions  is  required  by  the  Masora  in  vK'UZl  Pr  / 
24"  (for  '3n3),  aina   Ez  2615  and  Pipyn  La  2"  ;  also   in  verbs   n'6  Ex  lo^ 
(nijy';^.)  ;  34'''*,  Dt  31",  is  i"  (niNl'p.);  in  verbs  Vy  Jb  2,f°  Oi^<.^)■    It  is,  how- 
ever, extremely  doubtful  whether  the  infin.  Qal  of  tlie  K'^thihh  is  not  rather 
intended  in  all  these  examples;  it  certainly  is  so  in  La  2^^,  cf.  ^  6i'. 

2.  Instead  of  the  Sere  in  the  ultima  of  the  imperfect,  Paihah  often  occurs  ///, 
in  pause,  e.g.  ?Da*1  Gn  21*;  cf.  Ex  31",  2812!^  (with  final  tJ*)  ;  17^^  (with 
p);  Jon  1^  (with  D) ;  see  §  29  q.  In  the  2nd  and  3rd  plur.  fern.  Pathah  pre- 
dominates, e.g.  n3"1D?ri  Is  65^^ ;  Sere  occurs  only  in  njJyJj]  Ru  i'^  from  pJJ^ 
and  hence,  with  loss  of  the  doubling,  for  n33yn  •  cf.  even  HSCNn  Is  60*.— 
With  Nun  paragogicum  (see  §  47  m)  in  the  2nd  and  3rd  plur.  masc.  are  found, 
fnS^'',   pon^n,  &c.,  in  pause   p>n2\   rnmm,  &c. ;    but  Jb  19*'    (cf.    24^*) 

3.  When  the  imperfect,  the  infinitive  (in  e),  or  the  imperative  is  followed  Jl 
in  close  connexion  by  a  monosyllable,  or  by  a  word  with  the  tone  on  the  first 
syllable,  the  tone  is,  as  a  rule  (but  cf.  B'"'S<  p?f<*l  Gn  32^^*),  shifted  back  from 
the  ultima  to  the  penultima,  while  the  ultima,  which  thus  loses  the  tone, 
takes  S^gm  instead  of  Sere;  e.g.  HZl  bph)  Ez  331';  i^  Tny>1  Gn  25";  in  the 
imperative,  13*. — So  always  ^p  "iptJ'n  (since  tjp  counts  as  one  syllable)  Gn 
246,  &c.,  cf.  I  S  192;  and  even  with  Pathah  in  the  ultima,  yVH  3iyri  Jb  18* 
(but  cf.  D^n5x  nnysi  2  S  21").    Although  in  isolated  cases  (e.g.  Gn  322*,  Ezr 

S^)  the  tone  is  not  thrown  back,  in  spite  of  a  tone-syllable  following,  the 
retraction  has  become  usual    in  certain  forms,  even   when  tlie  next  word 

begins  with  a  toneless  syllable  ;  especially  after  1  consec,  e.  g.  "1XB'*1  Gn  7^'; 
Dn?|1  Nu  21^  and  frequently,  ipif*1  25*;  and  always  so  in  the  imperative 

■HOE'n  Ex  2321,  Jb  36",  and  (before  Metheg  of  the  counter-tone)  Dt  24*,  2  K  6». 

On  the  avoidance  of  pausal-forms  in  the  imperative  (Am  2^*  with  Silluq,  Zc 
2"  with  Athnuh),  and  imperfect  (Pr  24*,  &c.),  see  §  29  0,  and  note  ;  on  the 
other  hand,  always  toiJTiin    Db?3^,  &c. 

In  the  imperative,  ^2f3p3,  for  IJfDpn,  with  the  rejection  of  the  initial  n    O 
occurs  in  Is  43',  and  in  Joel  4^1  in  pause  ^V3p3  (cf.  ^173  Jer  50^)  ;  but  in  these 
examples  either  the  reading  or  the  explanation  is  doubtful.     The  2nd  sing. 

imperat.  of  ySK'i  is  always  (with  H paragogicum)  ''p  HyDB'n   swear  to  me, 

Gn  21",  &c.  (also  ""b  riV^Wn  Gn  47",  i  S  30I6). 

4.  For  the  ist  sing,  of  the  imperfect,  the  form  /Pi?K  is  as  frequent  as  Ptpi^X,  W 

e-  g-  K^l'IfrJ  -f  shall  be  inquired  of,  Ez  14*;   V2fii  I  will  swear,  Gn  21"^*;  cf.  16*, 

Nu  23'^,  Ez  2C/56j  and  so  always  in  the  cohortative,  e.  g.  HOpSX  /  tcill  avenge 

me,  Is  1";  cf.  I  S  12'',  Ez  26^,  and  in  the  impf.  Niph.  of  ro  (§  69  0-     The 

Babylonian  punctuation  admits  only  i  under  the  preformative  of  the  ist 
person. 

§  52.    Pi'el  and  Pu'al. 

1.  The  characteristic  of  this  conjugation  consists  in  the  strengthening  ^ 
of  the  middle  radical.     From  the  simple  stem  qatal  (cf.  §  43  b)  the 
form  ^isp  (cf.  the  Arabic  conj.  11.  qdttdld)  would  naturally  follow  as 


I40  The  Verb  [§526-* 

the  perfect  of  the  active  {Ptel).  The  Palhah  of  the  first  syllable  is, 
however,  with  one  exception  (see  m),  always  attenuated  to  i  in  the 
perfect.  In  the  second  syllable,  d  has  been  retained  in  the  majority  of 
cases,  so  that  the  conjugation  should  more  correctly  be  called  Ptal ;  but 
very  frequently  '  this  d  also  is  attenuated  to  I,  which  is  then  regularly 
lengthened  to  e,  under  the  influence  of  the  tone.  Cf.  in  Aram.  ?t3i5 ; 
but  in  Biblical  Aramaic  almost  always  ?^\^.  On  the  three  cases  in 
which  d  before  a  final  "\  or  D  has  passed  into  S^ghol,  see  below,  I. — 
Hence,  for  the  ^rd  sing.  masc.  perfect,  there  arise  forms  like  13N, 
l^b,  E'^p;  «]"^3,  ^3^,  &c. — Before  afformatives  beginning  with  a  con- 
sonant, however,  d  is  always  retained,  thus  ^f^\?,  OriptSj?,  ^3pi£)[?,  &c. 
In  the  infinitives  {absol.  7^\^,  obscured  from  qattdl ;  constr.  ?t2i?), 
imperfect  (p^?^),  imperative  {>W),  and  participle  (p^PJ^)  the  original 
d  of  the  first  syllable  reappears  throughout.  The  vocal  S^wd  of  the 
preformatives  is  weakened  from  a  short  vowel;  cf.  the  Arabic 
imperfect  yHqdttU,  participle  miiqattU. 
b  The  passive  {Pu'al)  is  distinguished  by  the  obscure  vowel  u,  or 
very  rarely  6,  in  the  first  syllable,  and  d  (in  pause  a)  always  in  the 
second.  In  Arabic,  also,  the  passives  are  formed  throughout  with  il 
in  the  first  syllable.  The  inflexion  of  both  these  conjugations  is 
analogous  to  that  of  Qal. 

C  Rem.  I.  The  preformative  D,  which  in  the  remaining  conjugations  also  is 
the  prefix  of  the  participle,  is  probably  connected  with  the  interrogative  or 
indefinite  (cf.§  37)  pronoun  ""DgMis?  quicunque  {fevn.  i.e.  neuter,  nD);cf.  §856. 

U  2.  The  Dages  forte,  which  according  to  the  above  is  characteristic  of  the 
whole  of  Pi'el  and  Pu'al,  is  often  omitted  (independently  of  verbs  middle  guttural, 
§  64  d)  when  the  middle  radical  has  S'wd  iinder  it  (cf.  §  20  m),  e.  g.  JlVOp  for 
nn^K'  Ez  1 7" ;  ^n^pa  2  Ch  1 51^  (but  in  the  imperatire  always  ^K'l^a  i  "S  28', 
&c.),  and  so  always  in  ibpH  praise.  The  vocal  character  of  the  .S^wd  under 
the  litera  dagessanda  is  sometimes  in  such  cases  (according  to  §  10  h)  expressly 
emphasized  by  its  taking  the  form  of  a  Hateph,  as  in  Jinp?  Qn  2^,  with 

owing  to  the  influence  of  the  preceding  u,  cf.  '"wVQ  for  vVS,  &c. ;  Gn  9^*,  Ju 
16'*.  In  the  imperfect  and  participle  the  S^wd  under  the  preformatives  {Hateph- 
Pathah  under  N  in  the  ist  sing,  imperfect)  serves  at  the  same  time  as  a  character- 
istic of  both  conjugations  (Gn  261*'). 
€  3.  According  to  the  convincing  suggestion  of  BCttcher^  (Ausfilhrliches 
Lehrbuch,  §  904  ff.  and  §  1022),  many  supposed  perfects  of  Pu'al  are  in  reality 

^  So  in  all  verbs  which  end  in  Nun,  and  in  almost  all  which  end  in  Lamed 
(Olsh.  p.  538).  Earth  is  probably  right  in  supposing  {ZDMO.  1894,  p.  i  ff.) 
that  the  vowels  of  the  strengthened  perfects  have  been  influenced  by  the 
imperfect. 

*  As  Mayer  Lambert  obsei-ves,  the  same  view  was  already  expressed  by  Ibn 
Ganah  (see  above,  §  3  d)  in  the  Kitab  el-luma',  p.  161.  Cf.  especially  Barth, 
'Das  passive  Qal  und  seine  Participien,'  in  the  Festschrift  zum  Juhildum  Hildes- 
heimer  (Berlin,  1890),  p.  145  ff. 


§  52/-A]  Pi'el  and  Pu'al  141 

passives  of  Qal.  He  reckons  as  such  all  those  perfects,  of  which  the  Pi'el  (which 
ought  to  express  the  corresponding  active)  is  either  not  found  at  all,  or  only 
(as  in  the  case  of  H?^)  with  a  different  meaning,  and  whicli  form  their 
imperfect  from  another  conjugation,  generally  Niph'al.  Such  perfects  are  the 
quttal  form  of  the  stems  b^H  {imperfect  ^ijIXn  Is  i""),  B^Dn,  FI^D,  *1^\  "IX\ 
npb,  nny,  b:V^^  SIDK',  •IEK'.  Earth  (see  below)  adds  to  the  list  the  apparent 
Pu'al-perfects  o{  IDN,  113,  HJT,  3Sn,  niD,  HBi,  2]]],  nK'V,  HST,  and  of  verbs 
with  middle  1  (hence  with  m  of  the  first  syllable  lengthened  to  o),  jnn,  n*in 
Jb  33  [HIT,  see  §  6;  m],  yiT,  p">T,  fjlD,  DID,  N^p,  eilb' ;  also  the  infinitives 
absolute  ijnl  ilH  Is  59'^     In  these  cases  there  is  no  need  to  assume  any 

error  on  the  part  of  the  punctuators ;  the  sharpening  of  the  second  radical 
may  have  taken  place  in  order  to  retain  the  characteristic  ic  of  the  first 
syllable  (cf.  Ai'ab.  qutild  as  passive  of  qatMa),  and  the  a  of  the  second  syllable 
is  in  accordance  with  the  vocalization  of  all  the  other  passives  (see  §  39/). 
Cf,  §525  and  §  53  u. 

2.  The  fundamental  idea  of  PHel,  to  which  all  the  various  shades  f 
of  meaning  in  this  conjugation  may  be  referred,  is  to  busy  oneself 
eagerly  with  the  action  indicated  by  the  stem.  This  intensifying  of 
the  idea  of  the  stem,  which  is  outwardly  expressed  by  the  strengthening 
of  the  second  radical,  appears  in  individual  cases  as — (a)  a  strengthen- 
ing and  repetition  of  the  action  (cf.  the  intensive  and  iterative  nouns  with 
the  middle  radical  strengthened,  §  84^),'  e.  g.  PDif  <o  laugh,  Pi'el  to  jest, 
to  make  sport  (to  laugh  repeatedly)  ;  b^^  to  ask,  Pi'el  to  beg  ;  hence 
when  an  action  has  reference  to  many,  e.  g.  "l?fj  to  bury  (a  person) 
Gn  23'',  Pi'el  to  bury  (many)  i  K  11'*,  and  often  so  in  Syr.  and  Arab. 
Other  varieties  of  the  intensive  and  iterative  meaning  are,  e.  g.  nns  to 
open,Vi'e\  to  loose;  "IQD  to  count,  Pi'el  to  recount :  [cf.  2F\^,  3K^n,  :]?n, 

NQ1,  ben,  iyssn;  nnsD  nnol 

The  eager  pursuit  of  an  action  may  also  consist  in  urging  and  g' 
causing  others  to  do  the  same.  Hence  Fi'el  has  also — (6)  a  causative 
sense  (like  Hiph'il),  e.  g.  ^P^  to  learn,  Pi'el  to  teach.  It  may  often  be 
turned  by  such  phrases  as  toj^ermit  to,  to  declare  or  hold  as  [the  declara- 
tive PHel),  to  help  to,  e.  g.  n*n  to  cause  to  live,  P'jiV  to  declare  innocent, 
'^T.  to  help  in  child-bearing. 

(c)  Denominatives  (see  §  38  b)  are  frequently  formed  in  this  conju-  h 
gation,    and   generally   express   a  being   occupied   with   the   object 
expressed  by  the  noun,  either  to  form  or  to  make  use  of  it,  e.  g.  ]}\> 
to  make  a  nest,  to  nest  (from  |p),  isy  to  throw  dust,  to  dust  (from  "l?V)> 

1  Analogous  examples,  in  which  the  strengthening  of  a  letter  has  likewise 
an  intensive  force,  are  such  German  words  as  reichen,  recken  (Eng.  to  reach,  to 
rack)  ;  streichen  (stringo),  strecken :  cf.  Strich  (a  stroke),  Strecke  {a  stretch)  ;  wacker 
from  wachen  ;  others,  in  which  it  has  the  causative  sense,  are  stechen,  ste<ken  ; 
wachen  {watch),  wecken  {wake) ;  Tf\Kiu  to  bring  to  ayi  end  (cf.  the  stem  TfAa;  to  end, 
in  TfKos,  T(K((u) ;  yevvaw  to  beget,  from  tlio  stem  ytvai  to  come  into  being  (cf.  7«Vos). 


142  The  Verb  [§  52  i-n 

?3.V  to  gather  the  clouds  together  (from  f^V),  ^'W  to  divide  in  three  parts, 
or  to  do  a  thing  for  the  third  time  (from  B'?K') ;  probably  also  ">31 
to  speak,  from  1^"1  a  word.  Or  again,  the  denominative  may  express 
taking  away,  injuring,  &c.,  the  object  denoted  by  the  noun  {jyrivative 
Pi  el,  cf.  our  to  shin,  to  behead,  to  bone),  e.  g.  ^^,  from  B^'^.b'  to 
root  out,  to  extir2>ate,  33.T  prop,  to  injure  the  tail  (^JJ),  hence  to  rout 
the  rear  of  an  army,  to  attack  it ;  3??  to  ravish  the  heart ;  W"^.  to 
remove  the  ashes  (l!^"!J),  ^^C  ^o  /^^e  from  sin  (^<PD),  ^KV  ^o  break  any 
one's  bones  (D2fJ^ ;  cf.,  in  the  same  sense,  D1.3  from  D^l) ',  ^V.^  to  lop  the 
boughs.  Is  lo^  (from  ^''yo  a  bough).  Some  words  are  clearly  denomina- 
tives, although  the  noun  from  which  they  are  derived  is  no  longer 
found,  e.  g.  i'ijip  to  stone,  to  pelt  with  stones  (also  used  in  this  sense  in 
Qal),  and  to  remove  stones  (from  a  field),  to  clear  away  stones ;  cf.  our 
to  stone,  used  also  in  the  sense  of  taking  out  the  stones  from  fruit. 

The  meaning  of  the  passive  {Pu'al)  follows  naturally   from  the 
above,  e.  g.  C?*!!!?  Pi'el  to  seek,  Pu'al  to  be  sought. 

I      In  Pi'el  the  literal,  concrete  meaning  of  the  verb  has  sometimes  been 

retained,  when  Qal  has  acquired  a  figurative  sense,  e.g.  H^J,  Pi'el  to  uncover, 

Qal  to  reveal,  also  to  emigrate,  i.e.  to  make  the  land  bare. 
K      Also  with  an  intransitive  sense  Pi'el  occurs  as  an  intensive  form,  but  only 
in  poetic  language,  e.g.  DDU  in  Pi'el  to  be  broken  in  pieces,  Jersi^^;  THIS  to 

tremble,  Is  51^',  Pr  28"  ;  T]T\  to  be  drunken,  Is  34^-'' ;  [t^J/JD  to  be  few,  Ec  12'] ;  but 

in  Is  48*,  60I1  instead  of  the  Pi'el  of  nnS  the  Niph'al  is  certainly  to  be  read, 

with  Cheyne. 

/  Rem.  I.  The  (more  frequent)  form  of  the  perfect  with  Patkah  in  the  second 
syllable  appears  especially  before  Maqqeph  (Ec  9^^,  1  2')  and  in  the  middle  of 
sentences  in  continuous  discourse,  but  at  the  end  of  the  sentence  (in  pause) 

the  form  with  Sere  is  more  common.     Cf.  P^3  Is  49"  with  b'lS  Jos  4^*,  Est  3^ ; 

D^O  Ez  33«  with  D^it?  Ec  g^^ ;  y^^)  2  K  8'«  with  }*Jfp  ^t  129* ;  but  Qames  never 

appears  in  this  pausal  form.     The  ^rd  sing.fem.  in  pause  is  always  of  the  form 

nbtBp,  except  njfZlp  Mi  1'' ;  the  3rd  plur.  always  as  v^p;  the  2nd  and  1st  sing. 

and  1st  plur.  of  course  as  DPlip    n?t£p    Tlp^p  (but  always  '•mZl'n  and  ">rn?!)?V 

I<  t:t'.  ';:t'.'':t'*  •;"*  •:-•/' 

^JptSp.  In  the  3rd  sing.  per/.  "12^  to  speak,  "1S3  to  pardon,  and  D33  to  uash 
clothes  (also  D33  Gn  49^^)  take  S^ghol,  but  become  in  pause  IS"!  D33  (2  S  19^^*) ; 
the  pausal  form  of  "133  does  not  occur. 
Ifl  Pathah  in  the  first  syllable  (as  in  Aramaic  and  Arabic)  occurs  only  once, 
Gn  41*',  ^3E'3  he  made  me  forget,  to  emphasize  more  clearly  the  play  on  the 
name  Ht^SD. 
fl  2.  In  the  imperfect  (and  jussive  Ju  16^^),  infinitive,  and  imperative  Pi'el  (as  also 
in  Hithpa'el)  the   Sere  in  the  final  syllable,  when  followed    by  Maqqeph,    is 

usually  shortened  into  S^ghOl,  e.g.  ip"t^ij)3"'  he  seeks  for  himself,  Is  40^"  ;  v'tJ*^^ 

sanctify  unto  me,  Ex  13^.     Pausal-forms  with   S'ghol  instead   of  Sere,    as   ^H"!^ 

Dt  32",  CiyyA  Ho  2*  (cf.  Ex  32«  in  the  infinitive,  and  Gn  21'  in  the  participle), 

owe  their  origin  to  some  particular  school  of  Masorctes,  and  are  wrongly 
accepted  by  Baer;  cf.  the  analogous  cases  in  §  75  w  and  hh.  If  the  final 
syllable  of  the  imperfect  Pi'el  has  Pathah  (before  a  guttural  or  "1),  it  remains 


§  52  0-s']  Pi' el  and  Pu'al  143 

even  in  pause  ;  cf.  §  29  s  and  65  e.  In  the  ist  sing,  imperfect  the  e-sound 
occurs  in   two  words  for  Hateph-Pathah^  under  thj  preformative  K;   TV^^^ 

Lv  263^  Ez  5",  12"  and  D"iyDX)  Zc  7"  (in  accordance  with  §  23  /»).— Before 
the  full  plural  ending  p  (see  §  47  m)  the  Sere  is  retained  in  pause,  e.  g.  p">3nri 
\p  582  (but  Gn  3220  P")3iri),  cf.  2  K  6",  Dt  12^ ;  so  before  SiUuq  \p  58^,  Jb  21" 
and  even  before  Zaqeph  qaton  Dt  7".  Instead  of  njp^pn,  forms  like  nj^tspn 
are  also  found,  e.g.  Is  31^,  13^8^  in  both  cases  before  a  sibilant  and  in  pause. 
Also  3pQ  ^  55^"  occurs  as  the  2nd  sing,  imperative  (probably  an  intentional 
imitation  of  the  sound  of  the  preceding  Vv2)  and  Sip  (for  qarrabh)  Ez  37^'^. 

3.  The  infiniie  absolute  of  Pi'el  has  sometimes  the  special  form  >t3p  given  in  0 
the  paradigm,  e.g.  "ID'  castigando,  \p  1181^ ;  cf.  Ex  21^^  i  K  19I"  (from  a  verb 
H"7)  ;  \t  40^  (from  a  verb  n"?) ;  but  much  more  frequently  the  form  of  the 
infinitive  construct  (?t3p)  is  used  instead.  The  latter  has  also,  in  exceptional 
cases,  the  form  PtSp  (with  a  attenuated  to  i  as  in  the  perfect),  e.  g.  in  i  Ch  8*  iriptJ' ; 
perhaps  also  (if  not  a  substantive)  "\^p  Jer  44^1 ;  and  for  the  sake  of  assonance 
even  for  infinitive  absolute  in  2  S  12"  (nSN3  )*S3).  On  the  other  hand,  D?B' 
Dt  32^^  and  "l^"!  Jer  5I'  are  better  regarded  as  substantives,  while  IB"!  Ex  6^^, 
Nu  3I,  Dt  4I5  (in  each  case  after  QV2),  Ho  i'  (after  ni>nn),  in  all  of  which 

places  it  is  considered  by  KOnig  (after  Qimhi)  to  be  infinitive  construct,  is  really 
perfect  of  Pi'el. 

The  infinitive  construct  Pi'U,  with  the  fern,  ending  (cf.  §  45  d),  occurs  in  p 
nno:  Lv  26"  ;  rnipi  \f>  i^f  ;  with  n  of  the  fern,  before  a  suffix ''i]rip'nX  Ez  16^2.  ^ 

On  the  verbal  nouns  after  the  form  of  the  Aram.  inf.  Pa'il  (n^lSp),  see  §  84'' e. 
Instead  of  the  abnormal  VDOXO  (so  Baer,  Is  62')  as  ptcp.  Pi'el,  read  'OHD 
with  ed.  Mant.  and  Ginsburg. 

4.  In  Pu'al  0  is  sometimes  found  instead  of  m  in  the  initial  syllable,  e.  g.  q 
CnSp  dyed  red,  Ex  25",  &c.,  Na  2*,  cf.  3''  HTHK' ;  Ez  16*,  ^  7220,  80".    According  ^ 
to  Baer's  reading  also  in  ^njfin  Jp  62*,  and  so  also  Ben  Aier,  but  Ben  Naphtali 
^nSiri.     It  is  merely  an  orthographic  licence  when  w  is  written  fully,  e.g. 

t^V  JU  1829. 

5.  As  infinitive  absolute  of  Pu'al  we  find  2jl3  Gn  40''. — No  instance  of  the  inf.  f 
constr.  occurs  in  the  strong  verb  in  Pu'al ;  from  n'6  with  suffix  SnSi^  ^  132^. 

6.  A  few  examples  occur  of  the^ participle  Pu'al  without  the  preformative  (O),  S 
e.g.  i53N  Ex  32 ;  I^V  (for  l^lD)  Ju  138  ;  n\^b  2  K  2" ;   rTiyb  Is  54".     These 
participles  are  distinguished  from  the  perfect  (as  in  Niph'al)  by  the  a  of  the  final 
syllable.     For  other  examples,  see  Is  302*,  Ec  9"  (where  D^B'pV,  according  to 

§  20  n,  stands  for  'j?!"  =:'i5^D) ;  but,  according  to  the  Masora,  not  Ez  26",  since 
■^i*^'""!  ^^  Mil'el  can  only  be  the  perfect.  The  rejection  of  the  D  may  be  favoured 
by  an  initial  »,  as  in  Is  182''  (but  also  Tj^^D) ;  Pr  25"  (where,  however,  read 
niyitD)  ;  so  also  in  the  participle  Pi'el  |Xlp  Ex  727,  92  (always  after  DN,  but  cf. 
also  CJXlSn  Jer  1310,  where,  however,  D^JNOH  =  D'^JXCIDH  is  to  be  read,  with 
Brockelmann,  Grundriss,  p.  264  f.)  and  "ITO  Zp  1"  (and  Is8is?).  Notice, 
however,  Barth's  suggestion  {Nomiruxlbildung,  p.  273)  that,  as  the  active  of 
forms  like  73X  only  occurs  in  Qal,  they  are  perfect  participles  of  former 
passives  of  Qal  (see  e),  and  in  Jeri3io,  23^2,  perfect  participles  of  Pi'el.— On 
yano  Ez  452,  see  §  65  d. 


144  "^he  Verb  [§53«-« 

§  53.    Hiph'il  and  HopKal. 

a  1.  The  characteristic  of  the  active  (Hiph'tl)  is  a  prefixed  n  (on  its 
origin  see  §  55  i)  in  the  perfect  H  (with  the  a  attenuated  to  t,  as  in 
Pi'el),  which  forms  a  closed  syllable  with  the  first  consonant  of  the 
stem.  The  second  syllable  of  the  perfect  had  also  originally  an  d\ 
of.  the  Arabic  conj.  iv.  'aqtdld,  and  in  Hebrew  the  return  of  the 
Fathah  in  the  2nd  and  ist  pers.  IJlp^iP'"?,  &c.  After  the  attenuation  of 
this  a  to  t,  it  ought  by  rule  to  have  been  lengthened  to  e  in  the  tone- 
syllable,  as  in  Aramaic  ^^P^ ,  beside  PtJpn  in  Biblical  Aramiiic.  Instead 
of  this,  however,  it  is  always  replaced  in  the  strong  verb  by  ^,*  ^—^, 
but  sometimes  written  defectively  -7- ;  cf.  §  g  g-  Similarly  in  the 
infinitive  construct  '''•^Pl',  and  in  the  imperfect  and  participle  TtDj?^ 
and  ''"'tppP,  which  are  syncopated  from  ''"•t^pn^  and  P^CpriD;  §  23^. 
The  corresponding  Arabic  forms  [juqtU  and  muqtiV)  point  to  an 
original  i  in  the  second  syllable  of  these  forms.  In  Hebrew  the  regular 
lengthening  of  this  ?  to  e  appears  in  the  strong  verb  at  least  in  the 
jussive 'Andi  in  the  imperfect  consecutive  (seew),  as  also  in  the  imperative 
of  the  2nd  sing.  masc.  (seem) ;  on  njptpipri,  njptOjpri  cf.  §  26 p.  On  the 
return  of  the  original  a  in  the  second  syllable  of  the  Imperat.,  Jussive, 
&c  ,  under  the  influence  of  a  guttural,  cf.  §  65/. 

b  In  the  passive  (Hoph'al)  the  preforraative  is  pronounced  with  an 
obscure  vowel,  whilst  the  second  syllable  has  a  (in  pause  a),  as  its 
characteristic,  thus: — Perf.  ^^P^  or  ^^?k},  Im2)erf.  -'Pi?^  (syncopated 
from  ^^pn;)  or  bap',  Part.  b^pO  or  ^Oipo  (from  ^^i?Q9);  but  the 
infinitive  absolute  has  the  form  ''IPP^'. 

Thus  the  characteristics  of  both  conjugations  are  the  H  preformative  in  the 
perfect,  imperative,  and  infinitive ;  in  the  imperfect  and  participle  Hiph'il,  Pathah 
under  the  preformatives,  in  the  Hoph'al  0  or  u. 

C  2.  The  meaning  of  Hiph'tl  is  primarily,  and  even  more  frequently 
than  in  Pi'el  (§52  g),  causative  of  Qal,  e.  g.  NXJ  to  go  forth,  Hiph.  to 
bring  forth,  to  lead  forth,  to  draw  forth  ;  K'li'  to  be  holy,  Hiph.  to  sanctify. 
Under  the  causative  is  also  included  (as  in  Ptel)  the  declarative  sense, 
e.  g.  p'^Vr'  to  pronounce  just ;  V^K^I^  to  make  one  an  evil  doer  {to  pro- 
nounce guilty) ;  cf.  B'pV,  in  Hiph'tl,  Jb  9^°,  to  represent  as  2>erverse.  If 
Qal  has  already  a  transitive  meaning,  Hiph'tl  then  takes  two  accusatives 
(see  §  1 1 7  cc).  In  some  verbs,  Pi'el  and  HipKtl  occur  side  by  side  in 
the  same  sense,  e.  g.  *^?^!>pm^«,  Pi'el  and  Hiph'il,  perdidit ;  as  a  rule, 

1  This  i  may  have  been  transferred  originally  from  the  imperfects  of  verb* 
X'V,  as  a  convenient  means  of  distinction  between  the  indicative  and  jussive, 
to  the  imperfect  of  the  strong  verb  and  afterwards  to  the  whole  oi Hiph'il;  so 
Stade,  Philippi,  Praetorius,  ZAW.  1883,  p.  52  f. 


§  53  d-9]  Hiph'il  and  Hoph'al  145 

however,  only  one  of  these  two  conjugations  is  in  use,  or  else  they 
differ  from  one  another  in  meaning,  e.  g.  1?3  graveni  esse,  Pi'el  to 
honour,  Hiph'il  to  bring  to  honour,  also  to  make  heavy.  Verbs  which 
are  intransitive  in  Qal  simply  become  transitive  in  Hiph'il,  e.  g.  "I^J 
to  bow  oneself.  Hiph.  to  bow,  to  bend. 

Among  the  ideas  expressed  by  the  causative  and  transitive  are  included,  u 
moreover,  according  to  the  Hebrew  point  of  view  (and  that  of  the  Semitic 
languages  in  general,  especially  Arabic),  a  series  of  actions  and  ideas,  which 
we  have  to  express  by  periphrasis,  in  order  to  understand  their  being  repre- 
sented by  the  Hiph'il-form.  To  these  inwardly  transitive  or  intensive  Hipli'ils 
belong  :  (a)  Hiph'il  stems  which  express  the  obtaining  or  receiving  of  a 
concrete  or  abstract  quality.  (In  the  following  examples  the  Qal  stems  are 
given,  for  the  sake  of  brevity,  with  the  addition  of  the  meaning  which — often 

together  with  other  meanings — belongs  to  the  Hiph'il.)     Thus  pHN,  IHT,  VD', 

yXi  to  he  bright,  to  shine  (to  give  forth  brightness) ;  opposed  to  TjtJ'n  to  become 

dark;   Y^H,  133 ^  pTPI  to  be  strong  (to  develop  strength),  ffJDy  to  be  weak;   TI1N 

to  be  long  (to  acquire  length)  ;  n33  to  he  high ;  Din  to  be  in  tumult,  pyT  to  cry  out, 

yn,  pT  to  make  a  noise,  to  exult ;  fpH  to  sprout  (to  put  forth  shoots),  cf.  mS  to 

bloom,  ^IV,  pItJ'  to  overflow  ;  B'ln    7Vi}U,  DSD,  DDif  to  be  silent  (silentium  facere, 

Pliny) ;  pDD  to  he  sweet ;  TO'H  to  have  success ;  PBB'  to  be  low ;  DTK  to  become  red, 

]y?  to  become  white. 

(h)  Stems  which  express  in  Hiph'il  the  entering  into  a  certain  condition  and,  € 
further,  the  being  in  the  same  :  |IDN  to  become  firm,  to  trust  in ;  t^N3  to  become 
stinking  ;  TlT  to  become  boiling,  to  boil  over ;  npn  to  become  ill ;  IDH  to  come  to  want ; 
mn  to  become  hot ;  \l}2''  to  become  dry,  to  become  ashamed  ;  in""  to  attain  superiority  ; 
|3D  to  become  familiar ;  ~\"iy^  y^p  to  become  awake ;  HB'p  to  become  hard ;  yjl^  Dpt^ 
to  become  quiet  (to  keep  quiet) ;  DJD5J'  to  be  astonished.  The  Hiph'il  forms  of  some 
verbs  of  motion  constitute  a  variety  of  this  class  :  {f'^S  to  draw  near;  Hip  to 
come  near ;  pm  to  withdraw  far  off  (all  these  three  are  besides  used  as  causatives)  ; 
mp  to  come  before. 

(c)  Stems  which  express  action  in  some  particular  direction  :  NDH  to  err ;   j 
p?n  to  flatter  (to  act  smoothly)  ;  ^C  to  act  well,  to  do  good ;  730  to  act  foolishly, 
PSB'  to  act  wisely ;  Diy  to  act  craftily ;   y3>f  to  act  submissively  ;   yyi    ytJ^T  to  act 
wickedly,  godlessly ;  T)D'0   2VT\  to  act  corruptly,  abominably ;  D^t^  to  act  peacefully, 
to  be  at  peace,  to  be  submissiie. 

Further,  there  are  in  Hiph'il  a  considerable  number  of  denominatives  which  rr 
express  the  bringing  out,  the  producing  of  a  thing,  and  so  are  properly  regarded 
as  causatives,^  e.g.  lifX  to  set  over  the  treasury,  Neh  13^'  (unless  H^VNI  is  to  be 

read,  as  in  Neh  7*) ;  "133  to  bring  forth  a  flrstborn;   OB'S  to  cause  to  rain ;  y"H  to 

produce  seed  ;  |0^  {Hiph'il  Y^'^Tf)  to  go  to  the  right,  cf.  ^'''NJOK'n  to  go  to  the  left ;  D"1Q 

to  get  or  to  have  hoofs ;  y\p  to  get  or  to  have  horns ;  7315'  to  produce  abortion ;  i?^  to 

become  snow-white;  )D{^  to  grow  fat;  B'"I{J'  to  put  forth  roots,  &c. ;  so  also  according 

to  the  ordinary  acceptation  ^IT'fTKn  Is  19*,  they  have  become  stinking,  from  n31K 

stinking  or  stench,  with  retention  of  the  N  prosthetic,  §  19  to  (but  see  below,  p). 

^  The  same  ideas  are  also  paraphrased  by  the  verb  nb'y  {to  make),  e.  g.  to 
make  fat,  for,  to  produce  fat  upon  his  body,  Jb  15"  ;  to  make  fruit,  to  wake 
branches,  for,  to  put  forth,  to  yield,  Jb  14^,  Ho  8^,  cf.  the  Lat.  corpus,  robur, 
soholem,  dividas  facere,  and  the  li&l.  far  cmpo,  far  forze,  far  frutto. 

COWLBT  Jj 


146  The  Vei'h  C§53A-r« 

Of  a  different  kind  are  the  denominatives  from :  |TX  (scarcely  to  prick  up  the 
ears,  but)  to  act  with  the  ears,  to  hear ;  cf.  |EJ'?  to  move  the  tongue,  to  slander,  and 
the  German  dugeln  (to  make  eyes), /wsseZn,  naseln,  schwdnseln;  "13B'  to  sell  cor?i ; 
DDB'  to  set  out  early  (to  load  the  back  [of  the  camel,  &c,]  ?)  ;  opposed  to  T'lyn, 

h      3.  The  meaning  of  Hoplial  is  (a)  primarily  that  of  a  passive  of 

JJijjJitl,  e.  g.  ^V^^r'  proiecit,  "^^y^  or  '^^\}  proiectus  est ;  (h)  sometimes 

equivalent  to  a  passive  of  Qal,  as  DpJ  to  ivenge,  Hoph.  to  he  avenged 

(but  see  below,  u). 

I  Rem.  I.  The  i  of  the  3rd  sing.  masc.  perf.  Hiph'il  remains,  without  exception, 
in  the  3rd  fern,  (in  the  tone-syllable).  That  it  was,  however,  only  lengthened 
from  a  short  vowel,  and  consequently  is  changeable,  is  proved  by  the  forms 
of  the  imperative  and  imperfect  where  e  (or,  under  the  influence  of  gutturals,  a) 
takes  its  place.  In  an  open  syllable  the  i  is  retained  almost  tliroughout ; 
only  in  veiy  isolated  instances  has  it  been  weakened  to  S^wd  (see  n  and  0). 
/c      2.  The  infinitive  absolute  commonly  has  Sere  without  Yodh,  e.g.  B'llpn  Ju  17^ ; 

less  frequently  it  takes  '•__,  e.g.  T'CK'n  Am  9*  ;  cf.  Dt  15",  Is  59*,  Jer  ^^^, 
2332,  4425^  j\y  2435^  Ec  10^".  With  N  instead  of  n  (probably  a  mere  scribal 
error,  not  an  Aramaism)  we  find  D''3K'S  Jer  25^.  Rare  exceptions,  where  the 
form  with  Sere  stands  for  the  infinitive  construct,  are,  e.g.  Dt  32^  (Sam.  ?^n3ri3  • 
read  perhaps  7n3n3),  Jer  44"-25,  Pr  25^  Jb  I3'(?);  on  the  other  hand,  for 
"ib'yb  Dt  2612  (which  looks  like  an  infinitive  Hiph'il  with  elision  of  the  n, 
for  T'B'ynp)  the  right  reading  is  simply  "^W^p,  since  elsewhere  the  Pi'el  alone 
occurs  with  the  meaning  to  tithe  ;  for  "i^V^  Neh  lo^^  perhaps  the  inf.  Qal 
("l"{^y3)  was  intended,  as  in  i  S  S^'-^''  ( =  <o  take  the  tithe).  At  the  same  time  it 
is  doubtful  whether  the  present  pi'nctuation  does  not  arise  from  a  conflation 
of  two  different  readings,  the  Qal  and  the  Pi'el. 
/  Instead  of  the  ordinary  form  of  the  infinitive  construct  /'"'^i?n  the  form  ^''tDpH 
sometimes  occurs,  e.g.  ^^J^5^^  to  destroy,  Dt  7^*,  28*8.  (,f  j^y  i^46^  Jqs  h^^ 
Jer  50^*,  51^^  and  nixpn  for  niXpn  Lv  14*'  from  Tilip ;  scarcely,  however, 
Lv  }'5  (see  §  155  I),  2  S  22^  (jp  iS^),  i  K  ii^®  (after  1^),  and  in  the  passages 
so  explained  by  KSnig  (i.  276)  where  "l^XK'n  appears  after  prepositions^; 
[cf.  Driver  on  Dt  3^,  4I6,  f*,  2885]. 

With  a  in   the    second   syllable   there    occurs   DSlSin   Ez  21^9   (cf.    the 

substantival  infin.  "l^QH  i  S  15^^). — In  the  Aram,  manner  rflV^pr\p  is  found 

in  Ez  242®  (as  a  construct  form)   for  the  infinitive  Iliph'il  (cf.   the  infinitive 
Hithpa'el,  Dn  ii'^').     On  the  elision  of  the  H  after  prefixes,  see  q. 
in      3.  In   the   imperative  the  i   is  retained  throughout  in  the  open  syllable, 
according   to   i,    and    consequently   also    before    suffixes    (see  §  61  g)  and 

n paragogic,  e.g.  HaVpn  attend  to,  N3  ."lyB'in  ^t  nS^s,  as  in  ed.  Mant.,  Jabl., 

Baer,  not  N3  ny^tyin  as  Ginsb.  and  Kittel :  with  the  tone  at  the  end  only 
nrrilJ^fn  ibid.  v.  25''.  On  the  other  hand,  in  the  2nd  sing.  masc.  the  original  t 
(cf.  Arabic  'dqtU)  is  lengthened  to  e,  e.  g.  jCB'n  make  fat,  and  becomes  S^ghol 
before  Maqqeph,  e.g.  N3"j3Dri  Jb  22^1. — The  form  ^''Dpn  for  /tppH  appears 
anomalously  a  few  times  :  ^  94^,  Is  43',  Jer  17I8  (cf.  §  69  v  and  §  721/); 
elsewhere  the  Masora  has  preferred  the  punctuation  b^tSpn ,  e.  g.  2  K  8^ ;  cf. 
f  142^ — In  La  5I  ntS^fn  is  required  by  the  Q*re  for  Can. 

^  As  to  the  doubtfulness,  on  general  grounds,  of  this  form  of  the  Inf.  Hiph., 
see  Robertson  Smith  in  the  Journ.  ofPhilol.,  xvi.  p.  72  f. 


§  53  n-p]  Hiph'il  and  HopKal  147 

4.  In  the  imperfect  Hiph'il  the  shorter  form  with  Sere  prevails  for  the  jussive  71 
in  the  3rd  masc.  and  fern,  and  2nd  masc.  sing.,  e.g.  ?'1^F\~?^  make  not  great, 
Ob  '2  ;  nip^  ie<  Him  cut  off!  if/  12*  ;  even  incorrectly  i^-JPI  Ex  19'  and  T"-!^ 
Ec  ic***;  cf.  also  "")J?T  Ex  22*,  where  the  jussive  form  is  to  be  explained 
according  to  §  109  h,  and  13^"!.  J'^  39^6  before  the  principal  pause.  Similarly, 
after  1  consec,  e.g.  b'j|3*^  and  He  divided,  On  1*.  On  the  other  hand,  i  is 
almost  always  retained  in  the  ist  sing.,  e.g.  T'DB'NI  Am  2'  (but  generally 
without  1,  as  iriDNI  Ez  39''''-,  &c.) ;  cf.  §496  and  §  74  I,  but  also  §  72  aa ; 

in  1st  plur.  only  in  Neli  4'  ;  in  the  3rd  sing.  \p  105^*.  With  a  in  the  principal 
pause  TTlini  Ru  2^*,  and  in  the  lesser  pause,  Gn  49*;  before  a  sibilant  (see 

§  29  q)  {^3*1  Ju  6^'  ;  in  the  lesser  pause  f]i5^1  La  3^  Before  Maqqeph  the  Sere 
becomes  S'ghol,  e.g.  ^B'pin^  Ju  19*.  In  the  plural  again,  and  before  suffixes, 
i  remains  in  the  forms  l^^bp^,  v"'13i?ri  even  in  the  jussive  and  after  1  con- 
secutive, e.g.  p''Zn*1  Ju  iS'^^.  The  only  exceptions,  where  the  i  is  weakened 
to  S^icd,  are  ^^ni'l  Jer  92 ;  ^p31»1  1  S  1422,  312,  i  Ch  io2;  ^"^2^1  Jer  iii^; 
nn^iNI  Neh  13",  if  it  is  mph'il  of  IXS,  but  probably  n|l>*S"l  is  to  be  read,  as 
in  7*;   perhaps  also  ^ISHPl  Jb  19^  (according  to  others,  imperfect  Qal).     The 

same  weakening  occurs  also  in  the  imperfect  in  3rd  and  2nd  masc.  sing, 
before  suffixes,  i  S  172^,  i  K  2c*^,  Jp  6-,^'^,  and  in  Jb  9'"^  unless  the  form  be 
Pi'gZ  =  ^3K'i?y"'1,  since  the  Hiph'il  is  not  found  elsewhere.     It  is  hardly  likely 

that  in  these  isolated  examples  we  have  a  trace  of  the  ground-form,  yaqtil,  or 
an  Aramaism.  More  probably  they  are  due  partly  to  a  misunderstanding  of 
the  defective  writing,  which  is  found,  by  a  purely  orthographic  licence,  in 

numerous  other  cases  (even  in  3rd  sing.  Ch^^  Is  442^),  and  partly  are  intended, 
as  formae  mixtae,  to  combine  the  forms  of  Qal  and  Hiph'il.  Instead  of  the 
firmly  closed  syllable,  the  Masora  requires  in  Gn  1^^  NK'nri,  with  euphonic 
Ga'ya  (see  §  16  A). 

5.  In  ihc  participle,  NlfiO  ^t  135'' appears  to  be  traceable  to  the  ground-fonn,  0 
maqfil ;  yet  the  Sere  may  also  possibly  be  explained  by  the  retraction  of  the 
tone.    The  Masora  appears  to  require  the  weakening  of  the  vowel  to  S*wd 

(see  above,  n)  in  D^3?nip  Zc  3'  (probably,  however,  D^S^nO  should  be  read), 
also  in  D^O?nip  Jer  29*,  D^*liyip  2  Ch  282s  (but  as  D  precedes,  and  accordingly 

dittography  may  well  have  taken  place,  the  participle  Qal  is  probably  to  be 
read  in  both  places ;  the  reading  of  the  text  is  perhaps  again  intended  to 
combine  Qal  and  Hiph'il,  see  above,  n),  and  in  the  Q're  D''"!Jfnp  i  Ch  152*  &c. 
(where  the  K^lhibh  DHifVnD  is  better). — Tlie  fem.  is  ordinarily  pointed  as 
nihro  Nu  6«,  nJK'O  Lv  1421';  in  pause  nSsK'D  Pr  19". 

6.  In  the  perfect  there  occur  occasionally  such  forms  as  ^3Dp3n  i  S  25' ;  7? 
cf.  Gn  4i28,  2  K  17",  Jer  29I,  Mi  6',  Jb  16';  with  the  original  a  in  the  first 
syllable  ^niNini  Na  3^— In  Tlbx^X  ^  /  have  stained,  Is  63',  N  stands  at  the 
beginning  instead  of  n,  cf.  above,  k,  on  D'>3K'K.     On  the  other  hand,  ^n^3tXn^ 

^  Most  probably,  however,  TlpKa  {perfect  Pi'H)  is  to  be  read,  and  the  K  is 

only  an  indication  of  the  change  of  the  perfect  into  the  imperfect,  na  also 
previously,  by  a  change  of  punctuation,  D3"^TN1  and  V)  (instead  of  '"jSI^  and 
)*^  are  made  future  instead  of  past.    Jewish  exegesis  applied  these  Edom- 

oracles  to  the  Roman  (i.e.  Christian)  empire.  So  G.  Moore  in  Tkeol.  Literatur- 
zeitung,  1887,  col.  292. 

L  2 


148  The  Verb  [§  53  q-u 

Is  19*  (see  above,  g)  is  a  mere  error  of  the  scribe,  who  had  the  Aramaic  form 
in  mind  and  corrected  it  by  prefixing  H, 

n  7.  In  the  imperfect  and  participle  the  characteristic  H  is  regularly  elided 
after  the  preformatives,  thus  ?^t^^l  ^^^pl?  >  but  it  is  retained  in  the  infinitive 
after  prepositions,  e.g.  P^tipHp.  The  exceptions  are  in  the  imperfect,  y^E'in^ 
He  will  save  for  y^i''  i  S  17*^,  ^116^  (in  pause) ;  iTliri"'  He  will  praise  for  mV 
Neh  ii^'',  rp  28'',  45^*  (cf.  the  proper  name  ??^n^  Jer  37',  for  which  38*  73V 
[and  fjOin^  ^  8i6]) ;  [^^'•J'^n^  (§  70  d)  Is  52^,  ^^nn^  Jer  9*,  ^^nnri  Jb  139]  and 
niyypniS  Ez  46^2 ;  in  the  infinitive  (where,  however,  as  in  Niph'al,  §  51  Z,  the 
infinitive  Qal  is  generally  to  be  read)  iriD?  Is  29^^  for  "l^JJItpHp  •  ?S3p  and  ni3ifp 
NU522;  Tny!?  aS  19I9;  pbrh  Jer37i2;  N'-enl?  Ecs^;  ]2hb  (doubly  anomalous 
for  rsbnb)  Dn  ii»B  ;  JJDB'b  ^  267  .  y-^^^^  i  S  a^s ;  1C0  Is  33"  ;  n"'3K'^1  Am  S* 
(certainly  corrupt) ;  "l'»y3  for  "1^yn3  \f/  73^°  (but  in  the  city  is  probably  meant) ; 
N'nb  Jer  397  (2  Ch  3ii«) ;  nilCi^  Is  38,  rp  78" ;  Dnimb  Ex  13" ;  ni^23  (see, 
however,  §  20  h)  Is  33I ;  D3nN"lb  Dt  i'^ :  cf.  further,  from  verbs  H"^,  Nu  s^', 
Jer  2  7*0;  on  Dt  26"  and  Neh  lo^*,  see  above,  A; ;  for  n^niO^  Pr  31'  read  ninb|' 

orninipt?5'. 

'       8.  "With  regard  to  the  tone  it  is  to  be  observed  that  the  afformatives  ^ 

and  n in  Hiph'il  have  not  the  tone,  even  in  the  perfect  with  waw  consecutive 

(except  in  Ex  26^'  before  n,  Lv  15^'  before  X,  to  avoid  a  hiatus)  ;  but  the 

< 

plural  ending  p  (see  §  47  m)  always  has  the  tone,  e.g.  }^3'1pri  Dt  1". 
S     9.  The  passive  (Hoph'al)  has  m  instead  of  Qameshatuph  in  the  first  syllable 
(/^pn),  in  the  strong  verb  less  frequently  in  the  perfect  and  infinitive,  but 
generally  in  the  participle,  through  the  influence  of  the  initial  D  (but  cf. 
nPIB'D  Pr  2528) ;  e.g.  nSB'n  Ez  32"  (beside  n^SB'n  32")  ;  TJ^B'n  impf.  T|^K'\ 

part,  ^b^tp  2  S  20"  (beside  nS^B'n  Is  14")  nnpbn  Ez  i6<  ;  in  the  partic. 
Hoph.  without  elision  of  the  H  :  niVJfpHD  Ez  46*2 ;  on  the  other  hand, 
verbs  \''Q  always  have  m  (in  a  sharpened  syllable) :  ^2^,  IS]*  (cf,  §  9  n). 

t  10.  The  infinitive  absolute  has  in  Hoph'al  (as  in  Hiph'it)  Sere  in  the  last  syllable, 
e.  g.  ?nnn  and  n?On  Ez  16*  ;  "IJn  Jos  g^*.  An  infinitive  construct  does  not 
occur  in  the  strong  verb. 

II.  With  regard  to  the  imperative  Hoph'al,  see  above,  §  46  o,  note. 

tl  12.  According  to  BOttcher  (Ausfiihrliches  Lehrbuch,  §  906)  and  Barth  (see 
above,  §  52  e)  a  number  of  supposed  imperfects  Hoph'al  are,  in  fact,  imperfects 
of  the  passive  of  Qal.  As  in  the  case  of  the  perfects  passive  of  Qal  (see  above, 
§  52  e)  the  question  is  again  of  verbs  of  which  neither  the  corresponding 
causative  (i.  e.  here  the  Hiph'il),  nor  the  other  tense  of  the  same  conjugation 
(i.  e.  here  the  perfect  Hoph'al)  is  found  ;  so  with  DjT  (for  D|53"'  ^  cf.  yuqtdia  as 

imperfect  Qal  in  Arabic)  and  jn'' ,  from    Dpi  and  jri3  ;   nj?''   from  Hp?  (cf. 

§  66  gr) ;  IKV  Nu  2  2«  from  TIX  ;  |ri''  from  |3n  ;   im>  Ho  10"  (cf.  Is  33I)  from 

TIB' ;  Barth  adds  the  verbs  |"B  :   trrifl  Ez  1912  from  {TnJ  ;  J'W  Lev  iiSb  from 

yn:  ;  the  verbs  V"V  :     Ipn^  Jb  192s  from  ppH  ;   r\T  &c.  from  nn3  ;  the  verb 

ry  :   B'nV  from  mi;   the  verbs  '"']}■.    ^m\   IB'^^  DB'V  from  ^^H,  'T'B'  and 

IT'B'.     On    ti'^'^h  &c.,  §  73/.     In  point   of  fact   it   would   be   very   strange, 

especially  in  the  case  of  JR^  and  n^    that  of  these  frequently  used  verbs, 


§  54  a-e]  Hiph'il  and  HopKal  149 

amongst  all  the  forms  of  Hiph'il  and  Hoph'al,  only  the  imperfect  Hoph'al 
should  have  been  preserved.  A  passive  of  Qal  is  also  indicated  in  the  Tell- 
el-Amarna  letters,  according  to  Knudtzon,  by  a  number  of  imperfect  forms, 
which  are  undoubtedly  due  to  Canaanite  influence,  cf.  Beitr.  zur  Assyriologie, 
iv.  410. 

§  54.    Hithpael. 

1.  The  Hithpael  ^  is  connected  with  Pi'el,  being  formed  by  prefixing  a 
to  the  Pi  el-stem  {qattel,  qattal)  the  syllable  nn  (Western  Aramaic  "K, 
but  in  Biblical  Aramaic  nn  ;  Syr.  'et  ^).     Like  the  preformative  ^  (3n) 
of  Ni])h'al,  rin  has  also  a  reflexive  force. 

2.  The  n  of  the  prefix  in  this  conjugation,  as  also  in  Hothpaal  U 
(see  h),  Hithp'el,   HithpaTel   and   Hithpalpel  (§  55),   under    certain 
circumstances,  suffers  the  following  changes  : 

(a)  When  the  stem  begins  with  one  of  the  harder  sibilants  D,  V,  or  ^, 
the  n  and  the  sibilant  change  places  (cf.  on  this  metathesis,  §  19  w\ 
and  at  the  same  time  the  n  after  a  V  becomes  the  corresponding 
emphatic  D :  thus  ">sriK^n  to  take  heed  to  oneself,  for  ~^WT\r} ;  73riDn  to 
become  burdensome,  for  ^|Dnn ;  \>'^}^'^T\  to  justify  oneself,  from  P*]^'. 
The  only  exception  is  in  Jer  49',  nJtJDiC'rin^.,  to  avoid  the  cacophony 
of  three  successive  ^-sounds. 

(6)  When  the  stem  begins  with  a  d-  or  <-sound  (1,13,  n),  the  D  of  c 
the  preformative  is  assimilated  to  it  (§  190?),  e.g.  "l?'^0  speaking, 
conversing ;  ^<^'^^  to  he  crushed,  "^Vi^^  to  purify  oneself,  NOtSn  to  defile 
oneself,  D^rin  to  act  uprightly.  (An  exception  occurs  in  Ju  19''^) 
The  assimilation  of  the  n  occurs  also  with  3  and  3 ,  e.  g.  ^<^3^l  to 
prophesy,  as  well  as  N3?rin  (cf.  Nu  24^  Ez  5",  Dn  11");  |3i2n  Nu  21*' 
(cf.  Is  54",  y^  S9'')\  '"^??^  Pr  262«;  with  {:'  Ec  7" ;  with  1  Is  33>«. 

Rem.    Metathesis  would  likewise  be  expected,  as  in  the  cases  under  6,  (I 
when  n  and  T  come  together,  as  well  as  a  change  of  n  to  T .     Instead  of  this, 
in  the  only  instance  of  the  kind  {^3V}  Is  i^«)  the  n  is  assimilated  to  the  T> 
— unless  indeed  13?n,  imperative  Niph'al  of  "J3t,  is  intended. 

3.  As  in  form,  so  also  in  meaning,  Hithpa'el  is  primarily  (a)  reflexive 
of  Pi  el,  e.  g.  "1?.^^^'  to  gird  oneself,  K'"!!pnn  to  sanctify  oneself.  Although 
in  these  examples  the  intensive  meaning  is  not  distinctly  marked, 
it  is  so  in  other  cases,  e.  g.  Dij!3nn  to  show  oneself  revengeful  {Niph. 
simply  to  take  revenge),  and  in  the  numerous  instances  where  the 
Hithpa'el  expresses  to  make  oneself  that  which  is  predicated  by  the 
stem,  to  conduct  oneself  as  such,  to  show  oneself,  to  imagine  oneself,  to 

1  A.  Stein,  Der  Stamm  des  Hithpael  im  Hvbr.   pt.  i,   Schwerin,   1893,  gives 
alphabetical  statistics  of  the  1151  forms. 
»  So  also  in  Hebrew  l^nnK  2  Ch    20" ;  cf.  ip  76^  (!|■>l3^nt^'K). 


I50  The  Verb  [§  54/-* 

affect  to  be  of  a  certain  character.  E.g.  ^'^}^'}  to  make  oneself  great, 
to  act  proudly ;  030^''?  to  show  oneself  wise,  crafty  ;  '^^^'^^  to  2)retend 
to  be  ill ;  "'t?'^?'!'  to  make,  i.  e.  to  feign  oneself  rich ;  'T'.'JiK'n  Nu  1 6^'*, 
to  make  oneself  a  prince  ;  N??^^  i  S  i8'°,  to  act  in  an  excited  manner 
like  a  prophet,  to  rave.  The  meaning  of  Hithpa'el  sometimes  coincides 
with  that  of  Qal,  both  forms  being  in  use  together,  e.  g.  i'?^  to  mourn, 
in  Qal  only  in  poetic  style,  in  Ilithpa'el  in  prose.  On  the  accusative 
after  Hithpa'el  (regarded  as  a  transitive  verb),  see  §  117  w. 

/  (6)  It  expresses  reciprocal  action,  like  Niph'al,  §  51  (Z,  e.g.  i^^"^'?'!' 
to  look  upon  one  another,  Gn  42' ;  cf.  >/'  41* ; — but 

(c)  It  more  often  indicates  an  action  less  directly  affecting  the 
subject,  and  describes  it  as  performed  with  regard  to  ov  for  oneself,  in 
one's  own  special  interest  (cf.  Niph'al,  §  51  e).  Hithpa'el  in  such 
cascis  readily  takes  an  accusative,  e.g.  P"?.?'?'!'  Ex  32^  and  P?f?nn  Ex  33^ 
to  tear  off  from  oneself;  tS^fsrin  exuit  sibi  (vestem),  nrisnn  solvit  sibi 
(vincula) ;  1*  ^^i?  Jos  9'^,  to  take  (something)  as  one's  provision  ;  without 
an  accusative,  ^.?L'r^'?  to  walk  about  for  oneself  (ambulare)  ;  ^}^^^  sibi 
intercedere  (see  Delitzsch  on  Is  i'°)  ;  '"IJ^nrin  to  draw  a  line  for  oneself, 
Job  I3^S*  on  Is  I4^  see  §  57,  note. 

g  (d)  Only  seldom  is  it  passive,  e.g.  ^^'L'r^n  X''n  Pr3i^°  she  shall  be 
pjraised ;  HZri^n  to  be  forgotten,  Ec  8'",  where  the  reflexive  sense  {to 
bring  oneself  into  oblivion)  has  altogether  disappeared.     Cf.  Niph'al, 

§51/. 

//  The  passive  form  Hothpa'al  is  found  only  in  the  few  following  examples  : 
N'StSn  to  he  defiled,  Dt  24* ;  infinitive  DSSn  to  he  washed,  Lv  1355.56.  r\y^^r\  (for 
nj^'^rin,  the  nj  being  treated  as  if  it  were  the  afiformative  of  the  fem.  plur.) 
it  is  made  fat,  Is  348.  On  npSHn ,  see  I. 
I  Denominatives  with  a  reflexive  meaning  are  in'riH  to  embrace  Judaism, 
from  Tin^  ('^'J'''"'^)  Judah;  ^)'C)lf^  to  provision  oneself  for  a  journey,  from  Hl^i* 
provision  for  a  journey  (see  §  72  m). 

n'  Rem.  i.  As  in  Pi'el,  so  in  Hithpa'el,  the  perfect  very  frequently  (in  stems 
ending  in  i^  p^  D,  S)  has  retained  the  original  Patha/i  in  the  final  syllable 
(while  in  the  ordinary  form  it  is  attenuated,  as  in  Pi'el,  to  i  and  then  length- 
ened to  e),  e.  g.  ei3Snn  Dt  4^1,  &c. ;  cf.  2  Ch  13'',  158;  with  )  consecutive  Is  S^i ; 
so  also  in  the  imperfect  and  imperative,  e.g.  D3nriri  Ec  7^^^  cf.  Dt  98",  i  S 
3W  2  S  10",  I  K  1 19,  Is  552,  58",  6411,  ^  552 ;  pjnnh  I  K  2o22,  ^  374,  Est  510 ; 
pBNnSI^  I  S  1312.— In  Lv  11",  20'  and  Ez  3S23,  l  tilkes  the  place  of  o  in  the 
final  syllable  of  the  stem  before  B'  (cf.  §  44  d),  and  in  the  last  passage  before 
7.  In  the  ■perfect,  imperfect  (with  the  exception  of  Ec  7'^),  and  imperative  of 
Ilithpa'el  (as  well  as  of  Hithpo'el,  Hithpa'Ul,  Hithpalpel,  §  55)  the  original  d  alwaj's 
returns  in  pause  as  Qame~,  e.  g.  "I^XJIH  ip  93'  ;  /3»<ri^  Ez  7";  Ijpnn^  Jb  iS*; 
ITsbn''  38="  :  V^npnn  Jos  3' ;  cf  Jb  335  and  §  74  b. — The  «  also  appears  before 
the  fuller  ending  11  in  the  plural  of  the  imperfect  (cf.  §  47  m)  in  <//  12^,  Jb 


§§  54  h  55 «» t]  Hithpael  151 

9«,  i6i°. — Like  the  Pl'el  7\':hhpT\  (§  52  w),  forms  occur  in  Hithpa'el  like  n33?ririri 
Zc  6'' ;  cf.  Am  8^^,  and  so  in  Hithpo'el,  Jer  49',  Am  9I'  ;  with  g  only  in  La  4I. — 
In  the  Aramaic  manner  an  infinitive  Hithpa'el  nOSnnn  occurs  in  Dn  ii^*  (cf. 
the  Eiph'il  inf.  ntyOK'n  in  Ez  2426). 

2.  As  instances  of  the  reflexive  b^\>T\T\  (connected  with  Pi'cl)  a  few  reflexive  / 
forms  of  the  verb  li?S  (to  examine)  are  also  probably  to  be  reckoned.  Instead 
of  a  Pathah  in  a  sharpened  syllable  after  the  first  radical,  these  take  Qamex  in 
an  open  syllable,  e.g.  npSnn  Ju  20^°-i'',  imperfect  "IpBT))  20^^,  21*.  The  corre- 
sponding passive  formnipEUnn  also  occurs  four  times,  Ku  1*^,  2^^,  26^^,  i  K  20'^''. 
According  to  others,  these  forms  are  rather  reflexives  of  Qal,  in  the  sense  of 
to  present  oneself  for  review,  to  be  reviewed,  like  the  Aramaic  'Ithpe'el  (Western 
Aramaic  pppHN,  Syr.  /DpHK)  and  the  Ethiopic  taqat'la,  Arab,  'iqtatala,  the 

last  with  the  t  always  placed  after  the  first  radical  (cf.  above,  h) ;  but  they  are 
more  correctly  explained,  with  Konig,  as  Hithpa'el  forms,  the  doubling  of  the 
p  being  abnormally  omitted. — Such  a  reflexive  of  Qal,  with  the  n  transposed, 

occurs  in  DnnPH  (on  the  analogy  of  0.  T.  Hebrew  to  be  pronounced  DPiripn) 

in  the  inscription  of  the  Moabite  king  Me^a',  with  the  meaning  of  the  0.  T. 

Niph'al  DHpi  to  fight,  to  wage  war:  see  the  inscription,  lines  it,  15,  19,  and  32  ; 

in  the  first  two  places  in  the  imperfect  with  wdw  consecutive  DnriPXI  ;  in  line  19 

in  the  infinitive  with  suffix,  ""^  ntonnPHB  in  his  fighting  against  me. 


§  55.    Less  Common  Conjugations. 

Of  the  less  common  conjugations  (§  39  g)  some  may  be  classed  with  a 
Piel,  others  with  Hi'pHU.  To  the  former  belong  those  which  arise 
from  the  lengthening  of  the  vowel  or  the  repetition  of  one  or  even 
two  radicals,  in  fact,  from  an  internal  modification  or  development  of 
the  stem;  to  the  latter  belong  those  which  are  formed  by  prefixing  a 
consonant,  like  the  n  of  Hiph'il.  Amongst  the  conjugations  analogous 
to  Pill  are  included  the  passive  forms  distinguished  by  their  vowels,  as 
well  as  the  reflexives  with  the  prefix  nn ,  on  the  analogy  of  Hithpa'el. 

The   following  conjugations  are  related  to  Piel,  as  regards  their  b 
inflexion  and  partly  in  their  meaning  : 

r.  Po'U  /Dip,  passive  Po'oi  /'^ip,  reflexive  Hithpo'el  PtpipHn,  corresponding 
to  the  Arabic  conj.  in.  qdtdld,  pass,  qutila,  and  conj.  vi.  reflexive  tdqdtdld ; 
imperfect  /Dlp^,  participle  PDipD,  imperfect  passive  P^ip""  &c.    Hence  it  appears 

that  in  Hebrew  the  0  of  the  first  syllable  is  in  all  the  forms  obscured  from  d, 
while  the  passive  form  is  distinguished  simply  by  the  a-sound  in  the  second 
syllable.  In  the  strong  verb  these  conjugations  are  rather  rare.  Examples  : 
participle  "'DSK'D  mine  adversary,  who  would  contend  with  me,  Jb  9'' ;  ''itt'iPD 
(denominative  from  fw7  the  tongue)  slandering  (as  if  intent  on  injuring  with  the 
tongue)  xp  ioi«  K^th.  (The  (^re  requires  ''3B'^0  mHoM  as  Na  i^  "^njl) ;  IDlf 
Ihey  have  poured  out,  \p  77"  (if  not  rather  Pw'aO  ;  ^ri^HV  I  have  appointed,  i  S  21^ 
(unless   "riyn'in   should   be  read) ;    nj/D^  Ho  132 ;   ^-fp  to  take  root,  passive 


152  The  rerb  [§  55  c-f 

< 
B'liK',  denominative  from  K'"}.B'  root  (but  EHK'  <o  root  out) ;  in  Hithpo'el  ^B^bnn 

<Aey  shall  be  moved,  Jer  25^^ ;  imperf.  46* ;  from  a  verb  H'v  TlK'iB'  Is  lo^'.  The 
participle  |*X)))p  Is  52*  is  probably  a,  forma  mixta  combining  the  readings  J^XbD 
and  }*Nlbnjp. 

C  Po'el  proper  (as  distinguished  from  the  corresponding  conjugations  of  verbs 
V"]3  §  67  I  and  Vy  §  72  m,  wliich  take  the  place  of  the  ordinary  causative 
Pi'el)  expresses  an  aim  or  endeavour  to  perform  the  action,  especially  with 
hostile  intent,  and  is  hence  called,  by  Ewald,  the  stem  expressing  aim  (Ziel- 
stamm),  endeavour  (Suche-stamm)  or  attack  (Angrififs-stamm)  ;  cf.  the  examples 
given  above  from  Jb  9'^  ^t  loi^,  and  |''^y  i  S  18'  Q«re  (probably  for  J.''.iyD,  cf. 
§  £2  s  ;  §  55/:  seeking  to  cast  an  evil  eye). 

With  btpip  is  connected  the  formation  of  quadri literals  by  the  insertion  of 
a  consonant  between  the  first  and  second  radicals  (§  30  p,  §  56). 

d  2.  Pa'lel,  generally  with  the  «  attenuated  to  t  =  Pi'lel''^  {Pi'M),  7/tDi?  and 
bpDp ;  the  e  in  the  final  syllable  also  arises  from  i,  and  this  again  from  a  ; 
passive  Pu'lal  bptOp  reflexive  Hithpa'lel  PPtDprin,  like  the  Arabic  conjugations 
IX.  'iqtdlld  and  xi.  Hqtdlld,  the  former  used  of  permanent,  the  latter  of  accidental 
or  changing  conditions,  e.  g.  of  colours  ;  cf.  |3KK'  to  he  at  rest,  |3y"l  to  be  green, 
passive  //JDX  to  be  icithered,  all  of  them  found  only  in  the  perfect  and  with 
no  corresponding  Qal  form.  (For  the  barbarous  form  ""J^nniS^f  1/'  SS^''  read 
''jnriDJf ;  for  bbp^  Ez  28^^,  which  has  manifestly  arisen  only  from  confusion 
with  the  following  P^n,  read  ?D3).  These  forms  are  more  common  in  verbs 
^*'y,  where  they  take  the  place  of  Pi'el  and  Hithpa'el  (§  72  m).    Cf.  also  §  75  kk. 

^  3.  P^'aVal :  P^pDp  with  repetition  of  the  last  two  radicals,  used  of  move- 
ments repeated  in  quick  succession  ;  e.  g.  in")np  to  go  about  quickly,  to  palpitate 
(of  the  heart)  \p  38",  from  "IPID  to  go  about ;  passive  "Ip^lDH  to  be  in  a  fertnen', 
to  be  heated,  to  be  red,  Jb  16^*,  La  1^",  2^1.  Probably  this  is  also  the  explanation 
of  ^Jf*l2fn  (denom.  from  mifivn  a  trumpet,  but  only  in  the  participle,  i  Ch  15** 
&c.  Kfth.)  for  1S")ifn,  by  absorption  of  the  first  "1,  lengthening  of  a  in  the 
open  syllable,  and  subsequent  obscuring  of  a  to  5.  On  the  other  hand,  for 
the  meaningless  I3n  ^3nX  Ho  4^*  (which  could  only  be  referred  to  this  con- 
jugation if  it  stood  for  ^SH^riK)  read  ^^HN  ^  and  for  the  equally  meaningless 
r)^a'<Q'»  if,  458  read  ri'B^.     In  both  these  cases  a  scribal  error  {dittography)  has 

been  perpetuated  by  the  punctuation,  which  did  not  venture  to  alter  the 
K'thibh.  On  the  employment  of  P*'arai  in  the  formation  of  nouns,  cf  §  84'' n. 
Closely  related  to  this  form  is — 
r  4.  PUpH  (pass.  Pblpal),  with  a  strengthening  of  the  two  essential  radicals  in 
•''  stems  yy,  ry,  and  -"'y,  e.g.  hl^l  to  roll,  from  ba=^^3;  reflexive  blbl^T}  to 
roll  oneself  down;  P3?3  from  7^3,  passive  73p3  ;  cf.  also  NCNtS  (so  Baer  and 
Ginsb.  after  Qimhi  ;  others  NDND)  Is  14*^,  and  with  a  in  both  syllables 
owing  to  the  influence  of  "1^  "^PIP  from  "1p  Nu  24'^  (cf.  however,  in  the 
parallel  passage,  Jer  48*^  1p"!P)  and  Is  22",  in  the  participle  ;  iK'jb'  Is  17"  to 
hedge  in,  ace.  to  others  make  to  grow.  Probably  to  this  form  also  belongs 
^Vbvy,  the  emended  reading  of  Jb  39^0  instead  of  the  impossible  ^ypy  ;  also 

'  Cf.  Wolfensohn,  'The  Pi'lel  in  Hebrew,'  Amer.  Joum.  of  Or.  Studies,  xxvii 
(i907)»  P-  303  ff. 


§§55!7-*,  56]       Less  Common  Conjugations  153 

nSDSD  Is  27*,  if  that  form  is  to  be  referred  to  an  infinitive  NDKD  ;  perhaps 
also  Kti'B'  Ez  39^  for  XK'NB'.  This  form  also  commonly  expresses  rapidly 
repeated  movement,  which  all  languages  incline  to  indicate  by  a  repetition  of 
the  sound,!  g^g.  sj^q^  to  chirp;  cf.  in  the  Lexicon  the  nouns  derived  from 

T13,  ei^y,  and  ^^'i. 

As  Hilhpalpel  we  find  ]^pppn^)  Na  2^ ;   ijnijnnni  Est  4* ;  "IO"JC)n»l   Dn  S',  g 
11".     Of  the  same  form   is    n"1"lK  Is  38l^  if  contracted   from    n"nnnS   or 
mnriN  from  the  root  11  or  n),  and  also  !|nDni?nn  tarry  ye,  Is  39'  (but  read 
probably  inQFin),   HDnipn^l  (in  pause)  Gn  19"',  &c.,  if  it  is  to  be  derived  from 
Pino,  and  not  Hithpa'el  from  HDrilp. 

Only  examples  more  or  less  doubtful  can  be  adduced  of —  h 

5.  Tiph'el  (properly  Taph'el  2) :  ^Dpri ,  with  fl  prefixed,  cf.  ^ripi^n  to  teach  to 
walk,  to  had  (denominative  from  hv]  afoot?)  Ho  ii^;  from  a  stem  n"7,  the 
imperfect  iTnnn''  to  contend  with,  Jer  12^;  participle,  221^  (from  nin  to  be  hot, 
eager).  Similarly  in  Aramaic,  DSTTI  to  interpret,  whence  also  in  Hebrew  the 
passive  participle  D3")np  Ezr  4''. 

6.  taph'el :  ^Cpti*,  frequent  in  Syriac,  e.  g.  3npB'  from  2TV7  to  flame  ;  whence  '/ 
in  Hebrew  Dlh^^  flame.  Perhaps  of  the  same  form  is  P^?3B'  a  snail  (unless 
it  be  from  the  stem  ^2^),  and  nil"iypti'  hollow  strakes,  cf.  §  85,  No.  50.  This 
conjugation  is  perhaps  the  original  of  Hiph'il,  in  which  case  the  H,  by  a 
phonetic  change  which  may  be  exemplified  elsewhere,  is  weakened  from  a 
sibilant. 

* 

Forms  of  which  only  isolated  examples  occur  are : —  /t^- 

7.  cbDj?,  passiVe  tiptop  ;  as  DEOnD  peeled  off,  like  scales.  Ex  16",  from  flpH, 
tlBTI  to  peel,  to  scale. 

8.  P\yO\y,  in  ejMIJ  a  rain-storm,  from  ^"Tt. 

9.  btS*ri3  (regularly  in  Mishnic  Hebrew^)  a  form  compounded  o{  Niph'al 
and  Hithpa'el ;  as  IID^ai  for  nDinJI  that  they  may  be  taught,  Ez  23^  ;  1333 
probably  an  error  for  SsiPn  to  be  forgiven,  Dt  21^  On  mPK'3  Pr  37l^  see 
5  75  a;. 

§  56.    Quadriliterals. 

On  the  origin  of  these  altogether  secondary  formations  cf.  §  30  p. 
While  quadriliteral  nouns  are  tolerably  numerous,  only  the  following 
examples  of  the  verb  occur  : 

!  Cf.  Lat.  tinnio,  tintinno,  our  tick-tack,  ding-dong,  and  the  German  xcirrwarr, 
kHngklang.  The  repetition  of  the  radical  in  verbs  VV  also  produces  this 
effect;  as  in  \>pj)  to  lick,  ppl  to  pound,  e]Dt3  to  trip  along.     The  same  thing  is 

expressed  also  by  diminutive  forms,  as  in  Latin  by  the  termination  -illo,  e.  g. 
eantillo,  in  German  by  -eln,  -em,  c.  g.  flimmcrn,  trillcrn,  trijpfeln,  to  trickle. 

'  The  existence  of  a  Taph'el  is  contested  on  good  grounds  by  Barth,  Nominal- 
bildung,  p.  279. 

'  [See  Segal,  Miinaic  Hebrew,  Oxf.  1909,  p.  30  ff.] 


154  The  Verb  [§  56 

(o)  On  the  analogy  of  Pi'el :  DD")3,  imperfect  (1300^3^  he  doth  ravage  it,  \p  8c" 
from  Dps,  cf.  D]a.  Passive  K'SOl  to  grow  fresh  again,  Jb  33".  Participle 
?Il")3Tp  girt,  clothed  (cf.  Aramaic  733  to  bind),  I  Ch  15",  It  is  usual  also  to 
include  among  the  quadriliterals  TBHS  Jb  26',  as  a  perfect  of  Aramaic  form 
with  Patha/i  not  attenuated.  It  is  more  correctly,  however,  regarded,  with 
Delitzsch,  as  the  infinitive  absolute  of  a  Pi'lel  formation,  from  bns  to  spread  out, 
with  euphonic  change  of  the  first  B'  to  tJ',  and  the  second  to  T.  Moreover, 
the  reading  TKHS  also  is  very  well  attested,  and  is  adopted  by  Baer  in  the 
text  of  Job  ;  cf.  the  Rem.  on  p.  48  of  his  edition. 

(6)  On  the  analogy  of  Hiph'il :  {'"'NOK'n  ^  by  syncope  b''tXO\ifri  and  ^^DK'n 
to  turn  to  the  left  (denom.  from  i'NCfe')  Gn  138,  Is  30",  &c.    On  ^n>3TSn  cf.  §  53  p. 


C.     Strong  Verb  with  Pronominal  Suffixes.' 

§57. 

The  accusative  of  the  personal  pronoun,  depending  on  an  active 
verb,'^  may  be  expressed  (i)  by  a  separate  word,  HX  the  accusative 
sign  (before  a  suffix  HN,  HN)  with  the  pronominal  suffix,  e.  g.  ^HN  p^i? 
he  has  killed  him;  or  (2)  by  a  mere  suffix,  ^"^^^P  or  vDj?  he  has  killed 
him.  The  latter  is  the  usual  method  (§  33),  and  we  are  here  con- 
cerned with  it  alone.'  Neither  of  these  methods,  however,  is  em- 
ployed when  the  accusative  of  the  pronoun  is  reflexive.  In  that  case 
a  reflexive  verb  is  used,  viz.  Niph'al  or  Hithpa'el  (§§  51  and  54), 
e.  g.  B''|!i5nn  he  sanctijied  himself,  not  i^"^i?,  which  could  only  mean  he 
sanctified  him.* 

Two  points  must  be  specially  considered  here  :  the  form  of  the 
suffix  itself  (§  58),  and  the  form  which  the  verb  takes  when  suffixes 
are  added  to  it  (§§  59-61). 

*  This  subject  of  the  verbal  suffixes  is  treated  here  in  connexion  with  the 
strong  verb,  in  order  that  both  the  forms  of  the  suffixes  and  the  general  laws 
which  regulate  their  union  with  verbal  forms  may  be  clearly  seen.  The 
rules  which  relate  to  the  union  of  the  suffixes  with  weak  verbs  will  be  given 
under  the  several  classes  of  those  verbs. 

^  An  accusative  suffix  occurs  with  Niph'al  in  i//  109'  (since  Dnp3  is  used  in 

the  sense  of  to  attack),  and  according  to  some,  in  Is  44*1 ;  with  Hithpa'el  Is  14* 

(bnjnn  to  appropriate  somebody  to  oneself  as  a  possession) ;  cf.  above,  §  54/,  and 

§  1 1 7  tc. 
3  On  the  cases  where  DK  is  necessary,  see  §  117  e. 

*  The  exceptions  in  Jer  7^',  Ez  j^^-S-'o  are  only  apparent.  In  all  these 
instances  the  sharp  antithesis  between  DriN  {themselves)  and  another  object 
could  only  be  expressed  by  retaining  the  same  verb  ;  also  in  EX5I'  DHN  after 
an  active  verb  sei*ves  to  emphasize  the  idea  of  themselves. 


§  58  a-  d]     The  Pronominal  Suffixes  of  the  Verb        1 55 
§  58.    The  Pronominal  Suffixes  of  the  Verb. 

Cf.  the  statistics  collected  by  H.  Petri,  Das  Verbum  mit  Suffixen  im  Hebr., 
part  ii,  in  the  D'':CJ'N1  CNUJ,  Leipzig,  1890.  W.  Diehl,  Das  Pronomen  vers, 
suff.  .  ..  des  Hebr.,  Giessen,  1895.  J.  Barth,  '  Beitrage  zur  Sufifixlehre  des 
Nordsem.,'  AJSL.  xvii  (1901),  p.  205  f.  Brockelmann,  Semit.  Sprachwiss.,  i. 
159  f. ;  Grundriss,  p.  638  S. 

1.    The  pronominal   suffixes   appended   to   the   verb   express    the  CL 
accusative  of  the  personal  pronoun.     They  are  the  following  : — 


A. 

B. 

c. 

To  a 

form  ending  in 

To  a  form  in  ike  Perf. 

To  a  form  in  the  Imperf. 

a  Vowel. 

ending  in  a  Consonant. 

ending  in  a  Consonant. 

Sing 

I.  com.   ^3 

"•3  *    (in  pause  ''3_1-) 

•'3  '                  me. 

2.  m.       ''I  * 

1       (in  pause  1  '  ,  also  ^  ^  )  thee. 

f.         ^ 

^—  'n^,  rarely  ^— 

^.^ 

3.  m.  in_l,i 

^^^,H^) 

in  *                 /itm. 

f-       r 

n 

n  *                  /wr. 

Plur. 

I.  com.  ^J  * 

13'* 

T 

W  '                  us. 

2.  m.     DD 

f.  ..  .'.  .' 

3.  m.   on,'  D 

D3_ 

V 

-                        you  {vos) 

D      (from  on  ;  ),  D  : 

D      (from  on  *  )  eos. 

poet.  i»  " 

in  * 

T 

^d"* 

f.          ? 

U,^^ 

*            ea*. 

2.  That  these  suffixes  are  connected  with  the  corresponding  forms  b 
of  the  personal  pronoun  (§  32)  is  for  the  most  part  self-evident,  and 
only  a  few  of  them  require  elucidation. 

The  suffixes  ^3,  13,  in,  n  (and  ''J,  when  a  long  vowel  in  an  open  C 
syllable  precedes)  never  have  the  tone,  which  always  rests  on  the  pre- 
ceding syllable ;  on  the  other  hand,  D3  and  On  always  take  the  tone. 

In  the  3rd  pers.  masc,  m-l.,  by  contraction  of  a  and  u  after  the  a 
rejection  of  the  weak  n ,  frequently  gives  rise  to  0  (§  23  h),  ordinarily 
written  i,  much  less  frequently  n  (see  §  7  c).  In  the  feminine.,  the 
suffix  n  should  be  pronounced  with  a  preceding  a  (cf.  below,  /,  note), 
as  n-1-  or  n-^,  on  the  analogy  of  ahxl;  instead  of  n^,  however,  it 
was  simply  pronounced  n__,  with  the  rejection  of  the  final  vowel, 


1  According  to  Diehl  (see  above),  p.  61,  03  occurs  only  once  with  the 
perfect  (see  §  59  e),  7  times  with  the  imperfect,  but  never  in  pre-exilic 
passages,  whereas  the  accus.  D^nX  occurs  40  times  in  Jer.  and  36  times 
in  Ezek. — Dn  occurs  only  once  as  a  verbal  suffix  (Dt  322'"',  unless,  with  Kahan, 
Infinitive  u.  Participien,  p.  13,  Dn^NDK  from  PINS  is  to  be  read),  while  the  forms 
15  (2nd/.  pi.)  and  |_.  and  |n  drdf.  pi),  added  by  Qimhi,  never  occur. 


156  The  Verb  [§58e-i7 

and  with  Mappiq,  since  the  n  is  consonantal;    but  the  weakening  to 
'"1__  is  also  found,  see  below,  g. 

^  3.  The  variety  of  the  suffix-forms  is  occasioned  chiefly  by  the  fact 
that  they  are  modified  differently  according  to  the  form  and  tense  of  the 
verb  to  which  they  are  attached.  For  almost  every  suffix  three  forms 
may  be  distinguished : 

(a)  One  beginning  with  a  consonant,  as  "•?— ,  ^'^—,  1  (only  after  i), 
^— ,  (DH)  D,  &c.  These  are  attached  to  verbal  forms  which  end  with 
a  vowel,  e.g.  ''?1^J?P^ ;  ^'T'ripDpj  for  which  by  absorption  of  the  n  we 
also  get  VripDp,  pronounced  q^talttu;  cf.  §  8  rn. 

f  (b)  A  second  and  third  with  what  are  called  connecting  voivels  ^ 
{^3J_,  ^3-^),  used  with  verbal  forms  ending  with  a  consonant  (for 
exceptions,  see  §  59  57  and  §  60  e).  This  connecting  vowel  is  a  with 
the  forms  of  the  perfect,  e.g.*?^'^?,  I^^'^i?,  Q^^P  (onTJ.^^ip,  the  ordinary 
form  of  the  3rd  masc.  perf.  with  the  2nd  fern,  suffix,  cf.  below,  g);  and 
e  (less  frequently  a)  with  the  forms  of  the  imperfect  and  imperative,  e.g. 
'''"'.?pi??,  2.;Pi5  ;  also  with  the  infinitive  and  participles,  when  these  do 
not  take  noun-suffixes  (cf.  §  61  a  and  k).  The  form  S  also  belongs  to 
the  suffi.xes  of  the  perfect,  since  it  has  arisen  from  '"^-^  (cf.,  however, 
§  60  d).  With  ^,  03,  the  connecting  sound  is  only  a  vocal  S^wd, 
which  has  arisen  from  an  original  short  vowel,  thus  ''I-^-,  C5?-;-,  e.  g. 
'i:  n"?  {ffiO'Vkh.a),  or  when  the  final  consonant  of  the  verb  is  a  guttural, 
1-=7- ,  e-  g.  ^^i^f  •  In  pause,  the  original  short  vowel  (a)  reappears  as 
S^ghdl  with  the  tone  ^-^  (also  ^-1-,  see  g).  On  the  appending  of 
suffixes  to  the  final  |1  of  the  imperfect  (§  47  m),  see  §  60  e. 

^      Rem.  I.  As  rare  forms  may  be  mentioned  sing.  2nd  pers.  masc.  Hi Gn  27'', 

1  K  iS",  &c.,  in  pause  also  HS^  (see  below,  t) ;  fern.  *3  >3  '  \f/  103*,  137*. 
Instead  of  the  form  T]__,  which  is  usual  even  in  the  perfect  (e.g.  Ju  4*", 

Ez  27*^),  TJ occurs  as/em.  Is  60^  (as  masc.  Dt  6^'',  28*^,  Is  30^^,  55*  always  in 

pause);  with  MunaJi  Is  54*,  Jer  23'''. — In  the  3rd  masc.  H  Ex  32*',  Nu  23*; 
in  the  T,rdfem.  H without  Mappiq  (cf.  §  91  e)  Ex  2*,  Jer  44**;  Am  i^*,  with 

1  We  have  kept  the  term  connecting  vowel,  although  it  is  rather  a  superficial 
description,  and  moreover  these  vowels  are  of  various  origin.  The  connective 
a  is  most  probably  the  remains  of  the  old  verbal  termination,  like  the  «  in 

the  2nd  pers./e»j.  sing.  ^iT'^lptOp.     Observe  e.g.  the  Hebrew  form  cftal-ani  in 

connexion  with  the  Arabic  qatala-ni,  contrasted  with  Hebrew  (ftalat-ni  and 
Arabic  qatalat-ni.  KOnig  accordingly  prefers  the  expression  '  vocalic  ending 
of  the  stem',  instead  of  'connecting  syllable'.  The  connective  e,  a,  as 
Pratorius  {ZDMG.  55,  267  ft'.)  and  Barth  (ibid.  p.  205  f.)  show  by  reference  to 
the  Syriac  connective  at  in  the  imperf.  of  the  strong  verb,  is  originally  due 

to  the  analogy  of  verbs  ^"7  (^3nD  = '3^110  from  m^haini),  in  which  the  final  e 

was  used  as  a  connecting  vowel  first  of  the  imperat.,  then  of  the  impf. 
(besides  many  forms  with  a,  §  60  d),  and  of  the  infin.  and  participle. 


§  58  h,  t]       The  Pronominal  Suffixes  of  the  Verb       157 

retraction  of  the  tone  before  a  following  tone-syllable,  but  read  certainly 
r\rh  niOB'.— The  forms  iOJL,  iOJ^,  iOJL  occur  33  times,  all  in  poetry  ^ 
(except  Ex  23'^)  [viz.  with  the  perfect  Ex  15^",  23",  \\i  738 ;  with  the  imperfect 
Ex  155  (^D  for  to),  157.9.9.12.15.17.17^  ^36^  21"'",  2  2^,  45",  8c«,  14010;   with  the 

imperative  \p  5^',  591*-'^,  83^*].  On  the  age  of  these  forms,  see  §  91  Z  3  ;  on 
I and   I .  as  suffixes  of  the  3rd  fem.  plur.  of  the  imperfect,  §  60  d. — 

In  Gn  48*  N3"Dni:)  (cf.  DC'"D3*1  i  Ch  14"  according  to  Baer),  D__  has  lost 
the  tone  before  Maqqeph  and  so  is  shortened  to  D___. — In  Ez  44*  j^?2''B'ri1  is 
probably  only  an  error  for  DlD^B'rn . 

2.    From  a  comparison  of  these  verbal  suffixes  with  the  noun-suffixes  (§  91)  fl 
we  find  that  (o)  there  is  a  greater  variety  of  forma  amongst  the  verbal  than 
amongst  the  noun-sufiSxes,  the  foims  and  relations  of  the  verb  itself  being 
more  various  ; — (6)  the  verbal  suffix,  where  it  differs  from  that  of  the  noun, 
is  longer;  cf.  e.g.  ^3_1_,  ^3  *      ^3^  (me)  with  "• {my).     The  reason  is  that 

the  pronominal  object  is  less  closely  connected  with  the  verb  than  the 
possessive  pronoun  (the  genitive)  is  with  the  noun  ;  consequently  the  former 
can  also  be  expressed  by  a  separate  word  (flN  in  'flN,  &c.). 

4.  A  verbal  form  with  a  suffix  gains  additional  strength,  and  some- 1 
times  intentional  emphasis,  when,  instead  of  the  mere  connecting  vowel, 
a  special  connecting-syllable  ^  (an)  ^  is  inserted  between  the  suffix  and 
the  verbal  stem.  Since,  however,  this  syllable  always  has  the  tone, 
the  a  is  invariably  (except  in  the  ist  pers.  sing.)  modified  to  tone- 
bearing  S^ghdl.  This  is  called  the  iV't^n  energicum*  (less  suitably 
demonstrativum  or  epentheticum),  and  occurs  principally  (see,  however, 
Dt  32^"  bis)  in  pausal  forms  of  the  imperfect,  e.  g.  ^n33^1^  he  will  bless 
him  {yj/  72'^  cf.  Jer  5^^),  ^^pJlK  Jer  22^^*;  ''??^33^  he  will  honour  me 
(y\r  50^)  is  unusual ;  rarely  in  the  perfect,  Dt  24''  4l?l-?.  •  On  examples 
like  '3?"^  Gn  30*,  cf.  §  26  gr,  §  59  /.  In  far  the  greatest  number  of 
cases,  however,  this  NUn  is  assimilated  to  the  following  consonant 
(3,  3),  or  the  latter  is  lost  in  pronunciation  (so  n),  and  the  NUn 
consequently  sharpened.  HeKce  we  get  the  following  series  of  suffix- 
forms  : — 

1  Thus  in  ^^  a  iO occurs  five  times  [four  times  attached  to  a  noun  or 

preposition,  §§  91/,  103  c],  and  D__  only  twice. 

'  It  is,  however,  a  question  whether,  instead  of  a  connecting  syllable,  we 
should  not  assume  a  special  verbal  form,  analogous  to  the  Arabic  energetic  mood 
(see  I,  at  the  end)  and  probably  also  appearing  in  the  Hebrew  cohorta- 
tive  (see  the  footnote  on  §  48  c). — As  M.  Lambert  has  shown  in  REJ.  1903, 
p.  1 78  ff.  (*  De  I'emploi  des  suffixes  pronominaux  ...')»  the  suffixes  of  the  3rd 
pers.  with  the  impf.  without  waw  in  prose  are  ^3_1-  and  HHJL,   but  with 

waw  consec.  in_L  and  n_l_  or  H ;  with  the  jussive  in  the  2nd  and  3rd  pers. 

always  in_!_    n_l_,  .  1  the  ist  pers.  more  often  ^Il_l_  than  in_l_,  and  always 

n34..      ■•  '  "  "  ■•■  ■■  ' 

'  According  to  Barth  'n-haltige  Suffixe'  in  Sprachwiss,  Untersuchungen,  Lp; 
1907,  p.  I  ff.,  the  connecting  element,  as  in  Aramaic,  was  originally  in,  whi 
in  Hebrew  became  en  in  a  closed  tone-syllable. 

*  So  KOnig,  Lehrgeb.,  i.  p.  226. 


y 


158  The  Verb  [§§  58  h  i,  59 «,  h 

istpers.  *3J_  (even  in  pause,  Jb  7",  &c.),  "I^-  (for  *i3j-,  *33J_). 
2nrf  pers.  ^4-  (Jer  22^*  in  pause  ^?^  and,  only  orthographically 
different, 
n3_!_  (Is  10'^'',  Pr  2"  in  pause), 
yd  pers.  ^3-1-  (for  l'"!?^),^  fern.  ^^-^  for  i^ll-^. 
[ist  pers.  2>lur.  13-!^  (for  ^^?-^),  see  the  Rem.] 
In  the  other  persons  Nun  energetic  does  not  occur. 


A 


Rem.  The  uncontracted  forms  with  Nun  are  rare,  and  occur  only  in  poetic 
or  elevated  style  (Ex  15*,  Dt  32I"  [bis'],  Jer  5^^^,  22^^*) ;  they  are  never  found 
in  the  yrdfem.  $ing.  and  istiplur.  On  the  other  hand,  the  contracted  forms 
are  tolerably  frequent,  even  in  prose.  An  example  of  ^3^  as  isipiwr.  occurs 
perhaps  in  Jb  31I*  [but  read  ^3__  and  cf.  §  72  cc\,  hardly  in  Ho  12^;  cf. 
133n  hehold  us,  Gn  44^^,  50^*,  Nu  14*"  for  133 H  (instead  of  133n  ;  see  §  20»«). — 
In  Ez  4I*  the  Masora  requires  n33yri,  without  Dages  in  the  Nun. 
/  That  the  forms  with  Nun  energicum  are  intended  to  give  greater  emphasis 
to  the  verbal  form  is  seen  from  their  special  frequency  in  pause.  Apart  from 
the  verb,  however,  Niin  energicum  occurs  also  in  the  union  of  suffixes  with 
certain  particles  (§  100  0). 

This  Nun  is  frequent  in  Western  Aramaic.  In  Arabic  the  corresponding 
forms  are  the  two  energetic  moods  (see  §  48  b)  ending  in  an  and  anna,  which 
are  used  in  connexion  with  suffixes  (e.g.  yaqtulan-ka  or  yaqtulanna-ka)  as  well 
as  without  them. 


§  59.    The  Perfect  with  Pronominal  Suflixes. 

(I  1.  The  endings  {afformatives)  of  the  perfect  occasionally  vary 
somewhat  from  the  ordinary  form,  when  connected  with  pronominal 
suffixes ;  viz. : — 

(a)  In  the  yd  sing.  fern,  the  original  feminine  ending  n__  or  n__  is 
used  for  n_.. 

(b)  In  the  2nd  sing.  masc.  besides  ^  we  find  ^,  to  which  the  con- 
necting vowel  is  directly  attached,  but  the  only  clear  instances  of  this 
are  with  "'3_!_  .^ 

(c)  In  the  2nd  sing.  fern.  ""J^ ,  the  original  form  of  W ,  appears ;  cf. 
^riN,  "rip^i?,  §  32/;  §  44  g.  This  form  can  be  distinguished  from  the 
ist  pers.  only  by  the  context. 

{d)  2nd  plur.  masc.  ^^^  for  DW.  The  only  examples  are  Nu  20*,  21^*, 
Zc  7^  The  fern.  I^P^i?  never  occurs  with  suffixes;  probably  it  had  the 
same  form  as  the  masculine. 
•  "We  exhibit  first  the  forms  of  the  perfect  HipJi'il,  as  used  in  con- 
nexion with  suffixes,  since  here  no  further  changes  take  place  in  the 
stem  itself,  except  as  regards  the  tone  (see  c). 

^  On  i3  =  13__  Nu  23",  see  §  67  0. 

2  On  the  d  as  an  original  element  of  the  verbal  form,  see  §  58/,  note. 


§  59  <^-/]     ^^^  Perfect  with  Pronominal  Suffixes       159 


Singular. 
3.  m.  i'^tJpn 

2.  m.  riS'^pn,  n!'!?pn 
2.  /.  ^JiiS'^pn,  i^S"?i?!? 
I.   c.  'ri^^pn 


Plural. 


2.  //i. 


wfjtDpn 


I.    c 


.   I^S'l??!? 


The  beginner  should  first  practise  connecting  the  suffixes  with  these  Hiph'il 
forms  and  then  go  on  to  unite  them  to  the  Perfect  Qal  (see  d). 

2.  The  addition  of  the  suffix  generally  causes  the  tone  to  be  thrown  c 
forward  towards  the  end  of  the  word,  since  it  would  otherwise  fall, 
in  some  cases,  on  the  ante-penultima ;  with  the  heavy  suffixes  (see  e) 
the  tone  is  even  transferred  to  the  suffix  itself.  Considerations  of 
tone,  especially  in  the  Perfect  Qal,  occasion  certain  vowel  changes : 
(a)  the  Qames  of  the  first  syllable,  no  longer  standing  before  the  tone^ 
always  becomes  vocal  S^wd ;  (6)  the  original  Pathah  of  the  second 
syllable,  which  in  the  3rd  sing.  fern,  and  -^rd  plur.  had  become  S^wd, 
reappeax's  before  the  suffix,  and,  in  an  open  syllable  before  the  tone,  is 
lengthened  to  Qames ;  similarly  original  I  (as  in  the  y'd  sing.  masc. 
without  a  suffix)  is  lengthened  to  e,  e.  g.  ^I^nt*  i  S  1 8^S  Pr  1 9^ 

The  forms  of  the  perfect  of  Qal  consequently  appear  as  follows  : —     d 
Singular. 


3.  m.  b^\> 

3.  /.  rb^\>  (n^Pi?,  see  g) 
2.  m.  ^}^\>  {^^^\>,  see  h) 
2.  /.  ^J!i.^^i?(nS'Cii?,seeA) 
I.    c.  "fiiJCp 


Plural, 
c.  'h\$^ 


2,  m. 


^%\> 
>^%\> 


The  connexion  of  these  forms  with   all   the  suffixes  is  shown  in 

Paradigm  C-     It  will  be  seen  there  also,  how  the  Sere  in  the  Perfect 

Piel  changes  sometimes  into  S^ghol,  and  sometimes  into  vocal  S^wd. 

Rem.  I.   The  suffixes  of  the  2nd  and  3rd  pers.  plur.  D3  and  DH,  since  they  e 
end  in  a  consonant  and  also  always  have  the  tone,  are  distinguished  as  heavy 
suffixes  (suffixa  gravia)  from  the  rest,  which  are  called  light  suffixes.     Compare 
the  connexion  of  these  (and  of  the  corresponding  feminine  forms  J3  and  JH) 

with  the  7ioun,  §  91.    With  a  perfect  D2  alone  occurs,  if/  11 8^6.    The  form  b^j? 

which  is  usually  given  as  the  connective  form  of  the  3rd  sing.  masc.  before 
DD  and  p  is  only  formed  by  analogy,  and  is  without  example  in  the  0.  T. 

2.  In  the  yd  sbig.  masc.  ^n?t3p  (especially  in  verbs  T]"p  ;  in  the  strong  verb    f 
only  in  Jer  20"  in  Pi'el)  is  mostly  contracted  to  \?Q\>,  according  to  §  23  fc ;  * 
likewise  in  the  2nd  sing.  masc.  ^n^p^p  to  inpDi?. — As  a  suffix  of  the  ist  sing. 
^i_l_  occurs  several  times  with  the  3rd  sing.  masc.  perf.  Qal  of  verbs  n'v,  not 
only  in  pause  (as  "•jSj?  ^  118' ;  ^35p  Pr  822  with  D^/ii),  but  even  with  a  con- 


i6o  The  Verb  [§§  59  g-i,  60  a 

junctive  accent,  as  ^J'l'n  Jb  30";   ^35y  i  S  aS*'  (where,  however,  the  reading 

••Jjy  is  also  found).    With  a  sharpened  3  :  >|3"n  Gn  30*,  >f\^>  \f>  118". 

a-      3.  The  ^rd  sing .  fern.  Vp^p  (^zH^Bp)  has  the  twofold  peculiarity  that  (a)  the 

ending  ath  always  takes  the  tone,i  and  consequently  is  joined  to  those  sufiSxes 
which  form  a  syllable  of  themselves  (*3^  ^^  IH    H,  13),  without  a  connecting 

vowel,  contrary  to  the  general  rule,  §  58/;  (b)  before  the  other  suffixes  the 
connecting  vowel  is  indeed  employed,  but  the  tone  is  drawn  back  to  the 
penultima,  so  that  they  are  pronounced  with  shortened  vowels   viz.  T]       ' 

D_ 1_^  e.g.  TjnnnX  she  loves  thee,  Ru  4^^,  cf.  Is  47^°;  Dn333  she  has  stolen  them, 

Gn  3i»2 ;  DnS^K'  it  burns  them.  Is  47",  Jos  2«,  Ho  2",  ^  48'.    For  V^l-l-,  'T?-^ 

&c.,  in  pause  ^3n is  found,  Jer  8*^,  \fi  6q^°,  and  ftn Ct  8*  :  and  also  without 

the  pause  for  the  sake  of  the  assonance  ''JJiPBrt,  she  was  in  travail  with  thee,  ibid. 
The  form  inp^^p  (e.  g.  Ru  4^')  has  arisen,  through  the  loss  of  the  H  and  the 
consequent  sharpening  of  the  n  (as  in  13_L  and  n3_l.  for  in3JL  and  n3JL 
cf.  §  58  i),  from  the  form  innp'op,  which  is  also  found  even  in  pause  (?nri3nX 
I  S  i8'8 ;  elsewhere  it  takes  in  pause  the  form  inJISDD  Is  59^^)  j  go  nript^j? 
from  nnptSp  ;  cf.  I  S  I*,  Is  34",  Jer  49",  Ru  3' ;  in  pause  Ez  14'^,  alwaj's,  on 
the  authority  of  Qimhi,  without  Mappiq  in  the  PI,  which  is  consequently 
always  a  mere  vowel-letter. 

n  4.  In  the  2nd  sing.  masc.  the  form  ribop  is  mostly  used,  and  the  suffixes 
have,  therefore,  no  connecting  vowel,  e.g.  IJniflD  13rin3t  thou  hast  cast  us  off, 
thou  hast  broken  us  down,  \p  60^ ;  but  with  the  suflf.  of  the  ist  sing,  the  form 
'3JlSop  is  used,  e.g.  "'3J^"!i5n  ^  139^;  in  pause,  however,  with  Qames,  e.g. 
''3P12UI  ^  2  2^;  Ju  iio  (with  Zaqeph  qaton) ;  but  cf.  also  ''^PiSrS  ^  17*  "^yith 
Mer'kka, — In  the  2nd  sing.  fern,  '•ri—  is  also  written  defectively,  ^3J1''Q1  i  S  19", 
Ju  i]36j  Jer  15I",  Ct  48.  Occasionally  the  suffix  is  appended  to  the  ordinary 
form  n__,  viz.  13nV3B'ri  thou  (/em.)  dost  adjure  us,  Ct  5',  Jos  2"*°  ;  cf.  Jer  2", 
and,  quite  abnormally,  with  Sere  13ri"1"}in  thou  {/em.)  didst  let  us  down,  Jos  2^8^ 
where  13ri*l"}in  would  be  expected.  In  Is  8"  ^H?!!  ^^  probably  intended  as 
an  imperfect. 

2  5.  In  verbs  middle  e,  the  S  remains  even  before  suffixes  (see  above,  c),  e.  g. 
■^anX  Dt  15",  innnnK  x  S  i8'»,  cf.  18^2 ;  imN"!^  Jb  37".  From  a  verb  middle  o 
there  occurs  "I"'rip3"'  I  have  prevailed  against  him,  if/  13',  from  bb"*  with  0  instead 
of  0  in  a  syllable  which  has  lost  the  tone  (§  44  e). 

§  60.    Imperfect  with  Pronominal  Suffi-xes. 

a  In  those  forms  of  the  imperfect  Qal,  which  have  no  afformatives,  the 
vowel  0  of  the  second  syllable  mostly  becomes -^(simple  S^wd  mobile), 
sometimes  -^;  thus  in  the  principal ^aw»«,  Nu  35^^",  Is  27^  62^,  Jer  31", 
Ez  35*,  Ho  10'"  ;  before  the  principal  jpawse,  yj/  iig^;  before  a  secondary 
2)ause,  Ez  17^  ;  even  before  a  conjunctive  accent,  Jos  23*.    Before  'I^-, 

^  ?iri73n  Ct  8^  is  an  exception.    D3  would  probably  even  here  have  the  tone 

(see  e) ;  but  no  example  of  the  kind  occurs  in  theO.T.   In  1351^  the  imperfect 
is  used  instead  of  the  perfect  with  a  suffix. 


§6o6-/]       Imperfect  with  Pronominal  Siiffixes         i6i 

Q3__,  however,  it  is  shortened  to  Qames  hatuph,  e.g.  T!'?^'^  (but  in 
pause  TJ^f^  or  liy^f);  with  Ndn  energicum,  tee  §58?"),  Cl?19f!,  &c. 
Instead  of  njpopn,  the  form  1?t3pri  1  is  used  for  the  2nd  and  3rd  fern. 
])lur.  before  suffixes  in  three  places  :  Jer  2^^,  Jb  19'^  Ct  i". 

Rem.  I.  ^")3n^  f  94^"  is  an  anomalous  form  for  ^"IBn'  (cf.  the  analogous  0 
^3m  §  67  n)  and'  ^"^JQ";  (so  Baer ;  others  ^K^3D^)  Gn  32I8  for  ^*<J'3aV     To  the 
same  category  as  ^")Iin^  belong  also,  according  to  the  usual  explanation, 
Onnyri   (from  *lbyri);'Ex  206,  232*,  Dt  5%  and  '2Vl  Dt  if.     As  a  matter  of 

fact,  the  explanation  of  these  forms  as  imperfects  of  Qal  appears  to  be  required 
by  the  last  of  these  passages  ;  yet  why  has  the  retraction  of  the  6  taken  place 
only  in  these  examples  (beside  numerous  forms  like  ''3"73y^)?     Could  the 

Masora  in  the  two  Decalogues  and  in  Ex  23^*  (on  the  analogy  of  which  Dt  13' 
was  then  wrongly  pointed)  have  intended  an  imperfect  Hoph'al  with  the 
suffix,  meaning  thou  shall  not  allow  thyself  to  he  brought  to  worship  them'i 

Verbs  whicli  have  a  in  the  second  syllable  of  the  imperfect,  and  imperative,  C 
Qal  (to  which  class  especially  verba  tertiae  and  mediae  gutluralis  belong,  §  64 
and  §  65)  do  not,  as  a  rule,  change  tlie  Pathah  of  the  imperfect  (nor  of  the  impera- 
tive, see  5  61  g)  into  S^wd  before  suffixes  ;  but  the  Pathah,  coming  to  stand  in 
an  open  syllable  before  the  tone,  is  lengthened  to  Qames,  e.g.  "•JK'3?*1  Jb  29^^ ; 
^mi?V5r  35;  Dn^K'*!  Jos  83;  inNip^  \p  145I8;  but  i^-ip^  Jer  236,  Ys' probably 
a,  forma  mixta  combining  the  readings  INIp^  and  1N")i?\  cf.  §  74  e. 

2.  Not  infrequently  suffixes  with  the  connecting  vowel  a  are  also  found  CL 
with  the  imperfect,  e.g.  ^Ji^Zinri  Gn  19",  cf.  29^2,  Ex 33^0,  Nu22S3,  j  k  2^*  Q«re, 
Is  563,  Jb  9I8;  also  '•3_;_,  Gn  2f^-^^,  Jb  71*,  93*,  1321  (in  principal  pause); 
rlT3>1  Gn  3733,  cf.  16^,  2  S  ii^'',  Is  265,  j^  2827,  i  Ch  202 ;  ^3-;>3'_  Is  63I6 
(manifestly  owing  to  the  influence  of  the  preceding  ^jyT")  j  DC'^l?''  Ex  29"°, 
cf.  2",  Nu  2i3o,  Dt  7'5,  xp  748;  even  D^^DN  n8»o-'2;  ry^^si  Ex  2"Vand  :n'»n'» 

1-     •  -:  ^T     •      I-  l|-     .   ; 

Hb  2'''  (where,  however,  the  ancient  versions  read  ''jJ^n'') ;  even  iST)''  (ofrom 
ahu)  Ho  83 ;  cf.  Ex  222^,  Jos  2*  (but  read  D?QVI!11)  !  ^  S  is^  KHh.,  21'*  (where, 
however,  the  text  is  corrupt) ;  2  S  14*  (where  read  with  the  old  versions  T]*1) ; 
Jer  23«  (see  §  74  e),  ^  35",  Ec  4'2._On  pausal  S^ghol  for  Sere  in  DDn3N1_  Gn  489 
and  inV^Sni  (so  Baer,  but  ed.  Mant.,  Ginsb.  ^nvisSni)  Ju  16",  seeV'29  q. 

3.  Suffixes  are  also  appended  in  twelve  passages  to  the  plural  forms  in  p    C 
viz.  ""jilXZliri  will  ye  break  me  in  pieces?  Jb  192  ;  Tji^mK'''  (here  necessarily  with 

a  connecting  vowel)  Is  6o''i'' ;  Pr  522  (i  but  probably  corrupt)  ;  elsewhere 
always  without  a  connecting  vowel ;  ''33{<'1|5^  with  two  other  examples  Pr  i28, 
8",  Ho  515 ;  cf.  ^31^  ^t  63*,  91" ;  ^HJ^.  Jer  522  ;  n2iJ_  Jer  2",  all  in  principal 

pause.     [See  BSttcher,  Lehrb.,  §  1047  f.] 

4.  In  Pi'el,  P6yi,  and  Po'lel,  the  Sere  of  the  final  syllable,  like  the  6  in  Qal,    /* 

becomes  vocal  S^wd  ;  but  before  the  suffixes  ^ and  DD it  is  shortened  to 

S^ghol,  e.g.  '^i'2i5^  Dt  30*,  ^34'^,  Is  51*.  With  a  final  guttural,  however, 
■^np^'K  Gn  3227;  j,]go  in  Pr  4*,  where  with  Qimhi  ^"13^ri  is  to  be  read,  e  is 

'  This  form  is  also  found  as  feminine  without  a  suffix,  in  Jer  49'',  Ez  37''. 
In  the  latter  passage  ^D^lpril  is  probably  to  be  regarded,  witli  Konig,  as 
a  clumsy  correction  of  the  original  'p*1,  intended  to  suggest  the  reading 
njZIlpril,  to  agree  with  the  usual  gender  of  DilOJfy. 

OOWLET  M 


i62  The  Verb  [^6og,h,6ia-c 

< 

retained  in  the  tone-syllable  ;  an  analogous  case  in  Hiph'il  is  ^"13^1  Dt  32'. 
Less  frequently  Sere  is  sharpened  to  I/ireq,  e.g.  DilfJSSK  Jb  16°,  cf.  Ex  31", 
Is  i'^,  52^2 .  gf)  jn  Po'lel,  Is  25I,  tp  30^,  37°^,  145',  and  probably  also  in  Qal  ^DDX 
I  S  i5«;  cf.  §  68  ;?. 
^      5.  In  Hiph'il  the  i  remains,  e.g.  "'JK'^Spri  Jb  lo^i  (after  wdw  consecutive  it  is 

often  written  defectively,  e.g.  D{J'3p*l  Gn  3^1  and  often);  but  cf.  above,/, 
Dt  32'.  Forms  like  HS'lK'yri  thou' enrichest  it,  ip  6c,^'>,  i  S  17^^,  are  rare. 
Cf.  §  53  n. 
h  6.  Instead  of  the  suffix  of  the  3rd  plur.  fern.  (|),  the  suffix  of  the  3rd  plur. 
masc.  (D)  is  affixed  to  the  afformative  ^,  to  avoid  a  confusion  with  the  personal 
ending  |1 ;  cf.  D!|Nplp''1  Gn  26'^  (previously  also  with  a  perf.  DlOnp)  ;  Gn  26'*, 
33",  Ex  2^'  (where  jyB'i'l  occurs  immediately  after) ;  39'*'^'',  i  S  6^"  (where 
also  Dn^pS  is  for  |ri"'?3,  a  neglect  of  gender  which  can  only  be  explained  by 
§  135  0). — For  PIlII  Zc  11^  read  perhaps  |2")ni  with  M.  Lambert. 

§  61.  Infinitive,  Imjyerative  and  Participle  with  Pronominal 

Suffixes. 
a  1.  The  infinitive  construct  of  an  active  verb  may  be  construed  with 
an  accusative,  and  therefore  can  also  take  a  verbal  suffix,  i.e.  the 
accusative  of  the  personal  pronoun.  The  only  undoubted  instances  of 
the  kind,  however,  in  the  O.  T.  are  infinitives  with  the  verbal  suffix 
of  the  ist  pers.  sing.,  e.  g.  ''3t?'"]'lp  to  inquire  of  vie,  Jer  37^  As  a  rule 
the  infinitive  (as  a  noun)  takes  ?ioMW-suffixes  (in  the  genitive,  which 
may  be  either  subjective  or  objective,  cf.  §115  c),  e.  g.  ^I^y  my  passing 
hy )  iSp^  '"*  reigning,  see  §  115  a  and  e.  The  infinitive  Qal,  then, 
usually  has  the  form  qotl,  retaining  the  original  short  vowel  under  the 
first  radical  (on  the  probable  ground-form  qutul,  see  §  46  a).  The 
resulting  syllable  as  a  rule  allows  a  following  B^gadk^phath  to  be 
spirant,  e.  g.  ^2^^??  in  his  writing,  Jer  45'  ;  cf.,  however,  ''22n  Gu  19^'  ; 
iS33  (so  ed.  Mant. ;  others  iB33)  Ex  12^' ;  ^32fy  i  Ch  4" ;  before  ^^  and 
D3_-  also  the  syllable  is  completely  closed,  e.g.  ''ISDK3  Ex  23'^  Lv  23'" 
(but  in  pause  '^■T^k}?  Gn  27''^),  unless  the  vowel  be  retained  in  the 
second  sylhible ;  see  cf.  With  the  form  Pbp  generally,  compare  the 
closely  allied  nouns  of  the  form  y^p  (before  a  sufiix  blpi?  or  •'^.p), 
§  84'' a;  §  93  g'. 

O      Rem.  I.  The  infin.  of  verbs  which  have  0  in  the  last  syllable  of  the  imperfed 
of  Qal,  sometimes  takes  the  form  qitt  before  suffixes,  e.g.  i*1333  Ex  21* ;  D"1Dlp 

Am  2«  (but  n-1D)p  Ex  218),  ii?D3  2  S  i'«  (but  i^S3  i  S  29'),  i'^tpV^  Zc  3I,  natJ' 

Lv  26'^^,  Ez  30^8  &c.     According  to  Barth  (see  above,  §  47  i  with  the  note) 
these  forms  with  i  in  the  first  syllable  point  to  former  t-imperfects. 
C      Infinitives  of  the  form  pOp  (§  45  c)  in  verbs  middle  or  third  guttural  (but 
cf.  also  n33K^  Gn  i9'3-3''— elsewhere  "!]2DK'  and  iUDK')  before  suffixes  sometimea 
take  the  form  qail,  as  isyi  Jon  i'^  (and,  with  the  syllable  loosely  closed. 


I 


^  6i  dg'l      Infinitive  with  Pronominal  Siiffixes  163 

iOyS  Ju  13**),  ^Knip  and  ^ypl  Ez  25«;  sometimes  qill,  with  the  a  attenuated 
to  i,  especially  in  verbs  third  guttural;  as  ^riC3,  ''V^'^,  DVl??.  *'^??'  ""C^?) 
Piyan  .—Contrary  to  §  58/  ^3^  (i  Ch  12''')  and  13_!_  (Ex  14'')  are  sometimes 
found  with  tlie  infinitive  instead  of  ''34-  ^^^  ^^4--  ^"  "'Sm  my  following  \p  3821 
(but  <^re  ^3*11),  cf.  the  analogous  examples  in  §  46  e. 

2.  With  the  suffixes  ^__  and  D5__,  contrary  to  the  analogy  of  the  corre-  (i 
spending  nouns,  forms  occur  like  ''JP3K  thy  eating,  Gn  2";  DSi'SK  Gn  3^; 
^"IDy  (others  "^"lOy)  Ob  ",  i.e.  with  0  shortened  in  the  same  way  as  in  the 
imperfect,  see  §  60.  But  the  analogy  of  the  nouns  is  followed  in  such  forms  as 
D3"|Xp  your  harvesting,  Lv  19',  23^^  (^with  retention  of  the  original  t<),  and 
DDDXb  (read  moos^khem)  your  despising,  Is  2,0^^ ;  cf.  Dt  20*  ;  on  D3SVb3  Gn  2,2^'^ 
(for  'i*D3),  see  §  74  h. — Very  unusual  are  the  infinitive  suffixes  of  the  2nd  sing, 
masc.  with  3  energicum  (on  the  analogy  of  suffixes  with  the  imperfect,  §  58  2), 
as  T^D^  Dt  4'*,  cf.  23',  Jb  33'*,  all  in  principal  pause. 

Exaimples  of  the  infinitive  Niph'al  with  suffixes  are,  n^in  Ex  14'* ;  ^"IDj^H'  C 
Dt  282«  (in  pause,  Tj^JDE'n  verse  24) ;  iJ2SB>n  ip  ^f^;  DDl'sn  Ez  2i29;  Dnbtfn 
Dt  7^^.  In  the  infinitive  of  Pi'el  (as  also  in  the  imperfect,  see  §  60/)  the  e  before 
the  suflf.  ^__,  DD^  becomes  S'ghol,  e.g.  ^nS'l  Ex  4'",  and  with  a  sharpening 
to  i  DDB'ls'ls  i'^  (see  §  60/).  In  the  infinitive  Po'el,  DSDK'O  occurs  (with  a 
for  e  or  t)  Am  5",  but  probably  030^3,  with  Wellhausen,  is  the  right  reading ; 
the  correction  D  has  crept  into  the  text  alongside  of  the  corrigendum  {}'. 

2.  The  leading  form  of  the  im2)erative  Qal  before  suffixes  (p^\l)  is  _/ 
due  probably  (see  §  46  d)  to  tlie  retention  of  the  original  short  vowel 
of  the  first  syllable  (ground-form  qntul).  In  the  imperative  also  6  is 
not  followed  by  Dagei  lene,  e.  g.  D^O?  kothhhem  (not  kothbem),  &c.* 
As  in  the  imperfect  (§  60  d)  and  infinitive  (see  above,  c),  so  also  in  the 
imperative,  suffixes  are  found  united  to  the  stem  by  an  a-sound  ;  e.  g. 
n3n3  Is^o**;  cf.  2812-^— The  forms  ^'?^\>,  I^Pi?,  which  are  not 
exhibited  in  Paradigm  C,  undergo  no  change.  Instead  of  '"'Jr't^i?,  the 
masc.  form  (1''t?i?)  is  used,  as  in  the  imj)erfect. 

In  verbs  which  form  the  imperative  with  a,  like  np^  (to  which  class  />• 
belong  especially  verbs  middle  and  third  guttural,  §§  64  and  65),  this 
a  retains  its  place  when  pronominal  suffixes  are  added,  but,  since  it 
then  stands  in  an  open  sellable,  is,  as  a  matter  of  course,  lengthened 
to  Qames  (just  as  in  imiierfects  Qal  in  a,  §  60  c),  e.  g.  ''?D?^  send  me. 
Is  6S  '35n3  y\t  26^  ^3^")p  ^  5o>S  ""aiyw  Gn  23».  In  Am  9*,  DyX3  (so  ed. 
Mant.,  Baer,  Ginsb.,  instead  of  the  ordinary  reading  Dy?f3)  is  to  be 
explained,  with  Margolis,  AJSL.  xix,  p.  45  ft".,  from  an  original  i^^yxs, 
as  Dr'37,n"i_  Am  9*  from  original  ^'^r^^^'^?,"'.. — In  the  imperative  Hiph'U, 
the  form  used  in  conjunction  with  suffixes  is  not  the  2nd  sing.  masc. 

'  ''3'lDK'  Jdm-'rent  required  by  the  Masorain  f  16^  (also  mOB'  f  86",  iiq'^"'  ; 
cf.  Is  38'*  and  ^IJOy  Ob  "),  belongs  to  the  disputed  cases  discussed  in  §  9  o 
and  §  48  t  note. 

M  2 


164  The  Ferb  [§§  61  a,  62 

''^i?D,  but  ?'^f?p<]  (with  t  on  account  of  the  open  syllable,  cf.  §  60  g), 
e.g.  ^nnnpn pres(?«<  it,  Mai  i*. 
'i  3.  Like  the  infinitives,  the  participles  can  also  be  united  with  either 
verbal  or  noun-suffixes  ;  see  §  1 1 6/.  In  both  cases  the  vowel  of  the 
participles  is  shortened  or  becomes  S^wd  before  the  suffix,  as  in  the 
corresponding  noun-forms,  e.g.  from  the  form  i'tpP :  ^P"!^,  ^^"l^j  &c. ; 
but  before  S^wd  mobile  Tj^"',,  &c.,  or  with  the  original  t,  ^'^)^  Ex  23^, 
&c.,  "^SpX  2  K  22^"  (coinciding  in  form  with  the  ist  sing,  imperfect  Qal, 
I  S  15^  cf.  §  68  h) ;  with  a  middle  guttural  ('['X3),  '^W\ ;  with  a  third 
guttural,  "^X^a  Is  43',  but  ^nVlS',  ^nW'O  Jer  28^  cf.  §  65  d.  Tlie  form 
ij^i^tp,  with  suffix  *S"?l'2»;  before  ^-'wd  sometimes  like  V^'?^  Is  48'^ 
DDtpmtp  5ii2,  sometimes  like  D3DD^ilD  52'^  In  Is  47'"  ''3XT  is  irregular 
for  *JNT  ;  instead  of  the  meaningless  '^'§l?\l^  ^^.  Jer  i  $'"  read  'JlBl^i?  Onb . 

Also  unusual  (see  above,  d)  with  participles  are  the  suffixes  of  the  2nd  sing, 
niasc.  with  3  energicum,  as  "^IS]!  Jb  5';  cf.  Dt  8^,  i2"-2*, 

§  62.     Verbs  with  Gutturals. 

Brockelmann,  Grundriss,  p.  584  fif. 

Verbs  which  have  a  guttural  for  one  of  the  three  radicals  differ 
in  their  inflexion  from  the  ordinary  strong  verb,  according  to  the 
general  rules  in  §  22.  These  differences  do  not  affect  the  consonantal 
part  of  the  stem,  and  it  is,  therefore,  more  correct  to  regard  the 
guttural  verbs  as  a  subdivision  of  the  strong  verb.  At  the  most,  only 
the  entire  omission  of  the  strengthening  in  some  of  the  verbs  middle 
guttural  (as  well  as  in  the  imperfect  Niph'al  of  verbs  first  guttural) 
can  be  regarded  as  a  real  weakness  (§§  63  A,  64  e).  On  the  other 
hand,  some  original  elements  have  been  preserved  in  guttural  stems, 
which  have  degenerated  in  the  ordinary  strong  verb  ;  e.  g.  the  a  of  the 
initial  syllable  in  the  imperfect  Qal,  as  in  ^^n^,  which  elsewhere  is 
attenuated  to  i,  ^bp^. — In  guttural  verbs  N  and  n  are  only  taken 
into  consideration  when  they  are  actual  consonants,  and  not  vowel- 
letters  like  the  N  in  some  verbs  N^D  (§  68),  in  a  few  h"]}  (§  73^), 
and  in  most  s"?  (§  74).  In  all  these  cases,  however,  the  N  was  at 
least  originally  a  full  consonant,  while  the  n  in  verbs  n'v  was  never 
anything  but  a  vowel  letter,  cf.  §  75.  The  really  consonantal  n  at 
the  end  of  the  word  is  marked  by  Ifapjnq. — Verbs  containing  a  1 
also,  according  to  §  22  q,  r,  share  some  of  the  peculiaiities  of  the 
guttural  verbs.  For  more  convenient  treatment,  the  cases  will  be 
distinguished,  according  as  the  guttural  is  the  first,  second,  or  third 
radical.  (Cf.  the  Paradigms  D,  E,  F,  in  which  only  those  conjugations 
are  omitted  which  are  wholly  regular.) 


§  6^  a-e^j  Ve7^hs  Fii'd  Guttural  165 

§  63.     Verhs  Firtt  Guttural,  e.g.  IPV  to  stand. 

In  this  class  the  deviations  frem  the  ordinary  strong  verb  may  he  a 
referred  to  the  following  cases : — 

1.  Instead  of  a  simple  S^ivd  mohile,  the  initial  guttural  takes 
a  compound  Shod  {Hateph,  §  lo/,  §  22  Z).  Thus  the  infinitives  'iOV, 
^3$<  to  eat,  and  the  perfects,  2nd  plur.  masc.  Q^*ipy,  D'l^^'Sn  from  J^SH 
to  be  inclined,  correspond  to  the  forms  btSp  and  D^?'t?P ;  also  ii'9?!?  to 
^/^ip,  and  so  always  with  initial  -^r-  before  a  suffix  for  an  original  a, 
according  to  §  220. 

2,  When  a  preformative  is  placed  before  an  initial  guttural,  either  h 
the  two  may  form  a  closed  syllable,  or  the  vowel  of  the  pre- 
formative is  repeated  as  a  JIateph  under  the  guttural.  If  the  vowel 
of  the  preformative  was  originally  a,  two  methods  of  formation  may 
again  be  distinguished,  according  as  this  a  remains  or  passes  into 
Seghol. 

Examples :  (a)  of  firmly  closed  syllables  after  the  original  vowel  c 
of  the  preformative  (always  with  0  in  the  second  syllable,  except  33yri^ 
Ez  2  3\  ITiyri  &c.  from  'Tiy  to  adorn  oneself,  and  ^'^T.;  but  cf.  e): 
nbn:,  ^bn:,  ab'n:,  Tlb'n:,  2pv:  Jerg'  (probably  to  distinguish  it  from 
the  name  ^^V).,  just  as  in  Jer  10'®,  &c.,  the  participle  fem.  Niph'al  of 
npn  is  npn3  to  distinguish  it  from  '"•^Dp-),  &c.,  and  so  generally  in  the 
imperfect  Qal  of  stems  beginning  with  n,  although  sometimes  parallel 
forms  exist,  which  i*epeat  the  a  as  a  Hateph,  e.  g.  ^t^Dl"-,  &c.  The  same 
form  appears  also  in  the  imperfect  Hiph'll  "l''Dn^,  &c.  Very  rarely  the 
original  a  is  retained  in  a  closed  syllable  under  the  preformative  3  of 
the  perfect  Nipth'al:  ^^<3^J  Gn3i"^;  cf.  1819^  Jos  2'";  also  the 
infinitive  absolute  Difinj  Est  8^  "iWy^  i  Ch  5^",  and  the  participle  fern. 
npna  (see  above),  jj^wr,  niirij??  Pr  27*.  In  these  forms  the  original  d  is 
commonly  kept  under  the  preformative  and  is  followed  by  Halepli- 
Pathah;  thus  in  the  perfect  of  some  verbs  T\"b ,  e.g.  *^^V^.,  &c.;  in  the 
infinitive  absolute,  'H^SnJ.  Est  9' ;  in  the  participle  H^p-)  ^  89*,  &c. 

(6)  Of  the  corresponding  Hateph  after  the  original  vowel :    ^^Hf.  " 
(but  B'Sn^  Jb  5'*  in  pause),  D^D.l,  "^^^1,  t^'^H,!,  and  so  almost  always 
with  y  and  often  with  n  in  the  imperfects  of  Qal  and  Hiph'll ;    in 

Hoph'al,  npyn,  ipr  ;  but  cf.  also  =iN*3nn  Is  ^2-\  ^rinn  Ez  i6\ 

The  d  of  the  preformative  before  a  guttural  almost  always  (§22  i,  C 
cf.  §  27^)  becomes  S^ghol  (cf.,  however,  5-).    This  S^ghol  again  appeals 
sometimes 

(c)  in  a  closed  syllable,  e.g.  ^"2;%  Ipn;;,  Triy.%  £3K'N^.,   always  with 
d  in  the  second  syllable,  corresponding  to  the  imperfects  of  verbs  y"^, 


1 66  The  Verb  [§63/-»" 

with  original  I  in  the  first  and  «  in  the  second  syllable,  §  67  «,  and 
also  to  the  imperfects  of  verbs  1"y,  §  72  h;   but  of.  also  ^S'*."!,  "^bxi, 

and  ^Mn.^;  ill  Mph.,  e.  g.  Tjani;  ibn3  Am  6«,  &c.;  in //ep/t.  "^'onn,  D^Jivn 

2K4'',  &c.:  sometimes 

{d)  followed  by  Hateph-S^gUl,  e.g.  pT.n;.,  si'DN;.,  ei'tyn;;,,  aijj>_  in  un- 
pcrfectQal;  '^VV'l  Hiph'il;  \i^}ll^'iph'al. 

f  Rem.  With  regard  to  the  above  examples  the  following  points  may  also 
he  noted  :  (i)  The  foi-ms  with  a  firmly  closed  syllable  (called  the  hard  com- 
bination) frequently  occur  in  the  same  verb  with  forms  containing  a  loosely 
closed  syllable  (the  soft  combination).  (2)  In  the  ist  sing,  imperfect  Qal  the 
preformative  K  invariably  takes  S^ghol,  whether  in  a  firmly  or  loosely  closed 
syllable,  e.  g.  CJ'a^^«  (with  the  cohortative  HB'anX),  "IDnX  (in  pause),  &c.  In 
Jb  32^^  njyX  must  unquestionably  be  Hiph'il,  since  elsewhere  the  pointing 
is  always  'JJX.     Cohortatives  like  HJinN   Gn  27«   and   n^'^HK  Jb  i6«,  are 

v:  r.'  T  ;  - 1~  *  t    :  :  -  ' 

explained  by  the  next  remark.  (3)  The  shifting  of  the  tone  towards  the  end 
frequently  causes  the  Pathah  of  the  preformative  to  change  into  S'ghol,  and 
vice  versa,  e.g.  nb'yi,  but  nflB'yj  ^rd  sing.  fern. ;  PlbX"'    but '»SDS<n  ;  T'DVn. 

T  -:,-'      ^  T  J   viv   "  ,     '     v:iv'  ■    :  ~  i-  •  vav ' 

but  with  lodw  consecutive  rinioyn"!,  &c.  ;  so^"lpn*1  Gn  8'  the  plur.  of  ">pn*1,  cf. 
Gn  II*  ;  and  thus  generally  a  change  of  the  stronger  Hateph-S^ghol  group 
{  _ — _)  into  the  lighter  Hafeph-Palhak  group  takes  place  whenever  the  tone 
is  moved  one  place  toward  the  end  (cf.  §  27  0). 

^  3.  When  in  forms  like  Hbr,  npj?3 ,  the  vowel  of  the  final  syllable 
becomes  a  vocal  S^wd  in  consequence  of  the  addition  of  an  aflformative 
(^,  ''-^j  ^-^)  or  suffix,  the  compound  S^wd  of  the  guttural  is  changed 
into  the  corresponding  short  vowel,  e.  g.  I^J?' ,  plur.  ^"ipV!.  {ya-'a-m^-dhu 
as  an  equivalent  for  ya-in^-dhu);  '"'^jj?,^..  she  is  forsaken.  But  even  in 
these  forms  the  hard  combination  frequently  occurs,  e.  g.  ^PSn^  they 
take  as  a  p)ledge  (cf.  in  the  sing,  .'arri,  also  ''^D,.) ;  ^PIO."!  (also  PID)) 
they  are  strong.     Cf.  m  and,  in  general,  §  22  m,  §  28  c. 

h  4.  In  the  infinitive,  imperative,  and  imperfect  Niph'al,  where  the 
first  radical  should  by  rule  be  strengthened  (•'Pi?'?,  ^^\^)),  the  strengthen- 
ing is  always  omitted,  and  the  vowel  of  the  preformative  lengthened 
to  Sere;  lOV;.  for  yi"dmed,^  &c.  Cf.  §  22  c— For  nb'il^r)  Ex  25" 
(according  to  Dillmann,  to  prevent  the  pronunciation  i^^V.^,  which 
tl;e  LXX  and  Samaritan  follow)  read  •"•^VJi!. 

Remarks. 

I.    On  Qal. 

i      I.  In  verbs  N"D  the  infinitive  construct  and  imperative  take  Hateph-S'ghol  in 
the  first  syllable  (according  to  §  22  0),  e.  g.  "ItN  gird  thou,  Jb  38*,  2nN  love  thou, 

•  ri3VX  Jb  19''  (so  even  the  Mantua  ed.)  is  altogether  abnormal :  read  n3yN 
with  Baer,  Ginsb. 


§  63  fc-m]  Verbs  First  Guttural  167 

Ho  3^,  Th!;^  seize  thou,  Ex  4*  (on  ^BX  hake  ye,  Ex  16^*,  see  §  76  d) ;  PDX  to  ea< ; 
infinitive  with  a  prefix  Xnvh  ^bx!?  ^3X3  Is  52*  :  ^HX^  Ec  38.  Sometimes, 
liowever,  Haieph-Palhak  is  found  as  well,  e.  g.  infinitive  tnX  i  K  6*  ;  CXH  73X3 
Nu  2610  (before  a  suffix  ^|j3X,  ^IDX,  DD^^X,  D?"!DX  §  61  d)  ;  cf.  Dt  f°,  I22», 

Ez  25',  ^  102^,  Pr  25''  (^P"niDX),  Jb  34^*,  always  in  close  connexion  with  the 
following  word.  With  a  firmly  closed  syllable  after  7  cf.  nionp  Is  30^* ;  "ISH? 
Jos  22f-  (on  Is  220,  cf.  §  84^  w)  ;  ninn^  Is  3oi«,  Hag  2^^;  3^0?  Ex  31*,  &c. ; 
ITV^  2  S  i83  g«re,  but  also  ifys  i  Ch'i.s^e. 

'ripnnn  Ju  ^snis  jg  altogether  anomalous,  and  only  a  few  authorities  give  A-" 
^ripinn  (Hlph'il),  adopted  by  Moore  in  Haupt's  Bible.  According  to  Qimhi, 
Olshausen,  and  others,  the  Masora  intended  a  perfect  Hoph'al  with  syncope  of 
the  preformative  after  the  n  interrogative  =  ^rip*]nn PI,  or  (according  to 
Olshausen)  with  the  omission  of  the  n  interrogative.  But  since  the  Hiph'il 
and  Hoph'al  of  pin  nowhere  occur,  it  is  difficult  to  believe  that  such  was  the 
intention  of  the  Masora.  We  should  expect  the  perfect  Qal,  "•Rp'inn,  But  the 
Qames  under  the  PI  falling  between  the  tone  and  counter-tone,  was  naturally 
less  emphasized  than  in  Tlp'in    without  the  H  interrogative.     Consequently 

it  was  weakened,  not  to  simple  S^wd,  but  to  in  order  to  represent  the 

sound  of  the  Qames  (likewise  pronounced  as  a)  at  least  in  a  shortened  form. 
The  S^ghol  of  the  n  interrogative  is  explained,  in  any  case,  from  §  100  n  (cf. 
the  similar  pointing  of  the  article,  e.  g.  in  CB'THH^  §  35  k).  For  the  accusa- 
tive after  PIH,  instead  of  the  usual  |0,  Jb  3^^  affords  sufficient  evidence. 

Also  in  the  other  forms  of  the  imperative  the  guttural  not  infrequently  / 
influences  the  vowel,  causing  a  change  of  i  (on  this  i  cf.  §  48  i)  into  S^ghol,  e.  g. 
nSDX  gather  thou,  Nu  ii^^ ;  T]2~\V  set  in  order,  Jb  33^ ;   ^EKTl  strip  off,  Is  47^  (on 
this  irregular  Dages  cf.  §  46  d),  especially  when  the  second  radical  is  also  a 
guttural,  e.g.  13nX  Am  5I6,  ,f,  3i2<;  cf,  Zc  S^^ ;  ^tHS  Ct  2^^;   cf.  also  in  verbs 

iT'bj  ^3y  sing  ye,  Nu  21",  tf/  147'  (compared  with  ^3y  answer  ye,  i  S  12^)  and 
^pX  Jo  1^ — Patha/i  occurs  in  ^np3n  hold  him  in  pledge,  Pr  20",  and  probably 
also  in  ^  9"  CJp.Jn). — As  a  pausal  form  for  '•3"!n  (cf.  theiJ^wr.  Jer  2^'')  we  find 
in  Is  44"  ''3"in  (cf.  the  imperf,  3in"'\  with  the  6  repeated  in  the  form  of  a 
Ifafeph-Qames.     For  other  examples  of  this  kind,  see  §  10  h  and  §  46  e. 

2.  The  pronunciation  (mentioned  above.  No.  2)  of  the  imperfects  in  a  with  111 
H'ghdl  under  the  preformative  in  a  firmly  closed  syllable  (e.  g.  ?^n'  D?'!'"') 
regularly  gives  way  to  the  soft  combination  in  verbs  which  are  at  the  same 
time  n"^,  e.g.  nTm,  H^fn^'.&c.  (butcf.  mnl  &c.,  nrin:  Pr6",  ri'J^H  ed.  Mant., 
Ex  3^'').  Even  in  the  strong  verb  pin\\  is  found  along  with  pTHV  Cf.  albo 
33j;ri1  Ez  238;  ^J3PV>1  Gn  27^6  (so  Ben-Asher;  but  Ben-Naphtali  '\>Vl\); 
□ppnril  Nell  9^2,  and  so  always  in  the  imperfect  Qal  of  "ITV  with  suffixes,  Gn 
4'j**,  &c. — ^3nNri  Pr  1^  is  to  be  explained  from  the  endeavour  to  avoid  too 
great  an  accumulation  of  short  sounds  by  the  insertion  of  a  long  vowel,  but 
it  is  a  question  whether  we  should  not  simply  read  ^3nXn  with  Haupt  in 
his  Bible,  Proverbs,  p.  34,  1.  44  ff.  ;  cf.  the  analogous  instances  under  p,  and 


1 68  The  Verb  [§637*9 

such  nouns  as  "1NI3,  3XT,  §  93  *.— On  ^"ll!!!^  \p  94'"'  for  ^l^n^  (according  to 
Qimhi,  and  others,  rather  Pii'al)  cf.  §  606. 

n  D^N^  ^  58°  an(i  D"]V-  '"  ^««'  suhtiUy,  i  S  2322,  Pr  15^  19'^^  may  be  explained 
with  Barth  (ZDMG.  1889,  p.  179)  as  i-imperfects  (see  above,  §  47  i), — the  latter 
for  the  purpose  of  distinction  from  the  causative  D''^y''  f  83*. — Instead  of  the 
unintelligible  form  Dp^n*1  (so  ed.  Mant. ;  Baer  and  Ginsb.  as  in  24^)  i  Ch  23* 
and  'riM  24'  (partly  analogous  to  Dinyri  §  60  b)  the  Qal  Dppn^l  is  to  be  read. 
The  form  ^'I'V  ip  7*  which  is,  according  to  Qimhi  (in  Mikhlol ;  but  in  his 
Lexicon  he  explains  it  as  Hithpa'el),  a  composite  form  of  Qal  (^IT!^)  and  Pi'el 
(T!' -^)'  ^^^  only  be  understood  as  a  development  of  f)Tl^  (cf.  §  64  A  on  pPIV^ , 
and  §  69  X  on  Tjbnn  Ex  9-^,  ^  73^;.  Pathah  has  taken  the  place  of  Hakph- 
Pathafi,  but  as  a  mere  helping-vowel  (as  in  fiyOK'  §  28  e,  note  2)  and  without 
preventing  the  closing  of  the  syllable.  It  is  much  simpler,  however,  to  take 
it  as  &  forma  mixta,  combining  the  readings  tjl"!^  (impf.  Qal)  and  ^TV<  (impf. 
Pi'el). 

II.    On  Hiph'il  and  Hoph'al. 

0      3.   The  above-mentioned  (/,  3)  change  of to occurs  in  the 

perfect  Hiph'il,  especially  when  icCiw  consecutive  precedes,  and  the  tone  is  in 
consequence  thrown  forward  upon  the  afformative,  e.  g.  D'lipvn  but  W"ipy"1 
Nu  36,  8",  2719;   ^rinnyn,  but  '•ril^yn')  Jer  15^*,  Ez  2c?'^  -,  even  in  the  3rd  sing. 

piKnl  ^  77^^. — On  the  contrary occurs  instead  of  __         in  the  imperatire 

Hiph'il,  Jer  49*-^°;  and  in  the  infinitive  Jer  31^*^.     The  preformative  of  "TTiy  in 

< 

Hiph'il  always  takes  a  in  a  closed  syllable  :  Ex  8*  ^T'riyn  ;  verse  5  TfiyS  ;  also 
verse  25  and  Jb  22*''. 
P      4.    In  the  perfect  Hiph'il is  sometimes  changed  into ^  and  in 

Hoph'al  ____  into       •   (cf.  §  23  ;i) ;  ri^nyn  Jos  f,  n^yn  Hb  i^^,  nbyn  Ju 

6"^^,  2  Ch  20^*,  Na  2*,  always  before  y,  and  hence  evidently  with  the  intention 
of  strengthening  the  countertone-syllable  (n  or  11)  before  the  guttural.  On 
a  further  case  of  this  kind  (HDyf )  see  §  64  c.  Something  similar  occurs  in  the 
formation  of  segholate  nouns  of  the  form  qofl ;  cf.  §  93  q,  and  (on  pCN  &c.  for 
pTDN)  §  84"  q. — In  the  imperfect  consecutive  S2  pTn*1_  the  tone  is  thrown 
back  on  to  the  first  syllable.     On  the  Hoph'al  D^riyn  Ex  20^,  &c.,  see  §  60  b. 

III.  n^n  and  r^n 

TT  TT   • 

fj  5.  In  the  verbs  HTI  to  be,  and  n^H  to  live,  the  guttural  hardly  ever  affects 
the  addition  of  preformatives  :  thus  imperfect  Qal  n^n"'  and  iTn"'  Niph'al  D^DD  • 
but  in  the  perfect  Hiph'il  rT^Pin  (2nd  plur.  DH^nni  Jos  2^^,  and  even  without 
v;dw  consecutive,  Ju  8'*).  Initial  H  always  has  J/ateph-S'ghol  instead  of  vocal 
S'u:d;  n;;!,  nVn,  Dni^l  i  S  25',  Dr!''\T  (except  ^^n  be  thou!  fem.  Gn  24«»). 
The  2nd  sing.  fem.  imperative  of  iTH  is  ""^H  live  thou,  Ez  16*;  the  infinitive, 
with  suffix,  DnVn  Jos  5^.  After  the  prefixes  1,  3,  3,  ^,  O  (  =  fO)  both  H 
and  n  retain  the  simple  S'wa  (§  28  6)  and  tlie  prefix  takes  i,  as  elsewhere 
before  strong  consonants  with  S'ud  ;  hence  in  the  perfect  Qal  Cn^^ni  imperative 
Vni,  infinitive  DVn?,  DITIS  &c.  (cf.  §  16/,  f).     The  only  exception  is  the  and 

;  1  •  11'*  1  1  * 

sing,  masc.  of  the  imperative  after  vxiio  ;  H^HI  Gn  i2-',&c.,  iT'ni  Gn  20'. 


§64a  c]  Verbs  Middle  Guttural  169 

§  64.     Verbs  Middle  Guttural,  e.g.  t^riK'  to  slaughter. 

The    slight    deviations  from   the   ordinary  inflexion   are    confined  a 
chiefly  to  the  following ' : — 

1.  When  the  guttural  would  stand  at  tlie  beginning  of  a  syllable 
with  simple  Shvd,  it  necessarily  takes  a  Hateph,  and  almost  always 
Hatej)h-Patliah,  e.g.  perfect  ^t^n*^,  imperfect  1£3n^^,  imperative  Niplial 
IJOn^n.  In  the  imperative  Qal,  before  the  afformatives  i  and  H,  the 
original  Pathah  is  retained  in  the  first  syllable,  and  is  followed  by 
I/ateph-Pathah,  thus,  '\>VJ_,  W}-,  &c.;  in  I^HN  the  preference  of  the  N 
for  S^yhol  (but  cf.  also  "n''in^"|  Jer  13^')  has  caused  the  change  from 
d  io  e ;  in  IIHtJ'  Jb  6"^,  even  I  remains  before  a  hard  guttural. 

So  in   the  infinitive  Qal  fern.,  e.g.  n3nX   to  love,  n^K"!  to  pine;   and  in  the 

.  T-:|-  T    :i- 

infinitive  with  a  suffix  myo?  Is  9* ;  the  doubtful  form  ntSHK'  Ho  5^,  is  better 
explained  as  infinitive  Pi'el  (  =  nnnK'). 

2.  Since  the  preference  of  the  gutturals  for  the  a-sound  has  less  b 
influence  on  the  following  than  on  the  preceding  vowel,  not  only  is 
Holem  retained  after  the  middle  guttural  in  the  infinitive  Qal  tSriK' 
(with  the  fern,  ending  and  retraction  and  shortening  of  the  0  '"I^Ol  and 
'"'i5f!'^>  of.  §  45  &),  but  generally  also  the  Sere  in  the  imperfect  Niph'al 
and  Pi  el,  e.  g.  DH?^  le  fights,  Ona^  he  comforts,  and  even  the  more 
feeble  S^ghul  after  vxiw  consecutive  in  such  forms  as  DDf"!!,  ^Jt't'!'! 
Gn  41*  (of.,  however,  yw^,  i  K  12*,  &c.).  But  in  the  imperative  and 
imperfect  Qal,  the  final  syllable,  through  the  influence  of  the  guttural, 
mostly  takes  Pathah,  even  in  transitive  verbs,  e.g.  '^ni^,  ^D^) ; 
py|,  Pyp  ;  "'D?,  "^D?! ;  with  svjffixes  (according  to  §  60  c),  itnjyerative 
^3Jn2,  ':^^m,  imperfect  ^.V^^X3^ 

With  o  in  the  imperative  Qal,  the  only  instances  are  ?'V^  2  S  13'';  c 
tnx  Ex  4'',  2  S  2^',  fern.  "'TniS  Ru  3'*  (with  the  unusual  repetition  of  the 
lost  0  as  Ilateph-Qames;  2nd^;Zztr.  masc.  in  pause  ^TPIK  Neh  7';  without 
the  pause  ^THN  Ct  2'*) ;  "nyip  Ju  ipl^  Finally  nDS?f  for  HloyT,  Nu  23^ 
is  an  example  of  the  same  kind,  see  §  63  p.  Just  as  rare  are  the  im- 
perfects in  o  of  verbs  middle  guttural,  as  Dn3\  THN"; ,  yyon  Lv  5'*,  Nu  5^ 
(but  ^yrp>1  2  Ch  26'«) ;  cf.  ^^^m  Ez  i6^» ;  "^V?'^  Jb  35"-  Also  in  the 
perfect  Piel,  Pathah  occurs  somewhat  more  frequently  than  in  the 
strong  verb,  e.g.  Dn3  to  comfort  (cf.,  however,  M?,  ^^^,  l^'^^,  nriE') ; 

*  Hopk'al,  which  is  not  exhibited  in  tlie  paradigm,  follows  tlie  analogy  of 
Qal;  Hiph'il  is  regulnr. 

"^  Also  Ju  19'  (where  Qimhi  would  read  s^'dd),  read  s^'ocl,  and  on  the  use 
of  the  conjunctive  accent  (here  Darga)  as  a  substitute  for  Motheg,  cf.  §  9  u  (c) 
and  §  16  b. 


lyo  The  Verb  [§64rf-«7 

but  X  and  JJ  always  have  e  in  3rd  sing. — On  tlie  infinitive  with  suffixes, 
cf.  §  61  h. 

d  3.  In  Piel,  Pu'al,  and  Hithpa'el,  the  Dages  forte  being  inadmissible 
in  the  middle  radical,  the  preceding  vowel,  especially  before  n,  n,  and 
y,  nevertheless,  generally  remains  short,  and  the  guttural  is  conse- 
quently to  be  regarded  as,  at  least,  virtually  strengthened,  cf.  §  22  c; 
e.g.  Piel  pD^,*l^np.  Jos  i^\  'J^IV^^  i  K  14^  3n:  Ex  io'»  (cf.,  however, 
""D??  Gn  34'^ ;  T}?f}}.  Ex  15'^  but  in  the  imperfect  and  participle  7^3^, 
&c.;  in  verbs  r]"b,  e.g.  ny-\),  infinitive  pnb',  Pw'a/  I'D!  (but  cf.  ^ril 
>//•  36'^  from  nn'l^  also  the  unusual  position  of  the  tone  in  ID'^*  Ez  21'*, 
and  in  the  perfect  Hithpa'el  'J?^n"inn  Jb  9^")  ;  Hithpa'el  perfect  and 
im2)eratlve  lin^"?,  &c.;  in  ^^awse  (see  ^§  22  c,  27  5',  29  ?;,  54  ^)  ''"^fj^'? 
Nu  8^  2  Ch  3o'« ;  Dnan^  Nu  23'^  &c. 

e  The  complete  omission  of  the  strengthening,  and  a  consequent 
lengthening  of  the  preceding  vowel,  occurs  invariably  only  with 
n  (JTna  Ez  16''  is  an  exception  ;  nri]])b  also  occurs,  Ju  6-**),  e.  g.  "HI?  (in 
pause  'H"'.?),  imperfect  ^l^^,  Pu'al  T]13.  Before  N  it  occurs  regularly 
in  the  stems  "»???,  ^X?.,  f^O,  "1X3,  and  in  the  Hithpa'el  of  {^^3,  nNT, 
and  nxt^;  on  the  other  hand,  N  is  virtually  strengthened  in  the 
perfects,  ^??3  (once  in  the  imperfect,  Jer  29^^^)  to  commit  adultery,  J^N3 
to  despise  (in  the  participle,  Nu  14^^  Is  60^'*,  Jer  23'' ;  according  to 
Baer,  but  not  ed.  Manfeq-t)r  Ginsb.,  even  in  the  imperfect  Yi<T.  ^  74'°). 
"1K3  to  abhor  La  2'  (also  nri-)^3  f  89''")  and  ^^^  -^  109'";  moreover,  in 
the  infinitive  ^^1  Ec  2^",  according  to  the  best  reading.  On  the 
Mappiq  in  the  Pu'al  INT  Jb  33-',  cf.  §  14  d. 

f  Rem.  I.  In  the  verb  7XB'  to  ask,  to  beg,  some  forms  of  the  perfect  Qal  appear 
to  be  based  upon  a  secondary  form  middle  e,  which  is  Sere  when  the  vowel  of 
the  N  stands  in  an  open  syllable,  cf.  •?j|)NB'  Gn  32"8,  Ju  420 ;  '^^^f  ^  I37^ 
but  in  a  closed  syllable,  even  without  a  suffix,  Dri^KK'  i  S  12'',  25^  Jb  2i29; 
'in^J^bxK'  Ju  136,  I  S  1^0.  Cf.,  however,  similar  cases  of  attenuation  of  an 
original  a,  §  69  s,  and  especially  §  44  d.  In  the  first  three  examples,  if 
explained  on  that  analogy,  the  i  attenuated  from  a  would  have  been  lengthened 
to  e  (before  the  tone) ;  in  the  next  three  i  would  have  been  modified  to  i. 
Also  in  the  Hi2Jh'iliorm  liT'nijNK'n  i  S  i'«  the  N  is  merely  attenuated  from  H. 

fir  2.  In  Pi'cl  and  Hithpa'el  the  lengthening  of  the  vowel  before  the  guttural 
"  causes  the  tone  to  be  thrown  back  upon  the  penultima,  and  consequently  the 
Sere  of  the  ultima  to  be  shortened  to  S^ghol.  Thus  (a)  before  monosyllables, 
according  to  §  29  e,  e.g.  DC*  VH^^  to  minister  there,  Dt  I'j^^,  even  in  the  case  of 
a  guttural  which  is  virtually  strengthened,  Gn  39'^,  Jb  8"  (see  §  29  g).  {b)  after 
wdw  consecutive,  e.g.  T]'}i"'1  and  he  blessed,  Gn  1"  and  frequently,  ^"IJ^I  and  he 

drove  out,  Ex  10",  DJ^Snril  Dn  2^. 

^  |n3  is  explained  by  Abulwalid  as  the  3rd  pers.  perfect  Pu'al,  but  by  Qimhi 
as  a  noun. 


§§  64  h,  i,  65  a,  t]     Verbs  Middle  Guttural  171 

.5.  The  following  are  a  few  rarer  anomalies  ;  in  the  imperfect  Qal  pnV"*  Gn  216  /; 
i^elsewliere  pHXri,  &c.,  in  pause  pHi^,  cf.  §  10  jr  (c)  and  §  63  w) ;  iriNJ  Gn  32^ 
;,for  inXSI) ;  in  the  perfect  Pi'el  nnN  Ju  s'^  (perhaps  primarily  for  nnN  ; 
according  to  Gn  34'*  1"inN  would  be  expected),  and  similarly  '30011  \  ^t  51''  ^^r 
'jnipn''  ;  in  the  imperative  Pi'el  31^  Ez  37"  (cf.  above,  §  52  n) ;  finally,  in  the 
imperative  Hiph'il  pny^  Jb  132'  and  lyCin  ^  692^,  in  both  cases  probably 
influenced  by  the  closing  conso  ant,  arid  by  the  preference  for  Pathah  in 
pause  (according  to  §  29  5)  ;  without  the  pause  pn")n  Pr  4^^^,  &c.  ;    but  also 

nmn  Jo  4". 

4".  As  infinitive  Hithpa'll  with  a  suffix  we  find  DE^n^fin  Ezr  8\  &c.,  with  '/ 
a  firmly  closed  syllable,  also  the  participle  D''b'n:ntp  Neh  'f*  ;  Baer,  however, 
reads  in  all  these  cases,  on  good  authority,  Db'n''nn  &c.— The  quite  meaningless 
KHhibh  "INK'NJI  Ez  9*  (for  which  the  Q^re  requires  the  equally  unintelligible 
"IXK'JI)  evidently  combines  two  different  readings,  viz.  "iNip:"!  {part.  Niph.) 
and  "IXB'NII  {imperf.  consec);  cf.Kbnig, Lehrgebaude,i.  p.  266  f.— In  ^n~lXr^  Is  44" 
(also  ^msn''  in  the  same  verse)  an  imperfect  Po'el  appears  to  be  intended  by 
the  Masora  with  an  irregular  shortening  of  the  6  for  ''"IXh^ ;  cf.  §  55  b  ''3K'?p 
\fi  10 1^  Q^re ;  on  the  other  hand  Qimhi,  with  whom  Delitzsch  agrees,  explains 
the  form  as  Pi'el,  with  an  irregular  __  for  __,  as  in  the  reading  Htp^^fc? 
Ku  22T ;  cf.  §  10  A. 

5.  A  few  examples  in  which  S,  as  middle  radical,  entirely  loses  its 
consonantal  value  and  quiesces  in  a  vowel,  will  be  found  in  §  73  g. 

§  65.  Verbs  Third  Guttural,  e.g.  nbe'  to  send} 

1.  According  to  §  22  c?,  when  the  last  syllable  has  a  vowel  incom-  d 
patible  with  the  guttural  (i.e.  not  an  a-sound),  two  possibilities  present 
themselves,  viz.  either  the  regular  vowel  remains,  and  the  guttural 
then  takes  furtive  Pathah,  or  Pathah  (in  pause  Qames)  takes  its  place. 
More  paiiicularly  it  is  to  be  remarked  that  — 

(a)  The  unchangeable  vowels  ^-;-,  \  ^  (§  25  h)  are  always  retained, 
even  under  such  circumstances;  hence  inf.  abs.  Qal  ^'O^,  jpart.  jpass. 
r\'h^,  Hiph.  D'J'K'n,  imperf.  tyhfl,  part.  D'f'fP.  So  also  the  less  firm 
o  in  the  inf.  constr.  rvp  is  almost  always  retained :  cf.,  however,  npip, 
in  close  connexion  with  a  substantive,  Is  58',  and  V)^  Nu  20^.  Examples 
of  the  infinitive  with  suffixes  are  IP")??  Gn  35' ;  iV^M  Nu  35"*;  i^i'^l? 
Lv  1 8^3,  &c. 

(6)  The  imperfect  and  imperative  Qal  almost  alvirays  have  d  in  the  0 
second  syllable,  sometimes,  no  doubt,  due  simply  to  the  influence  of 
the  guttural  (for  a  tone-long  0,  originally  it),  but  sometimes  as  being 
the  original  vowel,  thus  rhf),  nbf,  &c.;  with  suffixes  '?n^f  %  '^D^f, 
see  §  60  c. 

'  Verbs  n'v  in  which  the  H  is  consonantal  obviously  belong  also  to  this  class, 
e.  g.  rl^a  to  be  high,  r\'CiF\  to  be  astonished,  HriD  (only  in  Hilhpalpel)  to  delay. 


172  The  Verb  [§650-)^ 

Exceptions,  in  the  impehrfect  rivDX  Jer  5'',  K'Oi.  (ripDNl  Q*re)  ;  in  the 
imiierative  PIDD  Gn  43"./    On  snch  cases  as  nytJ'DX;  Is  27*,  cf.  §  10  h. 

C  (c)  Where  Sere  would  be  the  regular  vowel  of  the  final  syllable, 
both  forms  (with  i"!  and  a)  are  sometimes  in  use  ;  the  choice  of  one  or 
the  other  is  decided  by  the  special  circumstances  of  the  tone,  i.  e. : — 

CI  Rem.  I.  In  the  absolute  state  of  the  participle  Qal,  Pi'el  and  Hithpa'el,  the  forms 
nVt:'  (with  sufif.  inbb',  but  •^n^B'),  n^^tJ'tD  (with  suflf.  Tin^^'p),  and  Vl^^'Q  are 
used  exclusively ;  except  in  verbs  JJ"?  where  we  find,  in  close  connexion, 
also  JJDi  ^  94S  yn  Is  51^5,  Jer  31S5,  yj,^  jg  ^j^,  442*,  yi^il  ^t  i36«,  yctr  Lv  ii^, 
all  with  the  tone  on  the  last  syllable.— The  part.  Pu'al  is  y3"ip  £245^  accord- 
ing to  the  best  authorities  (Kittel  y3"llD). 

€  2.  Similarly,  in  the  imperf.  and  inf.  Niph'al,  and  in  the  perf.  inf.  and  imperf. 
Pi'el  the  (probably  more  original)  form  with  a  commonly  occurs  in  the  body 
of  the  sentence,  and  the  fuller  form  with  e*  in  pause  (and  even  with  the  lesser 
distinctives,  e.g.  with  I]^hi  ^86*  in  the  imperative  Pi'tl ;  with  Tiph/ja  i  K  12^* 
in  the  infinitive  Pi'el ;  Jer  4"  imperfect  Hithpa'el ;  Jer  16^  imperfect  Niph'al),  cf.  e.g. 
yia""  Nu  27*   with  U"i3^  36*;  yzU'M  Dt  1^*,  even  with  retraction  of  the  tone  in 

the  inf.  abs.  Niph'al  ]}2Wi}  Nu  30'  (elsewhere  V^Wi)  Jer  7^,  12'^  twice,  in  each 
case  without  the  pause);  "V^^ri  Hb  3^,  with  yp^ri  Ez  13'';  y?3  to  devovr 
Hb  I '3,  Nu  420  with  y^3  La  2»  ;  for  infinitive  Hithpa'el,  cf.  Is  2820.  The  ivfinitivf 
absolute  Pi'el  has  the  form  n?tJ'  Dt  22'',  i  K  ii^^  ;  the  infinitive  construct,  on  the 
other  hand,  when  without  the  pause  is  always  as  PlpK'  except  n?^p  Ex  10*. — 
nar  Hb  i'^  has  e,  though  not  In^JflMse,  and  even  n^ri  2  K  16*,  2  Ch  28*;  but 
a  in  pause  in  the  imperative  Niph'al  n'XH  Ez  21";  jussive  Pi'el  inXfl  f  40^*; 
of.  §  52  n.  An  example  of  a  in  the  imperative  Pi'el  under  the  influence  of 
a  final  1  is  — iri3  Jb  36^  in  the  imperfect  Niph'al  "l^yni  Nu  i  f^,  &c.— In  nns^ 

Jb  14'  (cf.  ^  92'*,  Pr  14''),  Barth  (see  above,  §  63  n)  finds  an  i-imperfect  of  Qal. 
since  the  intransitive  meaning  is  only  found  in  Qal. 
J  3.  In  the  2nd  sing.  masc.  of  the  imperative,  and  in  the  forms  of  the  jussive  and 
imperfect  consecutive  of  Hiph'il  which  end  in  gutturals,  a  alone  occurs,  e.g.  HpSri 
prosper  thou,  n^3^  let  him  make  to  trust,  riDif*'!  and  he  made  to  grow  (so  in  Uithpalpel 
npnpn^,  &c.,  Hb  2');  even  in  pause  nipX^I  i  Ch  29^3,  and,  with  the  best 
authorities,  nSV'!  i  Ch  12"  ;  jDy*^'''!  Is  35*  is  perhaps  to  be  emended  into  '^V^), 
(  =  ''y>^^"j). — In  the  infinitive  absolute  Sere  remains,  e.g.  rl33n  to  make  high;  as 
infinitive  construct  npiPI  also  occurs  in  close  connexion  (Jb  G'^*)  ;  on  yC'iH 
as  infinitive  construct  (i  S  25'^^-^'),  cf.  §  53  k. 

g  2.  When  the  guttural  with  quiescent  S^vjd  stands  at  the  end  of 
a  syllable,  the  ordinary  strong  form  remains  when  not  connected 
with  suffixes,  e.  g.  ^^2'^,  ''^^2^.  But  in  the  2nd  sing.  fern,  perfect 
a  helping- Pathah  takes  the  place  of  the  ^^wd,  JpnfiK'  Jer  13"^  (§  28  <?) ; 
also  in  I  K  14^,  flDJ^p  ig  to  be  read,  not  Jpni^p. 

fl  Rem.  The  soft  combination  with  compound  S^ica  occurs  only  in  the  ist  plnr. 
perfect  with  suffixes,  since  in  these  forms  the  tone  is  thrown  one  place  farther 
forward,  e.g.  '?Jl5i?n*  u-e  know  thee,  Ho  8^  (cf.  Gn  26^9,  ^  44'«,  i32«).  Before  the 
sujjixes  "fj  and  D3,  the  guttural  must  have  __  e.g.  ^n^B'K  I  will  strui  thee, 
I  S  16'  ;  "nnWxi  Gn  31";  •qy^CK'K  Jer  i&\ 
On  the  weak  verbs  N*/,  see  especially  §  74. 


§  66a-c]  Verbs  Primae  Radicalis  Nun  173 

II.     The  Weak  Verb.' 

§  66.    Verbs  Primae  Radicalis  N4n  {fz),  e.g.  ^l^  to  approach 

Brockelmann,  Seniit.  S2}rachiciss.,  p.  138  ff.;  Grundriss,  p.  595  fif. 

The  weakness  of  initial  3  consists  chiefly  in  its  suffering  apkaeresis  (I 
in  the  infinitive  construct  and  imjjerative  in  some  of  these  verbs  (cf 
§  19^).  On  the  other  hand,  the  assimilation  of  the  3  (see  below) 
cannot  properly  be  regarded  as  weakness,  since  the  triliteral  character 
of  the  stem  is  still  preserved  by  the  strengthening  of  the  second 
consonant.     The  special  points  to  be  noticed  are — 

1.  The  apkaeresis  of  the  Nun  (a)  in  the  infinitive  construct.  This  0 
occurs  only  (though  not  necessarily)  in  those  verbs  which  have  a  in 
the  second  syllable  of  the  imperfect.  Thus  from  the  stem  ^'33, 
imperfect  tJ'5^,  infinitive  properly  ^^,  but  always  lengthened  by  the 
feminine  termination  n  to  the  segholate  form  ri'J'a  2  •  with  suffix  11^1^3 
Gn  33' ;  with  the  concurrence  of  a  guttural  Vl^  to  touch,  imperfect  Vl], 
infinitive  Oyj  (also  y33,  see  below);  V^J  to  2>lant,  infinitive  nyo  (also 
yto3,  see  below);  on  the  verb  1^3  to  give,  see  especially  h  and  i.  On 
the  otlier  hand,  apkaeresis  does  not  take  place  in  verbs  which  have  o 
in  the  imperfect,  e.g.  -'23  to  fall,  imperfect  ?^1,  infinitive  PQ3,  with 
suffix  i^S3,  also  ibs3 ;  1"=13|'  Nu  6^,  &c. ;  cf.,  moreover,  V^)>  Gn  20^  &c., 
y331  Ex  19'^  (even  yia3!5  Jb  6' ;  cf.  Jer  i'»);  with  suffix  1^333  Lv  15^. 
Also  yb3S)  Is  5ii«  (but  ny6^  Ec  3^)  ;  Nb'3  Is  i'*,  18^ ;  with  suffix  'Nf  33 
>/.  2  8^  (elsewhere  ns?',  cf.  §  74  i  and  §  76  b),  '?^}^  2  S  20^ 

(6)  In  the  imperative.  Here  the  Niln  is  always  dropped  in  verbs  C 
with  a  in  the  imperfect,  e.g.  5J'33,  imperative  tJ*?  (more  frequently  with 
paragogic  a,  n^'3 ;  before  Maqqepk  also  "C^3  Gn  19^),  p/wr.  15J'3,  &c. 
Parallel  with  these  there  are  the  curious  forms  with  o,  ^K^'3  Ku  2'* 
(with  retarding  Metheg  in  the  second  syllable,  and  also  nasog  'a.hor, 
accoiding  to  §  295,  before  D^H)  and  ^5^3  Jos  3°  (before  HSn),  i  S  14^ 
(before  D^n)  and  2  Ch  29'' ;  in  all  these  cases  without  the  pause. 
With  Ntln  retained,  as  if  in  a  strong  verb,  3n;  drive,  2  K  4^^  {imperfect 
3113%  without  assimilation  oftheiV^Ti),  iyt331  2  K  192",  Is  37'",  Jer  29'-^; 
cf.  also  the  verbs  n"^,  which  are  at  the  same  time|"D;  nn3  Ez  32'^  nn^ 
Ex  32^,  np3  Ex8\  &c.;  the  verb  x"^,  ^^)  ^  lo^^  (usually  Nb');  cf. 
§  76  6.  But,  as  in  the  infinitive,  the  aplmeresis  never  takes  place  in 
verbs  which  have  o  in  the  imperfect,  e.g.  "*if3,  yr\},  &c. 

1  Cf.  the  summary,  §  41. 

*  The  law  allowing  the  addition  of  the  fominine  termination  to  the  un- 
lengthened  form,  instead  of  a  lengthening  of  the  vowel,  is  suitably  called  by 
Barth  'the  law  of  compensation '  {Nominalbildung,  p.  xiii). 


174  "^he  Verb  [§66«f-a 

d  2.  "When,  through  the  addition  of  a  preformative,  NUn  stands  at 
the  end  of  a  syllable,  it  is  readily  assimilated  to  the  second  radical 
(§  19c);  thus  in  the  imperfect  Qal,^  e.  g.  bs^  for  yinpol,  he  will  fall ; 
^l)  for  yingas ;  \^\  for  yinten,  he  will  give  (on  this  single  example 
of  an  imperfect  with  original  i  in  the  second  syllable,  cf.  li)  ^ ;  also  in 
the  perfect  NipKo^  K'33  for  ningas ;  throughout  HipJiil  (K'^SH ,  &c.)  and 
HopKal  (which  in  these  verbs  always  has  Qibhus,  in  a  sharpened 
syllable,  cf.  §  9  »*)  ^l\}. 

The  other  forms  are  all  quite  regular,  e.  g.  the  perfect,  infinitive 
absolute  and  partici2)le  Qal,  all  Pi'el,  Pu'al,  &c. 

In  Paradigm  H,  only  those  conjugations  are  given  which  differ 
from  the  regular  form. 

C  The  characteristic  of  these  Terbs  in  all  forms  with  a  preformative  is  Dages 
following  it  in  the  second  radical.     Such  forms,  however,  are  also  found  in 

certain  verbs  '""Q  (§71),  and  even  in  verbs  yj?  (§  67).  The  infinitive  riJJ'a  and 
the  imperative  1^3,  also'E^a  (Gn  19^)  and  |ri,  resemble  the  corresponding  forms 
of  verbs  V'Q  (§  69).— On  nj^^,  Hi?,  and  nn]5,  from  np^  to  take,  see  g.—ln  Q'\p) 
{imperfect  Niph'al  of  D^p),  and  in  similar  forms  of  verbs  Vy  (§  72),  the  full 
writing  of  the  0  indicates,  as  a  rule,  that  they  are  not  to  be  regarded  as 
imperfects  Qal  of  Dj^a,  &c. — Also  pDS  {f  139*)  is  not  to  be  derived  from  pD3, 
but  stands  for  pJtpS  (with  a  sharpening  of  the-O  as  compensation  for  the  loss 
of  the  b),  from  ppD  to  ascend,  see  §  19/,  and  Kautzsch,  Gramm.  des  BiU.-Aram., 
§  44.  Similarly  the  Hiph'il-torma  ^p^Wn  Ez  39*,  p">E;^  Is  44I5,  and  the  Niph'al 
i^pW^  ^  78^"  are  most  probably  from  a  stem  [h)i^,  not  p'CJ. 

■P  Rem.  I.  The  instances  are  comparatively  few  in  which  the  forms  retain 
their  NUn  before  a  firm  consonant,  e.g.  "HDJ,  imperfect  *lb3"'  Jer  3^  (elsewhere 

*lb^)  ;  also  from  "1X3  the  pausal  form  is  always  ^")if3"»  (without  the  pause  ^"IJf 
Pr  20^8) ;  similarly  in  Is  29',  58',  \J'  61*,  68'  (where,  however,  ^IT\  is  intended), 
l4o''•^  Pr  2^1,  Jb  40*',  the  retention  of  the  Nxm  is  always  connected  wiUi  the 
pause.  In  Niph'al  this  never  occurs  (except  in  the  irregular  inf.  ^"13113  \//  08', 
cf.  §  51  k),  in  Hiph'il  and  Hoph'al  very  seldom;  e.g.  'ij"'ri3n|j  Ez  222",  pri3n 
Ju  20'^ ;  for  ?53P  Nu  5*'  read  733?,  according  to  §  53  q.  On  the  other  hand, 
the  Nun  is  regularly  retained  in  all  verbs,  of  which  the  second  radical  is 
a  guttural,  e.g.  703^  he  will  possess,  although  there  are  rare  cases  like  nn^  (also 
rin3^)  he  will  descend,  Jer  21''  (even  nn^l  Pr  1710  ;  without  apparent  reason 
accented  as  Mil'el),  plur.  infl"*  Jb  21^'  (cf.  §  20  z ;  the  Masora,  however,  probably 

regards  nrf^  and  ^P\n\  as  imperfect  Niph'al  from  nnn)  ;   Niph'al  DHS  for  Dn33 
he  has  grieved. 
g      2.  The  7  of  np7  to  take  is  treated  like  the  Nun  of  verbs  |"Q  (§  19  d).     Hence 
imperfect  Qal   T\^,  cohortativa    (§  20  m)    nnpK,  imperative   Dp,  in  pause  and 

»  Cf.  Mayer  Lambert,  '  Le  futur  qal  des  verbes  V'D    J^D   N"S  '  in  the  REJ. 
xxvii.  136  If.  J  •     »         > 

^  An  imperfect  in  a  (pV')  is  given  in  the  Paradigm,  simply  because  it  is 
the  actual  form  in  use  in  this  verb. 


§§  66  A-Jt,  67  a]     Vei'hs  Primae  Radicalis  Nun  175 

before  suffixes  Up  (on  N3"Dnp^  Gn  48^,  see  §  61  g),  paragogic  form  nnp ;  'Pip, 
&c.  (but  cf.  also  npb  Ex  291,  Ez  37",  Pr  2oi«,  ""np^J  i  K  17",  perhaps  a 
mistake  for  Tip  rh,  cf.  LXX  and  Lucian) ;  infinitive  construct  nnp  (once  nnp 
2  K  12',  cf.  §  93  A)  ;  with  b,  nnp^  ;  with  suffix  '•nnp  ;  Hoph'al  (of.,  however, 
§  53  m)  imperfect  ni5''  •  Niph'al,  however,  is  always  npp3.— The  meaningless 
form  np  Ez  17^  is  a  mistake  ;  for  the  equally  meaningless  DHp  Ho  11^  read 

3.   The  verb  |n3  to  give,  mentioned  above  in  d,  is  the  only  example  of  a  h 

verb  |"D  with  imperfect  in  e  (|n^  for  yinten ;  "|n3  ^  only  in  Ju  16^,  elsewhere 

before    Maqqeph    "jri"',    &c.),    and    a    corresponding    imperative    ]r\    or   (very 

frequently!  H^n   (but  in   if/  8^  the  very  strange  reading   njn    is   no   doubt 

simply  meant  by  the  Masora  to  suggest  njn^)  ;  before  Maqqeph  "jrij/em.  'Jfl^ 

&c.     Moreover,  this  very  common  verb  has  the  peculiarity  that  its  final  Nun, 

<  < 

as  a   weak    nasal,    is    also   assimilated  ;    '•ririJ    for    ndthdntl,    riJlJ   or,    very 

frequently,  nnn3,  with  a  kind  of  orthographic  compensation  for  the  assimi- 
lated Ni'm  (cf.  §  44  fir) ;  Niph'al  perfect  Dnri3  Lv  26^5,  Ezr  g'. 

In  the  infinitive  consb-uct  Qal  the  ground-form  tint  is  not  lengthened  to  tinetk  I 
(as  nj^a  from  ^l}),  but  contracted  to  titt,  which  is  then  correctly  length- 
ened to  nn,  with  the  omission  of  Bage}  forte  in  the  final  consonant,  see  §  20? ; 
but  with  suffixes  inn  tan,&c.  ;  before  Maqqeph  with  the  prefix  p="nri?, 
e.  g.  Ex  521,  and  even  when  closely  connected  by  other  means,  e.  g.  Gn  15''. 
However,  the  strong  formation  of  the  infinitive  construct  also  occurs  in  fn3  Nu 
20^1  and  -jn;  Gn  38^ ;  cf.  §  69  m,  note  2.  On  the  other  hand,  for  [nnb  t  K  6" 
read  either  inn?   or  simply  T\Tp,  just  as  the  Q^re,  1  K  17",  requires  nn 

for  jnn. 

In  other  stems,  the  3  is  retained  as  the  third  radical,  e.g.  njDE',  ^JJI^pT,  cf.  fc 
§190  and  §   44  0.     On  the  entirely  anomalous  aphaeresis  of  the  Nun  with  a 
strong  vowel  in  nnn  (for  nn3)  2  S  22*1,  cf.  §  19  f.— On  the  passive  imperfect 
]^l,  cf-  §  63  M. 

§  67.     Verbs  V'%  e.g.  32D  to  surround. 

Brockelmaun,  Semit.  Sprachwiss.,  p.  155  ff. ;  Grundriss,  p.  632  ff. 

1.  A  large  number  of  Semitic  stems  have  verbal  forms  with  only  a 
two  radicals,  as   well  as  forms  in  which  the    stem   has  been   made 
triliteral  by  a  re2)etiiion  of  the  second  radical,  hence  called  verbs  y'y. 
Forms  with  two  radicals  were  formerly  explained  as  being  due  to 
contraction  from  original  forms  with  three  radicals.    It  is  more  correct 


1  P.  Haupt  on  Ju  16^  in  his  Bible,  compares  the  form  of  the  Assyrian 
imperfect  iddan   or  itlan   (besides    inddin,   indmdin)  from  naddnu  —  \T\^.     But 

could  this  one  passage  be  the  only  trace  left  in  Hebrew  of  an  imporf.  in  a 

from  jn:? 


V]6  The  Verb  [§676-^ 

to  regard  them  as  representing  the  original  stem  (with  two  radicals), 
and  the  forms  with  the  second  radical  repeated  as  subsequently 
developed  from  the  monosyllabic  stem.'  The  appearance  of  a  general 
contraction  of  triliteral  stems  is  due  to  the  fact  that  in  biliteral  forms 
the  second  radical  regularly  receives  Dages  forte  before  afformatives, 
except  in  the  cases  noted  in  §  226  and  q.  This  points,  however,  not 
to  an  actual  doubling,  but  merely  to  a  strengthening  of  the  consonant, 
giving  more  body  to  the  monosyllabic  stem,  and  making  it  approximate 
more  to  the  character  of  triliteral  forms. 

The  development  of  biliteral  to  triliteral  stems  (y'^y)  generally  takes 
place  in  the  3rd  sing.  masc.  and  fern,  and  3rd  plur.  pei'fect  Qal  of 
transitive  verbs,  or  at  any  rate  of  verbs  expressing  an  activity,  e.  g. 
33D,  ."1330,  13no  :  fjn  Gn  33^  (but  with  suffix  ''33n,  ver.  11);  sometimes 
with  an  evident  distinction  between  transitive  and  intransitive  forms, 
as  "11^  to  make  strait, '^'^  to  be  in  a  strait;  see  further  details,  including 
the  exceptions,  in  aa.  The  development  of  the  stem  takes  place  (a) 
necessarily  whenever  the  strengthening  of  the  2nd  radical  is  required 
by  the  character  of  the  form  (e.  g.  /.?n,  *T^'2'),  and  (h)  as  a  rule,  when- 
ever the  2nd  radical  is  followed  or  preceded  by  an  essentially  long 
vowel,  as,  in  Qal,  2i3D,  313D,  in  Po'el  and  Po'al,  nniD,  3210. 

b  2.  The  biliteral  stern  always  (except  in  Hi2)h'il  and  the  imjyerfect 
Niph'al,  see  below)  takes  the  vowel  which  would  have  been  required 
between  the  second  and  third  radical  of  the  Ordinary  strong  form,  or 
which  stood  in  the  ground-form,  since  that  vowel  is  characteristic  of 
the  form  (§  43  h),  e.g.  DJ?  answering  to  b^i',  n^Fi  to  the  ground-form 
qdtuldt,  1?3ri  to  the  ground-form  qdtdld ;  infinitive,  30  to  ^t^ip . 

C  3.  The  insertion  of  Dages  forte  (mentioned  under  a),  for  the  puipose 
of  strengthening  the  second  radical,  never  takes  place  (see  §  20  ?) 
in  the  final  consonant  of  the  word,  e.g.  DJ?,  3b,  not  BR,  3b;  but 
it  appears  again  on  the  addition  of  afformatives  or  suffixes,  e.  g.  ^SJ?, 
«D,  ^:dp,  &c. 

d  4.  When  the  afiformative  begins  with  a  consonant  (3,  n),  and  hence 
the  strongly  pronounced  second  radical  would  properly  come  at  the 
end  of  a  closed  syllable,  a  separating  vowel  is  inserted  between  the 
stem-syllable  and  the  affoimative.  In  the  perfect  this  vowel  is  S, 
in  the  imperative  and  imperfect  ^—,  e.g.  ^"l^?,  ^3130,  imperfect  '"'^''^P^ 
(for  sabh-td,  sahb-nit,  tasobb-nd).     The  artificial  opening  of  the  syllable 

^  So  (partly  following  Ewald  and  BOttcher)  A.  Muller,  ZDMG.  xxxiii. 
p.  698  ff.  ;  Stade,  Lehrbuch,  §  385  h,  c  ;  Noldeke,  and  more  recently  Wellliausen, 
'  Ueber  einige  Arten  schwacher  Verba  im  Hebr.'  {Skizzen  v.  Vorarb.  vi.  250  ff.). 
Against  BOttcher  see  M.  Lambert,  KEJ.  xxxv.  330  ff.,  and  Brockelmann,  as 
above. 


§67e-^]  Verbs  y^y  177 

by  this  means  is  merely  intended  to  make  the  strengthening  of  the 
second  radical  audible.^ 

The  perfect  ^JOn  (for  IJitsn)  Nu  1 7^8,  ^  64''  (Jer  44"  !|30n  with  Silluq),  owing  6 
to  omission  of  the  separating  vowel,  approximates,  if  the  text  is  right,  to  the 
form  of  verbs  Vy  (cf.  ^JJDi^  from  D^p). 

5.  Since  the  preformatives  of  the  imperfect  Qal,  of  the  iierject  f 
Ni2)h'al,  and  of  Hi2)h'il  and  Hoph'al  throughout,  before  a  monosyllabic 
stem  form  an  open  syllable,  they  take  a  long  vowel  before  the  tone 
(according  to  §  27  e),  e.g.  imperfect  Iliph'U  3D^  for  yci-seb,  imperative 
3Dn  for  hd-seb,  &c.  Where  the  preformatives  in  the  strong  verb  have 
?,  either  the  original  a  (from  which  the  i  was  attenuated)  is  retained 
and  lengthened,  e.g.  30^  in  imperfect  Qal  for  yd-sob,  or  the  i  itself  is 
lengthened  to  e,  e.  g.  3pn  perfect  Hiph'tl  for  Jn-seb  (see  further  under  h). 
The  vowel  thus  lengthened  can  be  maintained,  however,  only  before 
the  tone  (except  the  4  of  the  Hojih'al,  Sp^n  for  hil-sdb);  when  the 
tone  is  thrown  forward  it  becomes  S^wd,  according  to  §  2  7  A;  (under  c< 
and  n  compound  ^^tvd),  e.g.  3bri,  but  '"'J^??'p ;  imperfect  Hiph'il  ^pn, 
but  ^^'|pj;i;  2)erfect  'nion,  &c. 

Besides  the  ordinary  form  of  tho  imperfects,  there  is  another  (common  in  fir 
Aramaic),  in   which   the   imperfect  Qal  is   pronounced  2B)  or  3D\  the  first 

radical,   not  the  second,  being  strengthened  by  Dages  forte,  cf.  DB'^  i  K  9^, 

np'l  Gn  2426 ;  with  a  in  the  second   syllable,  la''^  Lv  11^,  h"^"]  Is  17*,   nK''»l 

Is  2^,  &c.,  tn)  Am  5"  and  frequently,  DSXI  Dt92i,  &c.,  2b)  {turn  intrans.) 

1  S  s',  &c.,  2p*\  Lv  24",  Qk)  Ez  4712,  &c.,  6r\)    (with   DagreJ  forte   implicitum) 

1  K  1^;  in  the  plural,  TOR^  Nu  14'^,  &c.  (in  pause  Itsri^  \p  102^^) ;  perhaps 
also  btS''  Tjlii^  (unless  these  forms  are  rather  to  be  referred  to  Niph'al,  like 
1)3^';  I  S  2^ ;  'hiy'^  Jb  24M)  ;  with  suffix  la^i^ri  occurs  (cf.  §  10  h)  in  Nu  23" ; 
Imperfect  Hiph'il  Dfl^,  Hoph'al  n?'' ,  &c.    The  vowel  of  the  preformative  (which 

before  Bage's  is,  of  course,  short)  follows  the  analogy  of  the  ordinary  strong 
form  (cf.  also  u  and  y).  The  same  method  is  then  extended  to  forms  with 
afformatives  or  suffixes,  so  that  even  before  these  additions  the  second 
radical  is  not  strengthened,  e.  g.  ^nip*1  Gn  43^^,  &c.,  for  1"np'1  and  they  boiced  the 
head  ;  in3*1  and  they  beat  down,  Dt  1"  (from  nJlS) ;  ^Dri^l  Dt  32^ ;  lO"!";  Ex  15", 
Jb  2921  (cf.,  however,  ^2B'>\  Ju  iS^^,  i  S  58,  in?''  Jer  46^,  Jb  42°).  To  the 
same  class  of  apparently  strong  formations  belongs  Hi^J^rV  (without  the 
separating  vowel,  for   n^pifJI,    cf.   i  S  3'^   and   below,  p)   they  shall    tingle, 

2  K  21^2^  Jer  19S. — On  the  various  forms  of  the  Niph'al,  see  under  t, 

1  Of  all  the  explanations  of  these  separating  vowels  the  most  satisfactory 
is  that  of  RMiger,  who,  both  for  the  perfect  and  imperfect  (Ewald  and  Stade, 

for  the  imperfect  at  least),  points  to  the  analogy  of  verbs  H"?.  We  must, 
however,  regard  ni3D  as  formed  on  the  analogy  not  of  nv3,  but  (with 
P.  Haupt)  of  a  form  DvJ  (  =  galaiitd,  cf.  Arab,  gazauta),  while  nySDPl  follows 
the  analogy  of  njvJJjl.     [See  also  Wright,  Camp.  Gr.,  229  f.] 

COWl.EY  N 


1 78  The  Verb  [§67  a-/ 

h  6.  The  original  vowel  is  retained,  see  /,  (a)  in  the  preformative  of 
the  im'perfect  Qal  3bj  for  yd- sob  (cf.  §§  47  i,  63  h,  and  for  verbs  V'y 
§  72)  ;  {h)  in  the  perfect  Ntph'al  3p3  for  nd-sdb  (§  51a) ;  (c)  in  Ilojc-h'al 
aWHj  with  irregular  lengthening  (no  doubt  on  the  analogy  of  verbs 
V'si)  for  hdsdb  from  hti-sab,  imperfect  301''  from  yu-sab,  &c. 
2  On  the  other  hand,  an  already  attenuated  vowel  (z)  underlies  the 
intransitive  imperfects  Qal  with  a  in  the  second  syllable  (probably 
for  the  sake  of  dissimilating  the  two  vowels),  e.g.  "ip*  for  yi-mdr 
(see  p)  ;  and  in  the  preformative  of  Hiph'il  3Dn  from  hi-seb  (ground- 
form  7y?P\},  §  53  «),  as  "well  as  of  the  participle  3pD  (ground-form 
7tppP),  on  the  analogy  of  the  perfect.  In  the  second  syllable  of  the 
Perf.  the  underlying  vowel  is  ?,  attenuated  from  an  original  d,  which 
in  the  strong  verb  is  abnormally  lengthened  to  ^  (§  53  a).  The  e 
lengthened  from  i  is,  of  course,  only  tone-long,  and  hence  when 
without  the  tone  and  before  Dages  forte  we  have  e.g.  J!j)i2pn.  On  the 
retention  of  the  original  a  in  the  second  syllable,  cf.  v. 

k  7.  The  tone,  as  a  general  rule,  tends  to  keep  to  the  stem-syllable, 
and  does  not  (as  in  the  strong  verb)  pass  to  the  aflfoi-matives  n__, 
^  and  ''-;_  (2nd  sing.  fern,  imperfect);  e.g.  3rd  sing.  fern. perfect  nrin 
in  pause  nnn  ;  with  1  and  gutturals  nno  (for  n^O),  nriK'  yj^  44=6;  on  the 
other  hand,  with  wdvj  consecutive  Hllll  Is  6'"^  (but  n^ni  Ex  i^").  In  the 
^rd  plnr.  perfect  the  tone-syllable  varies;  along  with  ^?"^,  ^?i2,  we  also 
find  =1^'^  and  ^^?_,  =131  Is  59'%  IW  Hb  3^  &c.;  but  in  pause  always 
wn,  Itsri,  &c.  The  tone  likewise  remains  on  the  stem-syllable  in  the 
imperfect  Qal  in  ''3Dri,  ^3DJ ;  perfect  Hiph'il  n2pn^  ^3pn;  imperfect 
^3prij  'l^pj,  &c.  In  the  forms  with  separating  vowels,  the  tone  is 
moved  forward  to  these  vowels  (or  to  the  final  syllable,  cf.  ee),  e.  g. 
rii3p,  ri3''3pri,  &c.;  except  before  the  endings  DH  and  (H  in  the  perfect, 
which  always  bear  the  tone.  This  shifting  of  the  tone  naturally 
causes  the  shortening  of  the  merely  tone-long  vowels  e  and  o  to  t  and 
u  (or  0,  see  n),  hence  JHI^pn  from  3pn,  n3"'3pri  from  3DJ ;  on  cases  in 
which  the  vowel  of  the  preformative  becomes  S^wd,  see  above,  /. 

/  8.  In  several  verbs  y"y,  instead  oi  PHel,  Pu'al  and  Hithpa'el,  the 
less  frequent  conjugation  Po'el,  with  its  passive  and  reflexive,  occurs 
(most  probably  on  the  analogy  of  the  corresponding  forms  of  verbs  ^"V, 
cf.  §  72m),  generally  with  the  same  meaning,^  e.g.  P.^iV  to  ill-treat, 
passive  V^'W ,  reflexive  ^.^iV^pn  (from  V^V ;   cf.  the  Hithpffcl  from  VV), 

^  Sometimes  both  Pi'el  and  Po'el  are  formed  from  the  same  stem,  though 
with  a  difference  of  meaning,  e.  g.  |»5f"l  to  break  in  pieces,  J*XT  to  oppress;  ^3/1 
to  make  pleasing,  |3in  to  have  pity ;  330  to  turn,  to  change,  3310  to  go  round,  to 
encompass. 


§67m-o]  Verbs  v"v  179 

and  ">1Q  Is  24'^');  in  a  few  verbs  also  Pilpel  (§  55/)  is  found,  e.g. 
73^3  to  roll,  Ililhjpalpel  PUpSHH  to  roll  oneself  (from  ?/3) ;  imperative 
with  suffix  i^^opp  exalt  her,  Pr  4- ;  J'K'ytt*  <o  comfort,  to  delight  in ;  passive 
yC'ytJ'  to  he  caressed  (from  VV^).  These  foims  cannot  appear  in  a 
hiliteral  form  any  more  than  Pi'el,  Pu'al,  and  Hithjpa'el ;  cf.  D^yiy 
(Is  19")  and  1i?1|^  (Is  i8^>'').— For  "^^^i^  2  S  22"  read,  according  to 

^18", -»-j3nn. 

Remarks. 
I.    On  Qal. 

1.  In  the  perfect,  isolated  examples  .nre  found  with  0  in  the  first  syllable,  W. 
which  it  is  customary  to  refer  to  triliteral  stems  with  middle  0  (like  pb*" 

§  43  a) ;  viz.  ^12n  ihey  arc  exalted,  Jb  24^*  to  Db"^  ;  ^HT  </(et/  s/io^,  Gn  49^3  to  3il"l  • 

^^t  Is  1®  to  I^T.     But  this  explanation  is  very  doubtful :    ^nj  especially  is 

T 

rather  to  be  classed  among  the  passives  of  Qal  mentioned  in  §  52  e. 

2.  Imperfects  Qal  with  0  in  the  second  syllable  keep  the  original  a  in  the  /i 
preformative,  but  lengthen  it  to  S,  as  being  in  an  open  syllable,  hence  ^n"*  ^ 
lb"*     Tj?''     p''    JJ'T'  (trans.  ft«  breaks  in  pieces,  but   yi^  intrans.  =/je  ts  evil); 

imperfects  with  a  have,  in  the  preformative,  an  e,  lengthened  from  i.  See 
the  examples  below,  under  p,  §  63  c  and  e,  §  72  ;«,  and  specially  Barth  in 
ZDMG.  1894,  p.  5  f. 

The  Holem  of  the  infinitive,  imperative,  and  imperfect  (3D  3D^)  is  only  tone- 
long,  and  therefore,  as  a  rule,  is  written  defectively  (with  a  few  exceptions, 
chiefly  in  the  later  orthography,  e.  g.  liv  hind  up,  Is  8'« ;  ^13  \p  37^ ;  tX't. 
ver.  7  ;  113?  for  137  to  plunder.  Est  3",  8"j.  When  this  5  loses  the  tone,  it 
becomes  in  the  final  syllable  0,  in  a  sharpened  syllable  ii,  or  not  infrequently 
even  0  (see  above,  k).  Examples  of  0  are  :  (a)  in  a  toneless  final  syllable,  i.  e. 
before  Maqqeph  or  in  the  imperfect  consecutive,  ~p  {7-on)  to  rejoice,  Jb  38'' ;  3D'l 

< 

Ju  11^'  (once  even  with  il  in  a  toneless  final  syllable,  Dl*1  Ex  16^'') ;  on  the 
other  hand,  in  the  plur.  Msb''\,  fern.  ri3''3Dri1  ;  (b)  before  a  tone-bearing 
afformative  or  suffix,  e.  g.  imperative  2nd  sing.  fern.  '•31  ^  ^^3  (cf.  ff) ;  ^3311  pity  me  ; 
ni'pD  Jer^o^S;  DIK'^  Prii^Q^re;  ^n3r!n  Ex  12"  (for  the  defective  writing, 
cf.  ^nSD''  Jb  4o22).  In  ^3nj  Gn  432^,  Is  30"  (for  ?)3n^)  this  0  is  thrown  back 
to  the  preformative. 

On  the   2nd  plur,  fem.  imperat.  "ily  make  yourselves  naked  Is  32",  cf.  the  () 

analogous  forms  in  §  48 ».— Quite  abnormal  is  the  infinitive  absohite  nyi  Is  24^' 
(as  n  follows,  probably  only  a  case  of  dittography  for  yi,  cf.  3p  Nu  23'^'  and 
PK'  Ru  21");  so  also  are  the  imperatives  *?~n3p  Nu  22"  ",  and  '';y~n"1X  22^,  2},'^,. 
with  n  paragogic.     We  should  expect  n3p    PI^N.     If  these  forms  arc  to  bt> 

< 

read  qoballi,  'oralli,  they  would  be  analogous  to  such  cases  as  n~13"1J0  (§  90  j), 

the  addition  oi  the  paragogic  T\. causing  no  change  in  the  form  cf  tl»e  word 

(~3p  like  ~)1  above).  If,  however,  as  Jewish  tradition  requires,  they  are  to 
be  read  qaballi,  'uralli,  then  in  both  cases  the  Qamex  must  be  explained,  witJi 

N  2 


i8o  The  Verb  \}^ip-s 

Stade,  as  the  equivalent  of  o  (^y~T\'l\>,  &e. ;  cf.  §  9  v).  Still  more  surprising 
is  iJ3p  curse  him,  Nu  23^^,  for  i|33p  or  '3p.^ 
JJ  3.  Examples  with  Palha/i  in  the  infinitive,  imperative,  and  imperfect  are 
13  (in  Q~\'2b  to  prove  them,  Ec  3^') ;  IT  Is  45^ ;  ^^^  Jer  5^^^  ;  D2K'3  m  </ietV  error, 
Gn  6'  (so  ed.  Mant.,  but  there  is  also  good  authority  for  DJtJ'B,  from 
•K'  =  •5J'  =  IJJ'X  and  D3  ako  ;  so  Baer  and  Ginsburg).  Also  ?3  <aA;e  away, 
f  1 19^2 .  and  the  imperfects  DPI"'  i<  is  hot,  Dt  19^,  &c.  (on  the  e  of  the  preforma- 
tive  cf.  n) ;  ")p_''_  z<  is  6t«er,  Is  24^ ;  '1X"'_  i7  is  straitened  ;  ?|n''  t«  is  soft,  Is  7* ;  DK'n 
it  is  desolate,  Ez  121^  (in  pause  Dt^JI  Gn  47^^) ;  7pri1  s/te  was  despised,  Gn  16*  (but 
elsewhere  in  the  impf.  consec.  with  the  tone  on  the  penultima,  e.  g.  12f*1  Gn  32^^ 
&c.  ;  yiM  Gn  21",  &c.,  cf.  Ez  19');  in  the  1st  sing,  imperfect  DfT'S!  ^  tp  19",  abnor- 
mally written  fully  for  DriK,  unless  DnX  is  to  be  read,  as  in  some  MSS.,  on 
the  analogy  of  the  3rd  sing.  Dri\ — In  the  impf.  Qal  of  77B'  the  reading  of 

Hb  28  varies  between  ^I^V)  (Baer,  Ginsb.)  and  ^I^B')  (ed.  Mant.,  Jabl.).— 
The  following  forms  are  to  be  explained  with  Barth  (ZDMG.  xliii.  p.  178) 
as  imperfects  Qal  with  original  i  in  the  second  syllable,  there  being  no 

instances  of  their  Hiph'il  in  the  same  sense  :  73V  Gn  2910 ;  p""  Is  31^,  &c.  ; 
■ilDJI  Ex  4c2i,  ^  c,i4^  4;c_ .  perhaps  also  H^l^n  i  S  3"  and  ^HJ  Jbsi^^&c.;  in 
accordance  with  this  last  form,  'l?n(3)  Jb  29^  would  also  be  an  infinitive  Qal, 
not  Hiph'il  (for  i?nn3),  as  formerly  explained  below,  under  w.  Finally  the 
very  peculiar  form  J'^ril  Ju  9^^  may  probably  be  added  to  the  list. 

ft  Imperfects,  with  an  original  u  in  the  second  syllable,  are  also  found  with 
this  il  lengthened  to  m  (instead  of  0),  e.  g.  pi'' ,  if  the  text  is  correct,  in  Pr  296 ; 

IIK'^  ip  916  (unless  it  be  simply  an  imperfect  from  "IV^  to  he  powerful,  to  prevail) ; 
pV  (if  from  ^^1)  Is  42*,  &c.  (also  defectively  px  ^  iS^*;  but  in  Ec  126, 
according  to  Baer,  pijll) ;  Dnjjl  Ez  24^1  (on  the  sharpening  of  the  D  cf.  g 
above).' 
T  A  similar  analogy  with  verbs  VJ?  is  seen  in  the  infinitives  113?  (for  '^2) 
Ec  9I  ;  ipnn  Pr  S^'^  (cf.  ipina  Pr  829)  for  ipnn,  and  in  the  imperfect  ^K'CK 
Gn  2721.  (The  forms  n'iSn  iii  ^  77"",  fl'lGK'  Ez  36s,  "•ni^n  f  77",  formerly 
treated  here  as  infinitives  from  V"y  stems,  are  rather  to  be  referred  to  T\"? 
stems,  with  Barth,  Wurseluntersuchungen,  Lpz.  1902,  p.  21.)  On  other  similar 
cases,  see  below,  under  ee.  For  examples  of  the  aramalzing  imperfect,  see 
above,  g. 

S  4.  In  the  participle,  the  aramai'zing  form  Tj^DXb'  for  !]^DDb'  occurs  in 
K^thibh,  Jer  30I6  (the  Q're  indicates  a  participle  from  nOtJ')  ;  njji  Pr  25I' 
appears  to  be  a  contraction  from  nyyi ,  part.  fem.  =  breaking  in  pieces. 

1  For  ij  as  suffix  of  the  3rd  person  a  parallel  might  be  found  in  Si^\ 
§  100  0,  and  probably  also  in  the  Niin  of  the  Phoenician  suffix  D3  :  cf.  Barth, 
ZDMG.  xli.  p.  643,  and  the  nota  on  §  100  0. 

2  Also  in  Ez  6*,  instead  of  HJOK'^n ,  which  could  only  come  from  DB''' 
'\^''P\  is  intended,  and  ID^XI  ^'^  ^'^^  same  verse  is  probably  only  an  error  for 

3  According  to  Stade,  Grammatik,  §  95,  Rem.,  the  pronunciation  with  «, 
since  it  also  appears  in  Neo- Punic  [and  in  Western  Syriac,  see  Noldeke,  Syr. 
Grainm.,  §  48],  was  that  of  everyday  life. 


§  6^  t-w2  Verbs  y'y  i8i 

II.     On  Niph'al, 

5.  Besides  the  ordinary  fonn  of  the  perfect  Dp3  with  Pathah  (in  pmse  t 
3D3)  &Tid  the  participle  3D3  with  Qames  in  the  second  syllable,  there  is  also 
another  with  Sere,  and  a  third  with  Holem,  e.g.  perfect  D)03  it  melts,  Ez  21 '2, 
2  215;  pijpj  ^foj.  -,3^3)  Ez  26^;  part.  D»3  moi^en,  1  S  159,  Na  2";  b\?,}  it  is 
a  light  thing,  2  K  20",  Is  49^  (perf.  \)\y^)  ;  with  5,  e.  g.  ^^iji  they  are  rolled  together; 
Is  34* ;  cf.  6319,  642,  Am  3",  Na  i«,  Eci2«''.  In  the  imperfect  with  0  in  the 
second  syllable,  on  the  analogy  of  verbs  V'J?  (from  which  KOnig  would  also 

explain  the  perfects  with  0),  we  find  ^©""nfl  thou  shalt  be  brought  to  silence,  Jer  48^ 
(unless  this  form  should  be  referred  to  Qal  with  Qimhi,  Olshausen,  Konig)  ; 
yn''_  he  suffers  hurt,  Pr  lO^,  1320.  p-jj^  (for  <,>ro.?)  Ez  297;  with  e  in  the 
second  syllable  pnri  she  profanes  herself,  Lv  21',  but  PHXI  Ez  22^6,  and  i?n^ 
Is  48'*,  nn''_  Is  7',  &c.  For  infinitives,  cf.  DSH  to  melt,  \p  68'  (as  inf.  constr. ; 
2  S  17I"  as  m/.  afcsoZ.) ;  again,  with  compensatory  lengthening  in  the  first 
syllable,  i^nn  Ez  20^,  14^2,  but  with  suflSx  i^nn  Lv  21*  ;  also  TIBH  to  he 
plundered,  and  p^2n  to  he  emptied,  Is  24';  in  the  imperative,  only  ^"I3n  6e  ye 
clean,  Is  52^^  On  ^Q^H  jre^  2/ou  wi?,  Nu  171",  and  the  corresponding  imperf. 
^tST  Ez  10",  &c.,  cf.  72  dd. 

Examples  of  the  perfect  Niph'al  with  sharpening  of  the  initial  syllable  are,  u 
?r\)  it  is  profaned,  Ez  22'*,  25'  (from  PpPI) ;  in3  (from  "TIH)  if/  69*,  102*  (also 
"inj  Jer  629)  .  nn3 /rarfws  esi  (from  nnPI)  Mai  2^  ;  cf.  with  this  in  the  participle, 
D"'ipn3  (for  nihhamim)  Is  57'',  and  Q'''1K3  Mai  3*  :  in  the  imperative  and  infinitive 

Niph'al  such  a  virtual  strengthening  of  the  guttural  after  preformatives  nev^r 
occurs. — The  occurrence  of  u  instead  of  6  as  a  separating  vowel  in  the  perfect 
^i^Vi  Mic  2*  is  abnormal. 

III.     On  EipKil  and  Hoph'al. 

6.  The  second  syllable  in  Eiph'il  sometimes  has  Pathah  instead  of  Sere,  V 
especially  under  the  influence  of  1  and  the  gutturals,  e.  g.  perfect  llon  he  made 
hitter,  TW^^  he  howed,  HDH  he  bath  broken,  Gn  1 7",  in  pause,  cf.  §  29  g  ;  other- 
wise nsn,  plur.  nsn  is  24B.  in  TSn  \p  3310,  Ez  17>9,  cf.  ^89'*,  and  in 
^"T'OT  Ho  8*  (perhaps  also  in  jri^n)  Hab  2^'',  but  cf.  §  20  n)  there  is  an 
assimilation  to  the  corresponding  forms  of  verbs  Vy,  see  0.  Also  "lifH 
Dt  28'52^   tnn  (in  pause)  Is  18^;  inf.  '\2n?  to  cleanse,  Jer  4*',  in  pause.     But 

-  ••  I-  t:  . 

also  with  other  consonants,  e.g.  p*in  2  K  23^5,  pj^n  Is  82^;   i]"]n  Jb  23'^; 

< 

piur.  ^3pn  I  S  s'-i"  (and  so  usually  in  the  3rd  plur.  perf,  except  before  "I 
and  gutturals,  e.  g.  ^JJ^n)  ;  imper.  ygTI  besmear,  18  61";  plur.  ^tD'^PI  be  astonished, 
Jb  21"  ;  imperfect  yiri  Thou  dost  afflict ;  part.  72fD  (on  e  in  the  first  syllable,  see 
under  t)  shadowing,  Ez  31*  (but  1]*piO  Ju  32*  is  assimilated  to  the  form  of 
verbs  ^*y,  unless,  with  Moore,  we  simply  read  TjOD,  or,  with  incorrect 
spelling,  'i)''DD.     So  in  the  imperative  ''3{5''JDn  Ju  i62«  Q^re,  and  in  the  infinitive 

?)Drin  Is  33')."  ' 

The  e  of  the  second  syllable,  when  without  the  tone,  may  become  S,  e.g.  H) 
^3  pinn  Gn  31''  (see  also  x).     It  is  unusual  (cf.  §  53  k)  to  find  the  e  written 
fully  as  in  the  ir^nitive  I^Snp  Zc  ii^^     Instead  of  Hateph-Pathah  a  Hatephr 


i82  The  Verb  [§67^-00 

S'ghol  is  found  under  the  preformative  in  ''3ri?i?n  2  S  19",  and  a  Pathah 
occurs  before  11  (with  a  virtual  sharpening  of  the  H)  in  such  forms  as 
nnnn  is  q»;  of.  Gn  ii«,  Dt  2",  324^  i  s  22J5,  Est  6i3_in  all  these  cases 
before  H.— On  i?n3  Jb  29^  see  above,  p  :  on  '•riFinni  Jer  49",  see  below,  dd. 

U'  7.  In  the  imperfect  consecutive  of  verbs  whose  second  radical  is  a  guttural, 
a  is  retained  (§  22  d)  in  the  second  syllable  instead  of  I,  e.g.  yn'l  i  K  i6«: 
30  also  with  n,  as  isfl  2  Ch  2820,  Dt  2"-  I.ut  cf.  also  IqJi  Neh  49. 

y  8.  Aramaizing  fornis  (but  cf.  Rem.  .  §  67  g)  in  Hiph'il  and  Hoph'al  are, 
3E)''1  Ex  13",  &c. ;  cf.  Ju.  18^3 ;  "lEn-^JS  Ex  23",  but  read  "lOri~^S  from  TTVO  : 
^r\'2l\  Dt  I**  (cf.  Nu  I4«),  but  ^3|»1  Ju  iS^s,  l  S  5*,  2  Ch  29^ ;  hm  prqfanabo, 
Ez  39'';  DPlPl  Jb  22';  without  elision  of  the  H  (cf.  §  53  3),  prinM  i  K  18", 
but  Jer  9^  1^nn\  Jb  138  ^^nnri  ;  with  i  in  the  second  syllable  D^B*^  Jer  4950, 
SC's ;  cf.  D''E'31  Nu  2i»'' ;  in  the  perfect  ni^'''^n  La  i^.  In  Hoph'al,  ^3l3n  ^Aey  ajs 
hrought  low,  Jb  242';  n?''  he  is  smitten,  Is  24^2  {plur.  ^ini'  Jer  46*,  Mi  i') ;  in 
pause,  ipn'  Jb  192s,  but  also  ^np;  Jb  4*"  (so  Baer,  Ginsb.,'but  ed.  Mant,  Jabl. 
^na'')  ;  with  0  in  the  initial  syllable,  HSK'n  {infinitive  with  su^x  =  HlSK'n, 
cf."§  91  e)   Lv  263<'-,   cf.  2  Ch  36";   n©K'n3,  with  irregular  syncope  for 

''E'na,  Lv  26«. 

'  •  IV.    In  General. 

~  9.  Verbs  li'^j;  are  most  closely  related  as  regards  inflexion  to  verbs  Y)i 
(§  72).  The  form  of  verbs  W  is  generally  the  shorter  (cf.  e.g.  30^  and 
DP''  Spn  and  D'^pH) ;  in  a  few  cases,  however,  the  two  classes  exactly 
coincide,  e.g.  in  the  imperfect  Qal  and  Hiph'il  with  icuw  consecutive,  in  Hoph'al 
and  in  the  less  common  conjugations  (see  above,  I). 
act  10.  The  developed  forms  (with  three  radicals),  as  mentioned  in  a,  are 
especially  frequent  in  the  3rd  sing.  masc.  and  fern.,  and  the  3rd  plur.  perf.  Qal 
(i.e.  in  forms  without  an  afformative  or  with  an  afformative  beginning  with 
a  vowel)  of  transitive  verbs,  or  verbs,  at  any  rate,  expressing  action,  e.g. 
33D  !|3nD  (but  before  a  suflBx  also  ^3^3D,  as  well  as  ''312DD,  "'31'nK',  &c.); 
Dot  njDf^T  'ISSX  &c.  Sometimes  the  contracted,  as  iceZ/ as  the  uncontracted 
form,  is  found,  e.g.  tn  to  plunder,  plur.  ^T13  :  in  other  parts,  only  ^3112  Dt  2*^, 

'  -T  :  IT  ^  :~T 

as  well  as  «i|3  Dt  3' ;  '•riDCT  Zc  S"!^  and  "•ritol  Jer  4«8.  Other  examples  of 
biliteral  forms  in  2nd  sing.  masc.  are  Dt  25",  Pr  30^2  j  in  ist  sing.,  Jos  5*. 
Apart  from  Qal  the  only  example  of  a  developed  form  is  '•ririnni  Jer  49*''. 
hb  On  the  otlier  hand,  the  biliteral  forms  are  the  moie  common  in  the 
3rd  sing,  and  plur.  of  perfects  which  are  infransitiie,  and  express  a  state ;  cf. 
pi  Dt  9**  (Ex  32*^  p'1  ;  elsewhere  always  a  transitive  verb)  ;  nPI,  fern.  nPin ; 
"110,  /m.  nnip  (for  marrd)  ;  1'S,  fern.  H")^  (cf.  iTim  Ez  24");  'T]'!,  HE', /em. 
T^n^\  on ,  &c. ;  phtr.  WH ,  lEri ,  &c.  (but  on  the  tone,  cf.  ee  below).    Exception, 

CC  The  intransitive  but  developed  perfects  ^bb/\  (also  ^^),  7?^,  ^"V.},,  ''"'I'l 
(in  pattse  nn3),  niD  HK'B'y  (plur.  in  ;)«j(se  ^B'tJ'y  ^  31"),  ^^!?V,  inntt'  (also 
iriK'),  almost  all  have,  as  Mayer  Lambert  observes,  at  least  an  active,  not 
a  stativo  meaning.  Triliteral  forms  of  the  infnitive  after  p  are  iZOb  Nu  21* ; 
l\l^b  Jer  47*;  Tbb  Gn  3i»9  (also  13^  Gn  38");  cf.  also  DOnb  Is  47",  in 
iubordinate  iMUse,  for  Dpn^  ;  with  suffix  DD33n'i  Is  30",  and,  from  the  same 


16-idd-ff]  Kerbs  y"y  183 

form  pn,  with  retraction  and  modification  of  the  vowel,  rl33ni)  ^  102'*;  also 
ninb'  is  60",  1122  i  S  25^,  DDJOS  is  10",  tiiya  Pr  S"^,  iSl^^Fr  26».—Iniperatire 
niti'  Jer  49''  (cf.  §  20  6,  and  ibid,  also  on  ''J33n  ^'  9^*)  ;  in  the  imperfect, 
nnf  Na  3''  (i//  68" ;  cf.  Gn  31*")  from  IIJ ;  the  strong  form  here,  after  the 
assimilation  of  the  Nun,  was'unavoidable.  On  the  other  hand,  Dl'IB')  Jer  5^  is 
anomalous  for  D'HK'^  (Pr  1 1^  Q're ;  the  eastern  school  read  the  Po'el  DITlK'' 
in  the  K^Odhh)  ;  the  strengthening  of^the  second  radical  has  been  afterwards 
resolved  by  the  insertion  of  a  vocal  S^iid.     Cf.  also  \^W  Am  5'^  (elsewhere 

fh'').     In  Niph'al,  the  triliteral  form  2'2y  is  found,  Jb  ii''^;  in  Iliph'il,  all 

the  forms  of  pT,  thus  imperative  ^3"'5in,  imperfect  p3"!ri;  infinitive  DKJK'n 
Mi  6";  participle  D''?3K'10  Ez  3^^,  That  the  developed  (triliteral)  forms 
possess  a  certain  emphasis  is  seen  from  their  frequent  use  in  pause,  as  in 
^  118"  after  a  biliteral  form  ^jmO'DJ  ^130). 

1 1.  The  above-mentioned  (see  g)  neglect  of  the  strengthening  in  aramai'zing  Cici 
forms,  such  as  ^D"!^  and  the  like,  occurs  elsewhere  tolerably  often  ;  in  the 

perfect  Qal  IJtpri  for  WllSil  Nu  1 72*  (Jer  44^^ ;  cf.  above,  e)  ;  imperfect  riT33 
I  S  14^^  (n parag.  without  any  influence  on  the  form,  cf.  0);  even  with 

tlie  firm  vowel  reduced  to  vocal  ^^ivd ;   H^^?  Gn  11''  for  n?b3  (cohortativo 

(  r  <  <  '        T  :m  t     t    ^ 

from  ppa) ;  ^JDV  for  VQV  ibid.  ver.  6,  they  purpose  ;  following  the  analogy  of 
verbs  Vy^  ^K'J^X  (see  above,  r)  ;  from  intransitive  imperfects  Qal,  ^"lifri  Is  49^* 
{plur.  masc.  Jb"  18^;   ^yT"     Neh   2^;   also  riJDli'^n   Ez  6«   (for  which  read 

'^'"'0=  tJ'ri)  might  be  explained  in  the  same  way. —Perfect  Niph'al  HDipJ 
for  n3D3  Ez  41'';  ^^^3  Ju  j^  for  ^))h  ■  Dn^lDJ  for  Dn'^03  Gn  17"  (as  if  from 
ppO  not  ,^1D  (0  circumcise),  cf.  Is  19',  Jer  8^*;  imperfect  H^pisri  Zc  14^^; 
participle  D^DnJ  ,  cf.  m.  So  also  ^D3  i  S  13",  HSW  Gn  9"  (cf!  Is  338),  are 
perfects  iVii)A'ai  from  ^^D  (=  pQ),  not  Qal  from  J*Q3.— In  Hiph'il  riSnn  (for 

ri'^nn)  Ju  i6'o  (2  s  153*) ;  nryn  for  n^ryn  Pr  7"  (cf.  ct  6",  f^). 

No  less  irregular  is  the  suppression  of  the  vowel  of  the  stem-syllable  in 
Da-lSnb  Lv  2615.— On  the  perfect  V^"^  Pr  26^,  cf.  §  75  m. 

12.  Cases  in  which  the  tone  is  thrown  forward  on  the  afformatives  (see  CC 
k)  are  (a)  in  the  perfect,  the  ist  si7ig.  regularly  (but  cf.  ''ri^ifni_  Jer  lo^^  before 
On^)  after  1  consec,    Ex  33"-22,  2  K  19=*,  &c.,   also    Is  44I6  ('•nirsn  before  "I); 

ip  92I1  (but  the  text  is  certainly  corrupt  ;  see  the  Lexicon),  1 16",  perhaps  also 
Jb  19*'',  '•hSn'!  (though  in  this  passage,  and  in  ip  17^,  the  form  might  bean 

tnfnitive  in  6th;  see  Delitzsch  on  Jb  ig^'')  ;   in  the  2nd  sing,  nnjfi^l  (before 

X)  Dt  25" ;  in  the  ^rd  plural,  ?£t  multi  sunt,  ip  3',  i04-<,  Jer  5^,  i  S  251"  ;  13T 

they  are  soft,  \p  55^2  :|^j5  t}^ey  ^re  swift,  Jer  4",  Hb  i^ ;  ^3]  they  are  pure,  Jb  15*^, 

25^,  La  4'' ;  ^np  they  did,  how,  Hb  3^ ;  HH  they  are  burned,  Is  246.     A  by  form  of 

^n^  (vy,  cf.  §  72  dd)  is  ^m  xp  49^',  73'. 

(6)  In  the  imperative  (a  command  in  an  emphatic  tone)  ""il  sing,  Is  54*,  it' 
Zp  3",  Ze  2i« ;  13-]  Is  4423,  49",  Jer  31^  (but  >fi  lament,  La  2"),  >ln  keep  {thy 
feasts),  Na  2\  Jer  72^ ;  HJiy  (  =  njy)  before  «,  ip  6829.  Qn  the  retention  of  the 
short  vowels  ii  (0)  and  i  before  bagei  forte,  in  place  of  the  tone-long  0  and  e, 
sie  above,  k;  on  the  change  of  the  vowel  of  the  preformative  into  S''Kd, 
wlien  it  no  longer  stands  before  the  tone,  see  g. 


184  The  Verb  [§  68  a-d 

The  Weakest  Vekbs  {Verba  Quiescentia). 

§  68.     Verbs  k"q  e.  g.  b?K  to  eat. 
Brockelmann,  Semit.  Sprachwiss,,  p.  140  ff. ;  Grundriss,  p.  589  ff. 

a  So  far  as  N  retains  its  full  consonantal  value  as  a  guttural,  these 
verbs  share  all  the  peculiarities  of  verbs  primae  gutturalis,  mentioned 
in  §  63.  They  are,  however,  to  be  treated  as  weak  verbs,  when  the 
!!<  loses  its  value  as  a  consonant,  and  coalesces  with  the  preceding 
vowel  (originally  short)  to  form  one  long  syllable.  This  takes  place 
only  in  the  following  very  common  verbs  and  forms,  as  if  through 
phonetic  decay : — 

I)  1.  In  the  im2)erfect  Qal,  five  verbs  (viz.  *13X  to  perish,  H^N  to  he 
willing,  /'?fr?  to  eat,  "ipX  to  say,  HDN  to  hake)  regularly  make  the  N 
quiesce  in  a  long  6,  e.  g.  -'Di^.^  In  a  few  others  the  ordinary  (strong) 
form  is  also  in  use,  as  triN^  (18  times)  and  TriXj".  (^  times)  he  takes  hold; 
^D^  (see  h),  also  ^^K^. ,  he  collects.  This  6  has  primarily  arisen  from  an 
obscuring  of  <1  (§  9  q),  and  the  d  from  ^^^>  the  weak  consonant  N 
coalescing  with  d  io  d  ;  of.  §  23  a. 

C  In  the  second  syllable  o  (for  original  U)  never  appears,  but  either  e  ^ 
or  d ;  and  in  j)ause  almost  always  e,  even  before  the  tone-bearing 
heavy  afformative  P,  e.  g.  I^bas)  Dt  i8S  without  the  pause  P^^N',  Dt  4^^ 
In  the  3rd  sing.  masc.  and  ist  sing,  of  1P^,  however,  a  is  always 
retained  in  pause,  "P'<''  and  "IDN ;  but  in  the  2nd  ma>^c.  ""?,Nn  i  K  5"", 
in  the  3rd  fem.  ^ON^  Pr  i^i ;  in  the  plural  1">px^  Jer  5^  y^  \Ab^'\  ^"^^^^^ 
Jer  23'^  with  S^golta;  cf.  also  i'^^n  i  S  i^  &c.  But  with  conjunctive 
accents  in  the  body  of  the  sentence,  d  (as  being  a  lighter  vowel)  is 
used,  e.  g.  ''J?^  13Nn  ^^  g^^,  but  in  pause  "ip.t^^  ^^  i^ ;  cf.  a  similar  inter- 
change of  e  and  a  in  §  65  c.  The  3rd  fem.  plur.  imjif.  always  has  the 
form  njS'PNn  Zc  1 1\ 

d  When  the  tone  moves  back,  the  final  syllable  of  the  imperfects  of 
n3N  and  ??K,  with  a  conjunctive  accent,  also  always  takes  Puthah, 
e.  g.  Di^  nnN^  Jb  3^  h^\f>h  and  he  did  eat ;  in  np«  the  loss  of  the  tone 
from  the  final  syllable  only  occurs  in  the  form  with  wdw  consecutive 

'  So  in  the  modern  vulgar  Arabic  of  South  Palestine,  ya'kid  (he  eats) 
becomes  yokul. 

*  On  this  e  (originally  i)  as  a  dissimilation  from  5  (originally  u),  cf.  §  37  re, 
and  F.  Philippi,  in  the  Zeiischri/t  fur  Vdlkerpsychologie  und  Sprachwissenschaft, 
xiv.  178.  The  latter  rightly  observes  that  the  existence  of  an  original  u  in 
♦he  imperfect  of  bSN  is  indicated  by  the  form  of  the  imperative  ?bK,  the  Arabic 
ya'kul  .lud  the  Aramaic  73NV  as  well  as  by  the  fact  that  ^hX'   and  SIDN^ 

.    -■    ••  .  ''  VI IV  '     v:  IV 

are  found  along  with  triN^  and  ^DN*. 


§68e-A]  Verbs  N'a  185 

(but  never  in  the  ist  sing.  '^'Q^\  ;  cf.  •'P'^^J,  and  then  the  final  syllable, 
if  without  the  jpause,  always  takes  S^ghol,  'l^'**!  and  he  said  (except 
Sb  ipNni  Pr  f% 

In  pause,  however,  the  imperfect  consecutive  (except  the  ist  pers.  of  <? 
''??,  see  below)  always  has  the  form  ??*^*1  (but  plur.  always  '''5^\ 
^pSn'I),  "ipN»1 ;  except  1PN*1  in  the  poetic  portion  of  the  book  of  Job, 
as  3^,  4',  &c.,  but  not  in  32^  in  the  middle  of  the  verse.  The  weak 
imperfect  of  triN  is  always  IHN^  and  T^^*l,  but  in  the  ist  sing., 
according  to  §  49  e,  THNI^  Ju  20* ;  cf.  ^'^^\  Gn.  3"'^  in  pause. — n2N  and 
nsx  are,  at  the  same  time,  verbs  n"?,  hence  imperfect  n^N^  (§75  c). 

Before  light  suffixes  the  vowel  of  the  second  syllable  becomes  vocal  S*wa,  as   f 
DT'DNV  ^UpDNn,  but  D3i53Nn. — In  a  few  cases,  instead  of  the  6  in  the  first' 
syllable  an  e  is  found,  which  is  due  to  contraction  from  the  group  -r:; — —  (or 

_)  in  place  of ;  e.g.  iiriNri  it  shall  come,  Mi  4*,  from  HriNn  (from 

nnX)  ;  3nK  (for  3nK)  I  lore,  Pr  S''',  also  (four  times)  3nN  Mai  i^,'  &'c.,  with 

suffixes  ^npriN   Ho  11^,  14',  &c.  (but  only  in  ist  sing.,  otherwise  3nK'  ,  &c., 

<  ' ''  ■ 

from  3nX,  3nX) ;  IHSII  and  I  stayed,  Gn  32^     The  infinitive  construct  of  "IJDX 

with  {)  is  always  "ibN^  dicendo,  for  "itox!^..— According  to  Barth  {ZDMG.  1889, 
p.  179)   PifX'1  Nu  11^5  is  to  be  regarded  as  an  imperfect  Qal,  without  the 

obscuring  of  K to  0,  not  as  imperfect  Hiph'il,  since   plfX  elsewhere  occurs 

only  in  the  perfect  Qal  and  Nijih'al;  on  the  original  i  in  the  second  syllable, 
see  above,  §  67  p.  For  ^nSDNH  Jb  20^8  we  should  simply  emend  'P3Nn  ;  the 
view  that  it  is  imperfect  Po'el  (which  nowhere  else  occurs)  can,  as  regards 
the  change  of  6  to  0,  be  supported  only  by  the  very  doubtful  analogies  of 
\f/  62*  (see  §  52  q^  and  i/>  loi®  Q^re  (see  §  55  b),  while  the  view  that  it  is  Pi'el 
('3Nn  =  'DXn  =  '3Kn\  rests  on  no  analogy  whatever.  It  would  be  more 
admissible  to  suppose  that  'DNn  stands  for  ■'^^f^l,  Pu'al  (cf.  ^pSX  for  1?3fc<, 
§  27  q)  ;  but  no  reason  has  been  discovered  for  this  departure  from  the 
natural  punctuation  '3Xn. 

2.  In  the  ist^;ers.  sing,  impe'ifect,  where  two  x's  would  ordinarily  «• 
come  together,  the  second  (which  is  radical)  is  regularly  dropped 
(§  23/),  as  *ipsi  (for  "IPNN),  &c.,  and  even  plene  ip'i«l^  Neh  2',  &c., 
ITJOiN  y^r  42'°.  In  the  other  cases,  also,  where  the  N  is  ordinarily 
regarded  as  quiescing  in  6  or  e,  it  is  only  retained  orthographical! y, 
and  on  etymological  grounds.  Hence  the  possibility  of  its  being 
dropped  in  the  following  cases : — 

Always  in  the  contracted  forms  of  ^IpN,  as  PlpJI  for  fjDNri  ip  104^ ;  5]pM  h 
3  S  61  (but  for  SlpXI  Jb  271^  read  flpN^=^tlpi^  with  the  LXX) ;  cf.  also  in 

1  The  regularity  of  this  orthography  indicates  that  the  contraction  of  NX 
to  d  in  this  ist  pers.  occurred  at  a  time  when  in  the  3rd  and  2nd  persons  the 
N  was  still  audible  as  a  consonant  (which  accordingly  was  almost  always 
retained  in  writing).  NOldeke  (ZDMO.  xxxii.  593)  infers  this  from  the  fact 
that  also  in  Arabic  the  3rd  and  2nd  persons  are  still  written  yakiilii,  takma, 
but  the  ist  pers.  'dAwiw,  not  'd'kiUii, 


1 86  IVie  Verb  [§§  68  i,  h,  69  a 

the  1st  pers.  Mi  4"  and  ^QpN  i  S  156,  which  is  apparently  (from  the  Metheg 
with  the  i),  intended  for  an  imperfect  Hiph'U:  instead  of  it,  however,  read, 
with  the  Mantua  edition,  ^SDN  (with  ?,  according  to  §  60/).     But  flDDNn 

Ex  57  (for  'Din),  F19^^*1  I  S  18^^  (for  siDi''5),and  flDX''  Jb  2f^  (see  above)  are 
due  to  a  mistake,  since  all  three  forms  must  be  derived  from  the  stem  P]D\ 
Furthermore,  ^no^  ^p  139''''  (where  certainly  '"lO;;  is  to  be  read)  ;  Xnh  Pr  ii« 
(cf.  §  75  hh);  iinsni  I  S  2S2'«;  I^J^i^  Ez  42* ;  T\'07\  2  S  19'*;  ThHi  2  S  20^ ; 
'•pin  <;joM  gaddest  about  (from  PIX),  Jer  2^6 .  ^^J^^  j)j.  ^^zi  (^foj.  -|;pjj{-i  ^^  according 
toother  readings  (on  the  analogy  of  the  cases  mentioned  in  §  75  p)  Nn*1 

Nn'1  or  ^<^l>1. 

Paradigm  I  shows  the  weak  forms  of  the  imjyerfect  Qal,  and  merely 
indicates  the  other  conjugation?,  which  are  regular. 

I  Rem.  I.  In  the  derived  conjugations  only  isolated  weak  forms  occur  : 
Perfect  Niphal  Vtm^  Nu  3230,  Jos  228;  Hiph.  ^ifNJI  Nu  ii^s  (but  the  statement 
in  verse  17  is  ''ri|'?fNl,  therefore  Qal) ;  equally  doubtfulis  the  punctuation  of 
3-|»1  (for  3"IXM?)  and  he  laid  wait,  i  S  158,  and  plK  I  listen,  Jb  32I1  (^qq  t^p 
analogy  of  verbs  VJ?) ;  cf.  also  y2\i<  (0  from  a)  I  give  to  eat,  Hos  11* ;  ni'^^k 
(0  from  d)  I  tt)i7Z  destroy,  Jer  46^;  "ini'l  2  S  20^  Q^re  (for  'nX*1) ;  the  K^thibh 
appears  to  require  the  Pi'tl  "in;;^1,  from  "IH^  as  a  secondary  form  of  "IPIN  ;  but 
''D^'l  =  inX"!  for  ■inN*'\  as  imperfect  Qal  is  not  impossible.  On  mxiNI 
Neh  13",  cf.  §  ^^  n.— infinitive  ^>pnf)  Ez  2i33  (  =  /_3xni)  unless  it  is  rather 
infin.  Hiph.  from  7=13) ;  Participle  JMD  gireth  ear,  Pr  17^  (clearly  by  false  analogy 
of  verbs  V'J?,  for  P]XO  1 ;  Imperative  Vnr\  bring  (from  nnX)  Jer  129.  (^Qn  the 
same  form  used  for  the  perfect  in  Is  21",  cf.  §  76  <?.) 
/^-  2.  In  the  Pi'eZ  the  K  is  sometimes  elided  (like  n  in  7^t3[5n"'  ^""tOp^),  thus 
f)pP  (as  in  Aramaic  and  Samaritan)  teaching,  for  ejyifio  Jb  35I1 ;  ^n^  (if  not 
a  mere  scribal  error)  for  7T\^)  Is  132O;  ^J'lTril  thou  hast  girded  me,  2  S  22*«,  for 
••J^Wni,  as  ^  iS«>;  '^laXI.  Ez  28"  ;  cf.  §  23  c. 

§  69.   Verbs  '•"d.     First  Class,  or  Verbs  originally  i"d, 

e.g.  3^;  to  dwell. 

Brockelmann,  Semit.  Sprachiviss.,  p.  141  f.  ;  Grundriss,  p.  596  flF. 

a  Verbs  which  at  present  begin  with  Yodh  when  without  preforma- 
tives  are  divided  into  two  classes  according  to  their  origin  and 
consequent  inflexion  :  (a)  Verbs  which  (as  still  in  Arabic  and  Ethiopic) 
originally  began  with  Wmo,  e.  g.  "^T^  to  give  birth  to,  Arab,  and  Eth. 
tvdlddd.  In  consequence  of  a  phonetic  change  which  prevails  also 
with  few  exceptions  in  the  noun,  this  Wdtv  in  Hebrew  and  Aramaic 
always  becomes  a  Yvdh,  at  least  when  it  is  the  initial  consonant ;  but 
after  preformativcs  it   either  reappears,   or    is   again  changed   into 


§  69  b,  c]  Verbs  ^"^.    First  Class  187 

YCdh,  or,  lastly,  is  altogether  elided ;  (6)  Verbd  which  (as  in  Arabic) 
originally  began  with  Yodh  (called  Verba  cum  lod  originario,  see  §  70). 
A  few  verbs  again  (some  with  original  Yodh,  and  some  with  original 
Wdw)  form  a  special  class,  which  in  certain  forms  assimilates  the  Wdw 
or  Yodh  to  the  following  consonant  on  the  analogy  of  the  N-dn  in 
verbs  j"3  (see  §  71). 

With  regard  to  verbs  ^"s  (i.  e.  '•"a  with  original  Wdw)  it  is  to  be  b 
noticed  that — 

1.  In  the  imperfect,  imperative  and  infinitive  construct  Qal  there  is 
a  twofold  inflexion,  according  as  the  Wdw  is  wholly  rejected  or  only 
changed  into  Ycdh.  The  complete  rejection  (or  elision)  takes  place 
regularly  in  eight  verbs  (see  h)  in  the  following  manner  : 

A.  Imperfect  2K'^,  VT  with  an  unchangeable '  Sere  in  the  first 
syllable  and  original  ?  in  the  second,  which  in  the  tone-syllable 
(according  to  §270)  becomes  e  (thus  "I.?.''.,  ^T..,  ''"I"'.;  ^.?!!,  see  x),  or, 
under  the  influence  of  a  guttural,  with  a  in  the  second  (Vl."'.,  yp*,  ID';), 

The  tone-long  e  of  the  second  syllable  is  of  course  liable  to  be 
shortened  or  to  become  ^^wd,  e.g.  ^'^'l,  '^^,\,  &c. ;  in  the  same  way 
a  becomes  ^^wd  in  such  cases  as  ^V^V,  &c.,  but  is  lengthened  to  Qames 
in  pav^e  i^V']'!)  and  before  sufiixes  (Q}^'!J,^). 

B.  Imperative  3^  Avith  aphaeresis  of  the  Wdw  and  with  tone-long  e, 
from  i,  as  in  the  imperfect. 

C.  Infinitive  T)^^  from  original  sibh,  by  addition  of  the  feminine 
ending  (n)  lengthened  to  a  segholate  form ;  as  in  verbs  f*D  (cf.  §  66  b) 
this  lengthening  affords  a  certain  compensation  for  loss  of  the  initial 
consonant. 

Rem.  Since  the  infinitives  nyi,  mb  (see  below,  w)  point  to  a  ground-  C 
form  di'at,  lidai,  we  must,  with  Philippi  {ZDMO.  xxxii.  42)  and  Barth  (ibid. 
xli.  606),  assign  to  fl^B',  &c.,  the  ground-form  Hibt  (which,  therefore, 
reappears  in  ''ri3B',  &c.)  ;  the  apparent  ground-form  sabt  rests  upon  the  law 
that  the  »  of  the  stem-syllable  is  changed  into  a  whenever  the  syllable 
becomes  doubly  closed  by  the  addition  of  the  vowelless  feminine  ending. 


^  The  e  of  the  first  syllable  is  really  e,  not  tone-long  e,  since  it  is  retained 
not  merely  before  the  tone,  and  in  the  counter-tone  (e.g.  DJ^T'I  Ho  14'"), 
but  also  in  "^VJ^  Ex  33'''^.  It  is  no  objection  to  this  view  that  the  scriptio 
plena  of  this  e  occurs  (with  the  exception  of  "Ip""'  if/  72",  elsewhere  pointed 
1)5"'>)  only  in  Mi  i*  and  Ez  35®  K^ih.  ;  in  tp  13S*  the  Masora  prefers  to  point 
VT^. — Of  the  various  explanations  of  the  e  the  most  satisfactory  is  that  of 
Philippi  (ZDMG.  xl.  p.  653)  that  an  original  ytiltd,  for  example  (see  above), 
became  yiJid  by  assimilation  of  the  vowel  of  the  first  syllable  to  that  of  tlio 
second ;  this  then  became  yeled  instead  of  yeled,  in  an  attempt  to  raise 
the  word  again  in  this  way  fby  writing  e  instead  of  e)  to  a  trilitei-al  form. 


i88  The  Verb  [^6gd-i 

d  In  more  than  half  the  number  of  verbs  1"d  the  original  Wdw  in  the 
above-mentioned  forms  gives  place  to  Yddh,  which,  unless  it  suffers 
aphaeresis  (see  /),  appears : — 

in  the  imperatives  p'^\,  K'lj  and  infinitives  "IDJ,  S"l^,  as  a  strong 
consonant,  but 

in  the  imperfect  ^T),  properly  yiyras,  merges  with  the  preceding  i 
into  t 

In  the  second  syllable  imperfects  of  this  form  regularly  have  a, 

C  (a)  That  the  latter  forms  are  derived  from  verbs  with  an  original  Wdw 
(not  Yodh)  is  shown  partly  by  the  inflexion  of  these  verbs  in  Niph'al,  Hiph'il, 
and  Hoph'al  (where  the  original  Wdw  reappears  throughout),  and  partly  by 
the  Arabic,  in  which  verbs  I^Q  likewise  exhibit  a  twofold  formation ;  cf. 
wdldda,  imperf.  ydlidu,  with  elision  of  the  Wdw,  and  wdglld,  yaugalu,  with 
retention  of  the  Wdw. 
f  (b)  Sometimes  both  forms,  the  weaker  and  the  stronger,  occur  in  the  same 
•^  verb;  cf.  pS  2  K  4"  and  p)i)  pour,  Ez  24*  (cf,  !|p^\  i  K  18"  and  the  infin. 
npy  Ex  38^^)  ;  B'-l  take  possession,  Dt  1",  i  K  21^5  (but  cf.  s),  B*")  {in  pause  for 

E'l)  Dt  22<"  ;  plur.  ^B?")  Dt  18,  923,  but  also,  with  H paragogic,  HBH^  Dt  3322. 

In  the  imperfect  ^j5''^  Dt  32^2  and  1^  Is  lo^"  it  shall  be  kindled;  "Si'^''!  it  was 

precious,  i  S  18^0  and  "Ip^  ^49^  (cf.'-jp"'^  i^  72").— The  form  IDHM  Gn  30^9, 

^    -,.  " ''  '"■'•'" 

for  ^Dn*1_,  beside  n3pn*1  verse  38,  is  remarkable ;  cf.  §  47  k. 

g  (c)  On  nn  Ju  19"  for  IT  and  nity  Jer  42"  for  the  infinitive  absolute  3'.K'J, 
cf.  §  19  t, — But  Tl^  Ju  5''  (twice)  is  not  intended  by  the  Masora  either  as 
perfect  (for  TT*,  which  really  should  be  restored)  or  as  imperative  of  H"!"*, 
but  as  an  apocopated  imperfect  Pi' U  from  mi  (  =  n'i|1^)  to  have  dominion. 

h  {d)  The  eight  verbs,^  of  which  the  initial  consonant  in  the  above- 
mentioned  forms  always  suffers  elision  or  aphaeresis,  are  Ip^  to  bring  forth, 
NJf  to  go  forth,  3B'''  to  sit,  to  dwell,  TT  to  descend,  also  ^pH  to  go  (cf.  below,  x) ; 
and  with  o  in  the  second  syllable  of  the  imperfect,  yT  to  know,  in^  to  be  united, 
yp^  to  be  dislocated.  Examples  of  the  other  formation  (tJ'l^"' ,  &c. )  are  FjJT' 
to  be  wearied,  ^JJJ  to  counsel,  ]p'>  to  sleep,  NT  {imperfect  NT"*,  imperative  N"l^) 
to  fear. 

I  2.  The  original  Wdw  is  retained  as  a  firm  consonant :  (a)  in  the 
infinitive,  imperative,  and  imperfect  Niph'al,  being  protected  by  the 
strengthening,  e.g.  3B'jn,  2??^^  which  are  consequently  strong  forms 
like  ijpi^n,  ^'t?!?^;  {b)  in  the  Bithpael  of  some  verbs,  e.g.  V^inn  from 
VX,  nainn  from  r\^),  n^nn  from  HT;  otherwise  a  radical  Wdw  at  the 
beginning  of  a  word  is  now  found  only  in  a  few  nouns,  e.g.  *ipi  offspring 
from  *1?J  to  bear.    At  the  end  of  a  syllable  Wdw  with  the  homogeneous 

^  A  ninth  f)p'  to  add,  is  also  to  be  included.  In  the  Mesa'-inscription, 
1.  2f,  the  infinitive  is  written  DDD?  (cf.  ^nSD'',  1.  29);  hence  read  in  Is  30' 
(Nu  32^*,  Dt  29'*)  riDD  for  DiSD.  The  2nd  plur.  masc.  imperative  ^DD  Is  29', 
Jer  721  corresponds  to  ^SB' ;  thus  in  proof  of  a  supposed  HSD  addere,  there 
remains  only  HSDN  Dt  322^  for  which,  according  to  2S  12*,  read  nSDX. 


§  69  h-n']  Fei'hs  ^"s.     First  Class  189 

vowel  u  coalesces  into  li ;  so  throughout  Hoph'al,  e  g.  3^in  for 
huwsabh ;  but  with  a  preceding  a  the  Ff'ato  is  contracted  into  6  (^)  ; 
so  in  the  perfect  and  participle  Niph'al  and  throughout  Iliph'tl,  e.  g. 
SK'U  from  an  original  ndwsdhh,  ^''B'in  from  an  original  hdwsthh. 

The  first  radical  always  appears  as  YCdh  in  the  perfect  and  partici2)h  k 
Qal,  ^^),  &c.,  nt?'^  yi^)^  even  when  ]  precedes,  e.g.  ^B'^l  (but  DPi^K^^., 
according  to  §  24  6),  also  throughout  Pi'el  and  Fu'al,  e.g.  Pn^  <o  wa?^, 
1?"!  ^0  be  born,  and  in  the  imperfect  and  2>(i"''f'ici2^^  ''D-\  ^T.^  knotvn 
(from  yT),  and,  as  a  rule,  also  iu  Hithpael,  e.g.  n.^rnn,"  nrnri^  B'n^nn 
(as  against  y^l^"?,  &c.,  with  Wdw). 

The  beginner  may  recognize  verbs  I^D  in  the  imperfect  Qal  partly  by  the  ' 
Sere  under  the  preformatives  ;  in  Niph'al  and  Hiph'il  by  the  Waw  (1    V;  before 
the  second  radical.      (The  defective  writing,  as  in  IvH,  is  rare.)      Verbs 

V'D  liave  forms  lilse  1^  (V"^),  HIIB',  in  common  with  verbs  )"Q.  Similarly 
Hiph'al  has  the  same  form  as  in  verbs  yj?  and  V'J? . 

Rem.  I.  The  infinitive   Qal  of  the  weaker  form    (DZIK',    ground-form   siht,  T)l 
ntJ'T  ;  cf.  above,  c)  with  suffixes  is  pointed  as  '•rillK'  '  iritJ*"}  (the  strong  form 
only  in  ^3p'"}''p  Ju  14^^).     The  masculine  form  is  very  rare,  e.g.  yi  to  knoio, 

Jb   32^1",   as  also  the  feminine  ending  H ,  e.g.  Hy"))^  Ex  2*,  TTv?  Is  37' 

(2  K  19*)  ;  Jer  13^1,  Ho  9^1 ;  HTll^  (g  descend,  Gn  46',  where  the  change  of 
the  e  into  vocal  S^wa  is  to  be  explained,  with  KOnig,  from  its  position 
between  the  principal  and  secondary  tone.     From  yi^,  under  the  influence 

of  the  guttural,  nyi  is  formed,  with  suff.  ^riyi,&c.  ;  but  from  Ni*\  DNV. 
From  *11'  thei-e  occurs  in  \p  30*  in  Q're  ^"l")*©  (the  K'th.  requires  ^Tli*D)  a  very 
remarkable  case  of  the  strong  form  (for  ^JjlHlfD).  For  H?  i  S  4^'  (generally 
explained  as  a  case  of  assimilation  of  1  to  H  in  the  supposed  ground-form 
ladt;  according  to  Mayer  Lambert  pausal  of  Tw  =  Udt,  see  above,  c)  read 
simply  prj^. 

Examples  of  the  strong  form  of  the  infinitive  are  NT"  to  fear,  Jos  22^^,  with  ^ 
preposition  IDv  Is  .51^^  (but  2  Ch  31''  according  to  Ben  Naphtali  *lbv,  where 
the  ^  is  only  retained  orthographically,  but  is  really  assimilated  to  the  D ; 
the  reading  of  Ben  Asher,  llDy,  accepted  by  Baer,  is  meaningless)  ;  jiCJ'*? 
Ec  5II;  Nl^  I  S  ife29  is  irregular,  but  probably  Nn!)  (for  KT^)  is  in- 
tended.    With   suff.  \"!DJ3  Jb  38^   cf.  Ju  14IS,  Ezr  3" ;   -with  D  fern.  flSb*'' 

to  he  able,  Nu  14^^  On  Tf^1\,  which  is  likewise  usually  referred  to  this  class, 
cf.  the  note  on  §  70  a. 

^  *n3K'1  \p  23S  can  hardly  be  intended  for  an  infin.  with  suffix  from  3K'^ 
but  rather  for  a  perf.  consec.  from  D^B' ;  but  read  '•riDB'^V 

^  The  infinitives  Hy^  and  iM'\  belong  to  the  source  marked  E  (Dillmann's  B) 
in  the  modern  criticism  of  the  Pentateuch.  The  same  document  also  has 
Jh3  to  give,  for  DPi  ;  Ipil  to  go,  for  Uj^  ;  and  nby  to  make,  for  DV^V'  See 
Dillmann,  Die  BB.  Num.,  Deut.,  Jos.,  p.  618. 


190  The  Fe7'b  [§690-5 

O      2.  The  imperative  Qui  frequently  has  the  leiigtliening  by  H ,   e.g.   H^B' 

sit  thou,  m")  descend  thou.  From  HH''  to  give,  Arab,  tcdhdbd,  only  the  imperative 
is  used  in  Hebrew ;  it  has  the  form  3n  give,  lengthened  H^n  generally  with 
the  meaning  age,  go  to,  henee  in  Gn  ii^*  even  addressed  to  sevei-al  persons 
(Gn  29''i  nin  before  N  to  avoid  the  hiatus) ;  fern.  *3n  Ru  3",  Milra  on  the 

<  < 

analogy  of  the  phn-al  ^HH  (once  in  Jb  6^  ^n  before  the  tone-syllable  ;  but  cf. 
Dt  32'),  whilst,  on  the  analogy  of  other  imperatives  Qal  of  verbs  V'D  ^2n  ^2n 
would  be  expected. — On  ny'1  Pr  24^*,  cf.  §  48  i. 
4)  3.  The  imperfect  with  1  elided  takes  a  in  the  second  syllable,  besides  the 
cases  mentioned  above  (under/),  also  in  Tin  Jer  13'^  (cf.  La  3^*)  and  in 
the  pausal  form  "^y  Jb  27^',  &c.  (from  Tl^n,  see  x)  ;  on  1J5''  Is  10**  see  above,/. 
The  a  in  the  second  syllable,  when  followed  by  the  afiformative  ri3  MJH^n 

T     \      T    ;  —  - 

&c.),  is  in  accordance  with  the  law  mentioned  above  (under  c),  by  whicli 
d  takes  the  place  of  t  in  a  doubly  closed  syllable.  Forms  with  e  in  the 
second  syllable  shorten  the  e  to  S^ghol,  when  the  tone  is  drawn  back  (before 

a  tone-syllable  or  after  wdw  consecutive),  e.g.  N3"3^''  Gn  44'^;  *T}*1  3JJ'*1* 
but  t  is  retained  in  an  open  syllable,  even  with  Mil'el-tone,  in  Ni'^  Ex  162'-', 
Ju  9'',  in  both  cases  with  nasog  'ahor,  §  29  e.  The  pausal  is  either  of  the 
form  2p*)  Ku  4^  or  TV1_  ip  18^°;  the  1st  pers.  sing.,  whether  in  or  out  of 

pause,  isTlXI  ,  n^XI,  &c.,  except  7]  ^XWb  ig"  see  a:.— For  yi^  \t  138^  (cf.the 
note  above,  on  b  and  the  analogous  cases  in  §  70  d)  yT*""  is  intended. 

y  The  imperfect  of  the  form  {^T^  is  frequently  (especially  before  afformatives' 
written  defectively,  in  which  case  the  i  can  always  be  recognized  as  a  long 
vowel  by  the  Metheg  (see  §  16/),  e.g.  1DV''  Is  40''',  ^iW  Is652^  ;  and  so  always 
^K"!''  they  fear,  as  distinguished  from  ^N")^  therj  see  (imperf.  Qal  of  nS"l).— On 
Db'^1  Gn  so'",  2433  K^th ,  and  TJD''^  Ex  30*2,  see  §  73/. 

^'  From  yy  to  prevail,  to  be  able,  the  imperfect  Qal  is  7^,  which  can  only  have 
arisen  through  a  depression  of  the  vowel  from  P^i"*  (ground-form  yaukhal^ 
yawkhcd),  to  distinguish  it,  according  to  Qimhi,  from  PDIN,  just  as,  according 
to  §  47  b,  bbpK  is  differentiated  from  ?hp\  Cf.  the  Arabic  ijauru'u  {yoru'ii' 
from  waru'a,  yaujalu  (yojalu)  from  wagila,  as  also  the  vulgar  Arabic  (among 
towns-people)  yusal,  &c.,  from  u:auda.  Others  regard  bsV  as  an  imperfect  Hoph'al 
{he  is  enabled  =  he  can),  always  used  instead  of  the  imperfect  Qal  ;  cf.,  howevci', 
§  53  w- — b^WI  occurs  in  Jer  3^  as  2nd  sing.  fern,  for  ""^D^ni,    according    to 

IT  -  •     IT  - 

KOnig  because  the  2nd  fern,  had  been  sufficiently  indicated  previously. — 
Further  D'lV  or  HT  is  to  be  regarded  with  M.  Lambert  {KEJ.  xxxvii,  no.  73^ 
as  impf.  Qal  (not  Hiph'il)  of  m^  to  throw,  shoot  (the  supposed  impf.  Qal  D"T'31 
Nu  21^*'  is  critically  very  doubtful).  This  is  shown  especially  by  the  pas- 
sages in  which  the  impf.  T]'})''  is  immediately  preceded  by  the  imperat.  Qal 

(2  K  13*'')  or  infn.  Qal  {\p  64^),  or  is  followed  by  the  participle  Qal  (2  Ch  35"'' ; 
but  in  2  S  11''^  by  the  participle  Hiph'il). 

S  4.  The  attenuation  of  d  to  i  in  the  perfect  (in  a  toneless,  closed  syllable) 
which  is  discussed  in  §  44  d  (cf.  §  64/)  occurs  in  verbs  T'D  in  a  few  forms 

of  iy  Nu  11''',  Jer  2",  \p  2'',  &c.  (always  after  "•),  as  well  as  of  B'l'',  e.g. 
DWIM.,  &c.,  Dt  4',  81,  i7'«,  19I,  261,  31''  (always  after  '"I  for  ^l).  In  both 
cases  the  attenuation  might  be  explained  from  the  tendency  to  assimilate 
the  vowels,  especially  if  the  initial  ^  was  pronounced,  as  in  Syriac,  like  i 

(§  47  h).  In  the  case  of  U'T',  however,  a  secondary  form  B''}^  (cf.  §  44  d)  is 
probably  to  be  assumed,  since  in  Arabic  also  the  verb  is  warita.     The  forms 


§  69  t-x'\  Verbs  ^"s.     Fi7^st  Class  191 

'?|?{5n''1  Ez  36^2  and  H^tJ'TI  \f/  6g^^,  &c.,  are  most  simply  explained  from  the 
return  of  this  t. 

5.  As  an  exception,  the  imperfect  Niph'al  sometimes  has  a  ^  instead  of  the  t 

1,  e.g.  7n**1  and  he  stayed,  Gn  8^2  (unless  the  Pi'el  or  pJ^^^,  as  in  ver.  10,  is  to 
be  read),  cf.  Ex  19"  ;  i  S  13*  K^th'ihh. — The  first  person  always  has  the  form 
3K'JX,  not  DK'IX,  cf.  §51  p.— In  the  participle  the  plural  \S5|3  (from  nj^, 
with  depression  of  6  to  u,  cf.  §  27  n)  is  found  in  Zp  3^^ ;  cf.  La  1*.  While  in 
these  cases  some  doubt  may  be  felt  as  to  the  correctness  of  the  Masoretic 
pointing,  much  more  is  this  so  in  the  perfect  HpU  nuWdhu,  i  Ch  3^,  20*,  for 
^*1-5iJ  which  appears  to  be  required  by  the  waio  in  the  initial  syllable. 

6.  In  the  imperfect  Pi'el  elision  of  the  first  radical  (')  sometimes  takes  place  U 
after  wdw  consec,  (as  in  the  case  of  S,  §  68  k),  e.g.  nH*1  for  HS^'^I  and  he  has 
grieved,  La  3'^,  ^''1*1  for  ^iy^]  and  they  have  cast,  verse  53,  from  m'',  which  may 
also  be  a  true  verb  '"'D  (on  the  other  hand,  in  pl'li  ^"1^  they  have  cast  lots, 
Jo  4',  Ob  ",  Na  3'",  a  perfect  Qal  of  T]''  is  required  by  the  context ;  but  as 
this,  being  a  transitive  perfect,  ought  to  have  the  form  'Til''    according  to 

§  67  a,  perhaps  we  should  read  ^T*).  So  from  a  verb  ^"D,  of  the  second  class, 
'.r|'2*1  for  iinK'S^^I  and  he  made  it  dry,  Na  1*;  cf.  Q'}}^^  2  Ch  52^°  Q^re  (the 
K^th.  points  either  to  Pi'el  Dn.B'^M,  or  Hiph'il  DlK'^^l). 

7.  The  imperative  Hiph'il,  instead  of  the  usual  form  2B'in,  sometimes  has  i  in  d 
the  second  syllable;  {<''Jfin  Is  43^;   ysin  ip  94^  (before  n,  hence  probably 

a  mere  mistake  for  njJ^Sin).  On  the  uncertainty  of  the  tone  in  N3~njJ^B'in 
see  §  53  m.  When  closed  by  a  guttural  the  second  syllable  generally  has  a,  as 
ynin,  yC'in,  cf.  also  ni^h  Pr  25"  (as  in  the  infin.  constr.  HSin  Jb  6'^'' ;  see 
§  65/).  On  the  other  hand,  i  always  appears  when  the  syllable  is  open,  thus 
nn^E'in  "•^''^'in,  and  so  also  before  suffixes  (§  61  g).  Ni'^H  Gn  8"  Q're  {KHh. 
NViri,  see  §  70  h)  is  irregular. — The  jussive  and  the  imperfect  consecutive  Hiph'il 
when  the  tone  is  drawn  back  take  S''gh6l  in  the  second  syllable,  as  in  Qal, 
e.g.  FIDV  that  he  may  increase,  Pr  i^  before  r\p? ;  cf.  Ex  lo'^^  and  Dt  3*"  after 
"?S  •  FjDM  (^Din  Pr  30^  is  anomalous)  ;  in  pause,  however,  also  fjpin  as 
jussive,  Jb  40^2  (usual  ^wssu'e  in  pause  2^V,  &c.,  which  occurs  even  without  the 
pause  after  wdw  consecutive,  Gn  47",  Jos  24^,  2  S  8*,  &c.).  With  a  final 
guttural  VT  and  n^V  (jussive)  and  n31*1,  &c.  ;  with  a  final  1  in  pause  ~\r\F\\ 
Ru  2":  on  D3yL^'^"!  Is  35*,  cf.  §  65/).— On  forms  like  ^EnHV  see  §  53  g. 

In  Hoph'al  6  stands  instead  of  1,  in  V]in  (for  V"1in)  Lv  423-28^  n^n  2  S  20",  ^^, 
and  perhaps  in  NTli^  (for  H^.V)  Pr  ii^S;  but  cf.  Delitzsch  on  the  passage. — 
Ptcp.  nyilO  Is  125  qe^g  (ny^jO  K^th).—An  infinitive  Hoph'al  with  feminine 

ending  occurs  in  DlvT}  Gn  4020,  for  n'1pn  =  vin  ;  cf.  above,  t,  on  ^np^3,  and 
§  71  at  the  end. 

8.  The  verb  TJpH  to  go,  also  belongs  in  some  respects  to  the  1"Q  class,  since  it  {](; 

forms  (as  if  from  T]p1)  imperfect  '^?^,  with  wdw  consecutive  Tjb'l  (in pause  1)7'.l 
Gn  24",  &c.),  1st  sing.  TI^NI  (but  in  Jb  19'°  Tj^NIN  ;  infinitive  construct  03? 
with  suff.  ""riD?  {S'ghol  under  the  influence  of  the  following  palatal,  as  in 
'''=133,  cf.  also  ^33)  ;  imperative  '^b,  "^2,  ^"  ^^^  lengthened  form  nSp  (as  an 
interjection  referring  even  to  a  feminine,  Gn  19^2^  or  a,  plural,  Gn  31^^)  and  "^p 
(Nu  23",  Ju  19",  2  Ch  25") ;  Hiph.  'Ij-'bin  (also  in  Ex  2^  ^3''9in  2nd  fern, 
imperative  is  to  be  read  for  ''3^p'''n,  which   probably  arose   merely  through 


192  The  Vei^h  [§70  a,  J 

confusion  with  the  following  'ini?3''n)  ;  imperfect  TJvi^  but  in  the  ist  sing,  of 
the  imperfect  consecutive  always  TjpiNI  Lv  26I',  Am  2!",  &c.  Rarely,  and  almost 
exclusively  late  or  in  poetry,  the  regular  inflexions  of  TI^H  are  also  found  : 
imperf  ^"Sn^  {^p  588,  &c. ;  but  Tj^nn  Ex  9^3,  ^p  738;  cf.  §  64^0  and  h)  ;  Tj'^nX 
Jb  i622,  also  Mesa'  inscription,  line  14,  "jSlK;  infin.  '■^r\_  (Ex  3",  Nu22"f-",  1 
Ec  68-^)  ;  imperative  plur.  13pn  Jer  si^o.  On  the  other  hand,  the  perfect  Qal  is 
always  T|7n,  participle  T]P"n,  infinitive  absolute  !]i?n,  Niph'al  TJ^HJ  ,  Pi'ei  !]?n 
Hithpa'el  Tj^nJin,  so  that  a  "i  never  appears  unmistakably  as  the  first  radical. 
The  usual  explanation  of  the  above  forms  is  nevertheless  based  on  a  supposed 
obsolete  ^T.     It   is,    however,  more   correct   to   regard    the  apparent   V'Q 

forms  of  'y?T\  with  Praetorius  {ZAW.  ii.  310  ff.)  as  originating  with  the 
Hiph'il,  of  which  the  ground-form  hahlikh  became  hdlikh,  and  this  again,  on 
the   analogy   of  the   imperfect  Qal   of  verbs   X"D,    holikh.     This  holikh  being 

referred  to  a  supposed  haulikh  (properly  haxclikh)  gave  rise  to  new  formations 
after  the  manner  of  verbs  VS. 

§  70.    Vey-hs  ^"Q.     Second  Class,  or  Verbs  jjroperly  '•"s, 
e.  g.  3^J  to  be  good.     Paradigm  L. 

Brockelmann,  Scmit.  Sprachwiss.,  p.  143  fif.  ;  Grundriss,  p.  603  ff. 

Verbs  properly  '>"d  differ  from  verbs  /'s  in  the  following  points : 
a  1.  In  Qal  the  initial  Yodh  never  suffers  aphaeresis  or  elision  ;  hence 
the  infinitive  has  the  form  K^^^^^  ^j^g  im'perfect  '^'^^\,  )'\^\,  \>V\  (in  pause 
lT-)>  ^Iso  written  3^',  &c. ;  and  so  always  with  a  tone-bearing  a  in  the 
second  syllable,  even  after  ivciw  consec,  e.g.  |*lT?l,  except  Yp^)]  Gn  g^*, 
and  "<?f^h  Gn  2''»,  unless  "^^f^  is  to  be  included  among  verbs  Ts  (cf.  "tJfi3 

Is  43^")- 
0  2.  In  HipliU  the  original  form  ^^Ip^H  is  regularly  contracted  to  ^''^'•n 
(rarely  written  y\:?\\,  ^tD-n,  &c.)  ;  imperfect  3''t3V.,  2^^'1.  Instances  of 
the  uncontracted  form  are  ^"'K'^!  Pr  4^*,  according  to  Earth  (see  above, 
§  67p),  an  example  of  an  i-imperfect  of  Qal,  since  the  Hijyh'tl  is  other- 
wise always  causative  ;  "IK'NT  (imperative)  ■^  5'  Q^re  (the  K^th.  requires 
"IB'in  according  to  the  form  of  verbs  i"d  ;  cf.  Is  45^  nB'IN  A'«/A.,  "^tj'rt? 
(^Ve),  cf.  Gn  8^'  Q^re;  D^^^O^P  i  Ch  12^  to  be  explained  as  a 
denominative  from  fO^ ;  DTP^^  Ho  7'"  (§  24/,  note),  but  perhaps  the 
punctuation  here  is  only  intended  to  suggest  another  reading  D"!Q!i<. 

1  Cf.  above,  m,  note  2. 

2  This  may  be  inferred  from  ^l"*^  (^''3)  Is  27^^  which  with  its  fern. 

tV^yi  Gn  8'',  is  the  only  example  of  an  infinitive  construct  Qal  of  these  verbs. 

No  example  of  the  imperative  Qal  is  found  :   consequently  the  forms  3D^,  &c. 

(in  Paradigm  L  of  the  earlier  editions  of  this  Grammar),  are  only  inferred 
from  the  imperfect. 


§§7oe,  7i]  Verbs  ^"Zi.     Second  Class  193 

Rem.   I.    The  only  verbs  of  this  kind  are  :   DO"*  to  be  good  (only  in  the  C 
imperfect  Qal  and  in  Hiph'il ;  in  the  perfect  Qal  310,  a  verb  V'y,  is  used  instead), 
py  to  suck,  YP"*  to  awake,  "lif""  to  form  (but  see  above,  a),  7T  only  in  Hiph'il 

7^yn  to  bewail,  "ItJ*^  to  be  straight,  right,  also  B'H^  (Arabic  yabisd)  to  be  dry  (but 
Hiph'il  E'^ain  2  S  198,  on  the  analogy  of  verbs  1"a  ;  on  Is  30^,  cf.  §  72  x),  and 

the  Hiph'il  po^n  (denominative  from  pOp,  infin.  ^12^6  2  S  14"  fo  go  to 
the  right. 

2.  In  some  examples  of  the  imperfect  Hiph'il  the  preformative  has  been 

subsequently  added  to  the  contracted  form:  3'^.1^  Jb  24";  7^.'!'!  ^^  I5*'^ 
r6^  ;  ^*h^  Jer  4SS1  .  pjur.  ^^^f)'»^  Ho  7",  cf.  Is  65I*.  Qimhi  and  others 
explain  the  above  forms  from  a  phonetic  interchange  of  Yodh  and  He,  arising 
from  the  unsyncopated  forms  /'y^'^%  &c.  (cf.  Is  52^).  It  is,  perhaps,  more 
correct  to  suppose  that  the  regular  forms  (3''ip^\  ''vV.)  were  originally 
intended,  but  that  in  the  later  pronunciation  the  syllable  was  broken  up  in 
order  to  restore  artificially  the  preformative  which  had  become  merged 
in  the  first  radical. 

Isolated  anomalies  are  :  perfect  Hiph'il   ^rOl2''T^'\   Ez   36"  with  separating 

vowel  (for  ^nab**)!)  on  the  analogy  of  verbs   V'V  ',  imperfect  3"'P\''  for  2''p\'*_ 

I  K  i<7;  '•ntp^n  {imperfect  Qal  for  ''212''^)  Na  f  ;  1np.''3ri1  imperfect  Hiph'il  Ex  2\ 

eitlier  an  error  for  'pym,  or  an  irregular  shoiiening  of  the  first  syllable, 

caused  by  the  forward  movement  of  the  tone.     Similarly,  the  Hiph'il  ypT] 

.  <  .< 

(from  yip)  is  always  used  instead  of  pp"*!!  from  yp"^ ;  hence  also  Hlifpn  ^  ''112?  ^pH , 

imperat.  r\Tpr\,  infin.  pj^n.— On  =in^3*1  Na  \*,  see  §  69  u). 

§  71.    Verbs  """d.    Third  Class,  or  Verbs  with  Yodh  assimilated. 

In  some  verbs  '•"s,  the  YCdh  (or  the  original  JVdu^  does  not  quiesce 
in  the  preceding  vowel,  but  is  regarded  as  a  full  consonant,  and,  like 
iVjJw,^  is  assimilated  to  the  following  consonant.  These  forms, 
therefore,  belong  properly  to  the  class  of  strong  verbs.  Assimilatioa 
invariably  takes  place  in  ]1T^  (pi op.  y^'l)  to  S2>read  under;  Iliph'tl  T^>^, 
Hoph'aU^r};  r\T  to  burn,  imperfect  nx^,  Mph'al  nS3,  Iliph'tl  n^i'n 
(in  Is  27"  also  HSn^^'K  is  to  be  read  with  Kiinig ;  in  2  S  14^"  the  Masora 
has  rightly  emended  the  KHhihh  iTJT'Vini,  which  could  only  be  the  ist 
sing.  perf.  of  a  verb  "i"d,  to  the  imperative  i|)in''5fni  in  agreement  with 
the  context  and  all  the  early  versions);  T£\,  IlipJitl  ^^^  to  place, 
Hoph'al  35fn  ;  and  probably  also  in  the  forms  ordinarily  derived  from 
2XD,  viz.  3^:  (Niph'al),  n^n,  Tr,  ^i'ri;  at  any  rate  a  stem  3i:^  is 
implied  by  the  Ililhpa'el  32f^rin  ;  instead  of  the  anomalous  ^snpl  Ex  2* 
read  with  the  Samaritan  n^Tini,  i.e.  32;'nril,  Besides  the  common 
form  we  find  once  p"^^  in  Is  44^  (from  PT,  to  pour)  with  a  transitive 
meaning,  beside  P??'l  intransitive,  i  K  22^^.     Elsewhere  the  imperfect 

^  These  verbs,  like  verbs  JC'V  (cf.  above,  note  on  §  67  jr),  may  perhaps  havo 
been  influenced  by  the  analogy  of  verbs  |"a . 

COWLKY  O 


194  The  Verb  [§  72  a 

consecutive  has  the  form  pi'H  Gn  28'^,  35",  &c.,  cf.  §  69/,  where  also 
other  forms  of  \>T,  are  given  ;  ^If^fl  and  "lif^  (Is  ^^'\  49^,  Jer  i^  Q're), 
from  "^IfJ  to  form,  are,  however,  used  in  the  same  sense.  Cf.  also 
OIOS  Ho  10" ;  njlI'M  (for  'n\  according  to  §  47  ^)  i  S  6'- ;  ^b'S'  2  Cli  3 1^ 
(cf.  §  69  w)  and  *TE10  Is  28'^  This  assimilation  is  found  always  with 
sibilants  (most  frequently  with  v)  except  in  the  case  of  "15*1  i  K  3'* 
(eo  ed.  Mant.,  Ginsb.,  Kittel ;  but  Jabl.,  Baer  Y^->)  and  in  nnVn 
Gn  40-",  Ez  16'  (cf.  nihn  verse  4),  infinitive  Hoph'al  of  lb;  (cf.  =n^» 
§69  0- 
§  72.    Verhs  ^"V  (vulgo  l"y),  e.  g.  Dip  to  rise  up.    Paradigm  M. 

Brockelmann,  Semit,  Sprachwiss.,  p.  144  ff.  ;  Grunclriss,  p.  605  fif. 

a  1.  According  to  §  67  a  a  large  number  of  monosyllabic  stems  were 
brought  into  agreement  with  the  triliteral  fonn  by  a  strengthening, 
or  repetition,  of  the  second  radical,  i.  e.  of  the  consonantal  element 
in  the  stem.  In  another  large  class  of  stems  the  same  object  has  been 
attained  by  strengthening  the  vocalic  element.  The  ground-form 
used  for  these  verbs  is  not,  as  in  other  cases  (§  39  a),  the  3rd  sing, 
masc.  perfect,  but  always  the  infinitive  construct  form  (§39  h),  Xhe  u 
of  which  is  characteristic  also  of  the  imperative  and  of  the  imperfect 
indicative  Qal.  These  stems  are  consequently  termed  verbs  l"y  or 
more  correctly  (see  below)  1"y,^ 

1  The  term  1"y  was  consequent  on  the  view  that  the  Wdiv  (or  ^  in  the  case 
of  verbs  ''"J?)  in  these  stems  was  originally  consonantal.  This  view  seemed 
especially  to  be  supported  by  the  return  of  the  Wdw  in  Pi'el  ("IIV,  the  1 
usually  passing  into  "•  as  in  D*p,  cf.  Arabic  qdwwnma),  and  by  certain  forms 

of  the  absolute  state  of  the  nouns  of  such  stems,  e.g.  niD  death,  compared  with 
HTO  to  die.  Hence  in  explaining  the  verbal  forms  a  supposed  stem  qawam 
(in  verbs  '•'''y  e.  g.  sayat)  was  always  assumed,  and  Dp''  was  referred  to  an 
original  yaqwum,  the  infinitive  absolute  Dip  to  original  qawom,  the  participle 
passive  G)p  to  original  qawiim.  It  must,  however,  be  admitted  :  (i)  that 
forms  like  H^y  D'p  (see  to)  are  only  to  be  found  in  the  latest  books,  and  are 
hence  evidently  secondary  as  compared  with  the  pure  Hebrew  forms  DOip 
&c.  ;  (2)  that  to  refer  the  verbal  forms  invariably  to  the  stem  Dip)  leads  in 
many  cases  to  phonetic  combinations  which  are  essentially  improbable, 
wliereas  the  assumption  of  original  middle-voicel  stems  renders  a  simple  and 
natural  explanation  almost  always  possible.     These  Vy  stems  are  therefore 

to  be  rigidly  distinguished  from  the  real  Vy  stems  of  the  strong  forms,  such 
as  HIT  J  yia,  &c.  (see  below,  gg). — As  early  as  the  eleventh  century  the  right 
view  with  regard  to  Vy  stems  was  taken  by  Samuel  Hannagid  (cf.  Bacher, 
Leben  und  Werke  des  AbulwaHd,  p.  16)  ;  recently  by  B5ttcher  {Lehrbuch, 
§    I II 2),    and    (also   as   to   y"y    stems)    especially    by    Miiller,    Stade,  and 

Wellhausen  (see  above,  §  67  a,  note).  On  the  other  hand,  the  old  view  of 
1    and    1    as   consonants   has  been   recently    revived    by  Philippi,    Barth, 

M.  Lambert,  and  especially  Brockelmann  (op.  cit.). 


§  72  6-e]  Terhs  vy  ^95 

2.  As  in  the  case  of  verbs  y^y,  the  monosyllabic  stem  of  verbs  ''"y  b 
generally  takes  the  vowel  which  would  have  been  required  in  the 
second  syllable  of  the  ordinary  strong  form,  or  which  belonged  to 
the  ground-form,  since  this  is  essentially  characteristic  of  the  verbal 
foiTQ  (§436;  §  676).  However,  it  is  to  be  remarked:  (a)  that  the 
vowel,  short  in  itself,  becomes  of  necessity  long  in  an  open  syllable  as 
well  as  in  a  tone-bearing  closed  ultima  (except  in  Hoph'dl,  see  d),  e.  g, 
3rd  sing.  masc.  perf.  Di^,  fern.  "^9^,  plur.  *'^\^,  but  in  a  closed  penultima 
riDp,  &c.^;  (6)  that  in  the  forms  as  we  now  have  them  the  lengthening 
of  the  original  short  vowel  sometimes  takes  place  irregularly.     Cf.  /. 

Intransitive  verbs  middle  e  in  the  j)erfect  Qal  have  the  form  HJO  he  C 
is  dead;   verbs  middle  o  have  the  form  liN   he  shone,  tJ'S  he  v:as 
ashamed,  y^^  he  was  good.^     Cf.  n-r. 

3.  In  the  imperfect  Qal,  perfect  Niph'al,  and  throughout  Hiph'il  and  (l 
Iloph'al  the  short  vowel  of  the  preformatives  in  an  open  syllable  before 
the  tone  is  changed  into  the  corresponding  tone-long  vowel.  In  Qal 
and  Niph'al  the  original  a  is  the  basis  of  the  form  and  not  the  t 
attenuated  from  a  (§  67  /t;  but  cf.  also  h  below,  on  ^'y.),  hence  Dlp^, 
for  ydqum, ;  Dip3  for  ndqom  ;  on  the  other  hand,  in  the  perfect  Hiph'il 
CPH  for  Mqtm ;  participle  Cj?^  (on  the  Sere  cf.  z) ;  perfect  Hoph'al 
Dpin  for  hitqam. 

A  vowel  thus  lengthened  before  the  tone  is  naturally  changeable  and  6 

Y  < 

becomes  vocal  S^wd  when  the  tone  is  moved  foi-ward,  e.g.  ^lUT'D^  he  will  kill 

him  ;  so  also  in  the  3rd  plur.  imperfect  Qal  with  Niin  paragogic  ;  prJ^C  (without 

NUn  ^n^D'').     The  wholly  abnormal  scriptio  plena  of  e  in  "T'tp^nn  Jer  2^^  (beside 

■\^tOn  in  the  same  verse)  should,  with  Konig,  be  emended  to  l""??^!!]  ;   the 

incorrect  repetition  of  the  interrogative  necessarily  led  to  the  pointing  of 
the  form  as  perfect  instead  of  imperfect. — But  in  Hoph'al  the  ?1  is  retained 
throughout  as  an  unchangeable  vowel,  when  it  has  been  introduced  by  an 
abnormal  lengthening  for  the  tone-long  0  (as  in  the  Hoph'al  of  verbs  y"y). 

^  In  Aramaic,  however,  always  DDp ;    also  in  Hebrew  grammars  before 

<  <  * 

Qimhi  flDp,  "JjUOp,  &c.,  are  found,  but  in  our  editions  of  the  Bible  this  occurs 

only  in  pause,  e.g.  '•ijlDP^  Mi  7^,  ynjD  2  K  7''*. 

^  According   to  Stade  {Grammatik,    §  385  e  and  /)  the  e  in  HD  is  of  the 

nature  of  a  diphthong  (from  ai,  which  arose  from  the  union  of  the  vowel  1, 
the  sign  of  tlie  intransitive,  with  the  d  of  the  root',  and  likewise  the  0  in 
"liN,  &c.  (from  aw).     But  0  (from  au)  could  not,  by  §  26  p,  remain  in  a  closed 

penultima  (n{^3,  &c.)  ;  consequently  the  0  of  these  forms  can  only  be 
tone-long,  i.e.  due  to  lengthening  of  an  original  n,  and  similarly  the  e  of 
niO  to  lengthening  of  an  original  i.     This  is  confirmed  by  the  fact  that  the 

6  in  riK'3  ^riK'Il  ^2^2  is  always,  and  in  ^^2,  irdplur.  perfect,  nearly  always 
(the  instances  are  11  to  2),  written  defectively.  Forms  like  HCIIl,  ^tJ'13, 
^■^iK,  &e.,  are  therefore  due  to  orthographic  licence. 

0  2 


196  The  Verb  [§72/-* 

y  4.  The  cases  of  unusual  vowel  lengthening  mentioned  in  h  are : 
imperfect  Qal  DIpJ  (also  in  Arabic  ydqAmu),  but  jussive  with  normal 
lengthening  (§  48  gf),  DpJ,  with  retraction  of  the  tone  Dj^J  (ydqom), 
Qj^*!  (in  pause  Qp'l) ;  i'ni2)erative  Dip,  with  normal  lengthening  of  the  w 
in  the  2nd  plur.  fe7n.  "^^PP,  since,  according  to  §  26  p,  the  tt  cannot 
be  retained  in  a  closed  penultiraa ;  infinitive  construct  D^P.  In  Hiph'U 
the  original  i  is  naturally  lengthened  to  i  (C^pH,  imperfect  ^''Pl,  jussive 

<  < 

Di?T>  with  retraction  of  the  tone  Dp^,  Dp*1)  ;  on  the  transference  of  this 
?  to  the  Hiph'U  of  the  strong  verb,  cf.  §  53  a. 

fir  The  following  forms  require  special  consideration  :  the  participle 
Qtl  DI?  is  to  be  traced  to  the  ground-form  with  d  unobscured,  Arab. 
qdtil,  §  9  5',  and  §  50  h.  On  this  analogy  the  form  would  be  qdini,^ 
which  after  absorption  of  the  i  became  D^,  owing  to  the  predominating 
cliaracter  of  the  d.  The  unchangeableness  of  the  d  {plur.  D^'?i^,  constr. 
'^i;,  &c.)  favours  this  explanation. 

//  In  the  imperfect  Qal,  besides  the  forms  with  original  ii  (now  ti)  there 
are  also  forms  with  original  a.  This  a  was  lengthened  to  a,  and  then 
farther  obscured  to  6  ;  hence  especially  Ni3^  (^^t)'  ^^t->  ^^-i  from  the 
perfect  N3  he  has  come.  In  the  imperfects  lifr^""  (but  cf.  i^^l^ril  i  S  14^^) 
and  K'il''  from  the  intransitive  perfects  "liX,  B'3  (see  above,  c),  most 
probably  also  in  ^nx""  2K12',  niW  Gn  34'^  from  an  unused  niN  to 
consent,  and  perhaps  in  D^^J^l  i  S  4°,  &c.,  as  in  the  cases  noticed  in 
§  63  e  and  especially  §  67  n,  the  e  of  the  preformative  is  lengthened 
from  I  (which  is  attenuated  from  original  a)  and  thus  yi-hds  became 
yi-hds,  and  finally  ye-hos.  Finally  the  A'iph.  OPJ  (nd-qdm),  imperfect 
Di|3^  from  yiqqdm,  originally  (§51  m)  yinqdm,  arises  in  the  same  way 
from  the  obscuring  of  d  lengthened  from  a. 

f  5.  In  the  perfect  Niph'al  and  Hiph'U  a  i  is  inserted  before  the 
afformatives  beginning  with  a  consonant  in  the  ist  and  2nd  persons, 
and  ^-:7-  regularly  (but  see  Rem.)  in  the  imperfect  Qal,  sometimes  also 
in  the  imperfect  Hij^h'U  (as  in  n3^X^2J;i  Lv  7^",  cf.  HSD^nri  Mi  2'%  before 
the  termination  of  HJ.  As  in  verbs  ]}"]}  (§  6-j  d  and  note)  tliese 
separating  vowels  serve  as  an  artificial  opening  of  the  preceding 
syllable,  in  order  to  preserve  the  long  vowel ;  in  the  perfect  Hiph'U, 
however,  before  the  i,  instead  of  the  t  an  e  is  somewhat  often  found ^ 
(as  a  normal  lengthening  of  the  original  i),  especially  after  wdw  con- 

*  So  in  Arabic,  prop,  qd'im,  since  tlie  two  vowels  are  kept  apart  by  the 
insertion  of  an  N,  cf.  Aram.  DXp  ;  but  also  contracted,  as  Mk,  hdr,  for  jfd'ifc, 
&c.  (cf.  Wright's  Gramm.  of  the  Arabic  Language,  2nd  ed.  vol.  i.  p.  164). 

"  D|!!13^ti_'n  1  I  S  6''  (cf.  2  Ch  6^2^)  could  only  be  an  orthographic  licence  for 
'y^TW  ;  perhaps,  however,  "y^^TW  was  originally  intended. 


§  72  it-m]  Verbs  vy  197 

seculive,  Dt  4^^  30',  as  well  as  befoi'e  the  afformatives  DTI  and  fri  or 
before  suffixes,  Dt  22^,  i  S  6^  i  K  8^\  Ez  34^  For  in  all  these  cases 
the  tone  is  removed  from  the  S  to  the  following  syllable,  and  this 
forward  movement  of  the  tone  produces  at  the  same  time  a  weakening 
of  the  itoe;  thus  D'i?n,  niD^pn  (or  'pr}^ ;  on  nnnyn  Ex  19-^  cf.  x),  but 
nbi^.ni,  &c.,  Ex  26^",  &c.;  Dt  4^  Nu'iS^^  (cf.,  however,  l3toi?r,i  Mi  5^). 
In  the  same  way  in  the  ist  j)ers.  sing,  of  the  'perfect  Nifh'al,  the  6 
before  the  separating  vowel  is  always  modified  to  li  (''niJ21p3)  ;  cf.  v. 
In  the  imperfect  Qal  and  Hiph'il  the  separating  vowel  ''^:-  always 
bears  tlie  tone  (nj^npn). 

Without  the  separating  vowel  and  consequently  with  the  tone-long  0  and  /c 
i  instead  of  w  and  i  we  find  in  imperfect  Qal  njNQn  (see  §  76  gr) ;  tP^'W  Ez  16^^ 

(also  ilJ^aiB'n  in  the  same  verse)  ;   Djnb'PlI  i  S  7"  (cf.  £235^  Q^ri;  on  the 

KHhibh  njac^'n  cf.  above,  note  on  §  69  6)  ;  n^nNril  1  S  14"  from  "liX  {K'thihh 

njXiril  and  they  saw,  see  §  75  to)  ;  in  Hiph'il,  e.g.  nsjn  Ex  20'^,  also  ^niD'^jn 

Jb  Si'^^  ;   ""ripCni  Jer  22-^;    riiDK'n   Jb  20!";    with  a  separating  vowel,  e.g. 

n3''X''3ri  Lv.  7 5''  from  Ni3.     S^ghol  without  ^  occurs  in  the  imperfect  Qal  in 

njnllDri  Ez  13^^  Zc  1^'' ;  and  in  Hiph'il  Mi  2'^^  :  the  Dages  in  the  Niin  is,  witli 
Baer,  to  be  rejected  in  all  three  cases  according  to  the  best  authorities. 

< 

Wholly  abnormal  is  njD^pn  Jer  44^^  probably  an  erroneous  transposition  of 

<  *  < 

D*  (for  nJ''Dpri),  unless  it  originates  from  an  incorrect  spelling  n3p*j?n  or 

TV    •  : 

6.  The  tone,  as  in  verbs  y"y  (cf.  §  67  ^),  is  also  generally  retained  / 
on  the  stem-syllable  in  verbs  V'y  before  the  afformatives  i^-^,  ^,  ''-r- ', 
thus  nci?  (but  also  1?  ""IT3  2  K  19'^',  probably  for  the  sake  of  rhythmical 
uniformity  with  the  following  v  '^JJ'!,,  >  after  tvdw  consecutive  "^^^ 
Is  23'');  ^0|^(but  also  10^,  cf.  Is  28',  29»,  Na  3'*,  f  76^  Pr  5^  La  4'«; 
^i^ni  I  S  8"  ;  so  especially  before  a  following  N,  cf.  §  49  I,  Nu  13^^ ;  ^V^] 
I3i9>;    before  y,  V'  131',  Pr  3o'^  La  4'^);    ^I?ipri,  ^^P),  but  before 

a  suffix  or  with  JViln  j)aragogic  DIDD^I  2  Ch  28'^ ;  pCTp^  Dt  33",  &c. 

7.  The  formation  of  the  conjugations  Pi^el,  Pu'al,  and  Hithpa'el  is,  m 
strictly  speaking,  excluded  by  the  nature  of  verbs  ^'y.  It  is  only  in 
the  latest  books  that  we  begin  to  find  a  few  secondary  formations, 
probably  borrowed  from  Aramaic,  on  the  analogy  of  verbs  l"y  (with 
consonantal  1,  see  below,  gg) ;  e.  g.  the  PHel  1;1.y  to  surround,  only  in 
^T\}V  ^/^  119'';  and  with  change  of  1  to  \  D'i?  Est  9'",  ^D>i?  Est  9=', 
impf.  nn'.i5K\  y\r  1 1 9""',  injln.  D'p  Ez  \f,  Ru  4^  &c..  Est  9^^  &c.,  imperat. 
>3»»p  r/.ii9'»;  DPl^im  Dni'«  from  3in  to  he  guilty.  The  Hithpa'el 
''.^.^Vri  Jos  9'^,  which  belongs  to  the  older  language,  is  probably  a 
denominative  from  *1^??.  On  the  other  liand  the  otherwise  less  common 
conjugation  Pclel  (see  §  55  c),  with  its  passive  and  reflexive,  is  usually 


198  The  Ferb  [§  72  n-r 

employed  in  the  sense  of  Pl'el  and  as  a  substitute  for  it,  e.  g.  D'i?^p  to 
set  up  from  Dip;  rifliD  to  slaughter,  i  S  14'^,  17*',  2  S  i^  from  niO; 
DDi'l  io  exalt,  passive  O'O'n ,  from  D1"> ;  reflexive  "l"liynn  <c>  stir  up  oneself 
(cf.  'Ij^J'O?  Jb  17'*  in  pause)  from  "11^;  reciprocal  5J'K'3rin  ^  fte  ashamed 
before  one  another,  Gn  2^^.  The  conjugation  Pilpel  (§  55/),  on  the 
analogy  of  verbs  v"y,  is  less  common,  e.  g,  ^!?PP  to  hurl  away  from  ?1t3; 
P3?3  to  contain  from  ip^S ;  "^[PP.  to  destroy  from  I^P. 

Remarks. 
I.     On  Qal. 

n      I.  Of  verbs  middle  e  and  0,  in  which,  as  in  the  strong  verb,  the  perfect  and 

participle  have  the  same  form  (§  50.  2),  the  follovring  are  the  only  examples : 

<  <  < 

no  he  is  dead,  fern.  riDD,  2nd  masc.  nniO  (cf.  §  44  gr ;  §  66  /») ;  1st  sing.  'JJIO 

<  <  <  <        . 

"•npi  (even  in  pause,  Gn  19^^);  i^Zwr.  ^HD,  i  steers.  WHO,  in  pause  ^iflD  •   CS  ^e 

was  ashamed,  nK'S,  ''JjlK'3,  ^JK'i,  lE'i  ;  "IIN  it  has  shone,  plur.  Ilix  ;  2113  to  be  good, 
"13b.  Participles  DO  a  f?ea(i  man  {plur.  D'^HO,  ""riO)  ;  D^E'iS  ashamed,  Ez  32^". 
For  i:  Is  27"  read"n3,  or,  with  LXX,  ly. 

0  Isolated  anomalies  in  the  perfect  are  :  n3B'1  (with  the  original  ending  of 
the  fern,  for  nflKh)  Ez  46"  (see  §  44 /)  ;  ppS  Is  26"  (see  §  44  ;)•— In  «3 
I  S  25*  (for  1JN3  from  Xi3)  the  N  has  been  dropped  contrary  to  custom.  In 
^S3  Jer  27'*  (instead  of  ^X3)  the  Masora  seems  to  point  to  the  imperfect  ^NS"" 

which  is  what  would  be  expected ;  as  Todh  precedes,  it  is  perhaps  simply 
a  scribal  error. 
p  The  form  Dj^  occurs  (cf.  §  9  &)  with  N  in  the  perfect,  DNp  Ho  10",  also  in 
the  participles  DnS  softly,  Ju  421,  cyXT  poor,  2  S  I2»-'*,  Pr  lO*,  plur.  1323 ;  D'^LJNE' 
doing  desjnte  unto  (unless  D^lpXK'  is  to  be  read,  from  a  stem  13NK'  whence  tSNK' 
Ez  25'5,  365),  Ez  282«-2'';  /ew.  '16";  also  in  Zc  14I0  n»N"J  is  to  be  read  with 
Ben-Naphtali  for  noXl.   On  the  analogy  of  participles  of  verbs  middle  0  (like 

D''B'i3,  see  above)  D^Dip  occurs  for  D^Dp  2  K  16'  and  even  with  a  transitive 

•L  •  ''  L 

meaning  L3v  occultans,  Is  25'' ;  D''D13  Zc  lo^.— Participle  passive,  ?5|D  circumcised; 

but  a^D  a  backslider,  Pr  14I*,  and  n"llD  1im<  aside,  Is  49*1  (cf.  Jer  17"  <yre),  are 

verbal  adjectives  of  the  form  qaful  (§  50  /),  not  passive  participles.     For 

D'E'n  hastening,  Nu  32",  read  D"'C'Cn  as  in  Ex  13"  ;  for  ^^ItT  Mi  2^  read  "'3^. 

ft      2.  Imperfects  in  m  almost  always  have  the  corresponding  imperative  and  in- 

finitive  construct  in  u,  as  DIpJ ,  imperative  and  infinitive  D5p  (also  defectively  written 

Dp^,  Dip)  ;  but  trn^  /je  threshes  {infn.  E'n),  has  imperative  "^mk  {fern.),  Mi  4"  ; 
I3^b  »■<  sZippe^;*,  infinitive  CiO  (^J-  38",  46*);  cf.  HU  (also  TO)  Nu  n^s  and  yi3 
Is  72  (elsewhere  y^3)  with  the  imperfects  niJJ  and  y^r  j  Tiy^  Is  30^ ;  3i{y 
Jos  2J'5;  nil  Ez  10"  (verse  16  nn). 
7'  Where  the  imperfect  (always  intransitive  in  meaning)  has  0  the  imperative 
and  infinitive  also  have  it  ;   thus  imperfect  Ni3J  (^^J)>  '"^"-  and  mjper.  NU  or 

N3' ;  -1X»1  2  S  2S2,  niN,  niN;  B'i3>,  E'iS,  &c.— tsipj  Jb  8"  (if  it  be  a  verb 
at  all  and  not  rather  a  substantive)  is  formed  on  the  analogy  of  verbs  yy 

^  In  I  K  1412  (nN33  before  a  genitive),  the  text  is  evidently  corrupt :  read 
with  Klostermann  after  the  LXX  TJXbS. 


I    §  72  s-v]  Verbs  vy  199 

since  the  imperfect  of  b^p  appears  as  D^pN  in  ^t  95^''.  On  the  other  hand 
ptJ'p''  (as  if  from  tJ'",p,  on  the  analogy  of  NIT,  &c,)  occurs  as  imperfect  of 
K'p''  (''"D)-  The  imperfect  pT*,  with  0,  Gn  6^,  probably  in  the  sense  of  to  rule, 
has  no  corresponding  perfect,  and  is  perhaps  intentionally  differentiated 
from  the  common  verb  pT  to  judge  (from  p"n  ''"]})■  Or  can  pT*  be  a,  jussive 
after  N^  (cf.  §  109  d)  ?  Similarly  ("^J'^y)  •'^y  Dinn  X^  might  be  taken  as 
a  case  of  a  jussive  after  NP,  with  irregular  scriptio  plena  (as  in  Ju  16^"),  in 
Dt  7I6,  139,  1913.21^  2512,  Ez  6",  7*-9,  8",  910.  But  perhaps  in  all  these  cases 
Dinn  ii^  was  originally  intended,  as  in  Is  13^*,  Jer  21'',  while  cases  like  DH' 
i//  72^3  are  to  be  explained  as  in  §  109  k. — The  infinitive  absolute  always  has  0, 
e.g.  llDIp;  Dip  Jer  4429. 

3.  In  the  imperative  with  afformatives  (^D^p    ^J2^p)  the  tone  is  on  the  stem  't 

<  <  < 

syllable  (of.,  however,  "'"liy  Ju  5^^  intentionally  varied  from  Hiy  ;  also  "^Iri]} 
Zc  137  and  Is  51*  beside  ""DiS  n^y ;  '•b'"'?  Zc  9^;  n«  Is  21^,  ^£:iE;  f  116^, 
likewise  for  rhythmical  reasons).  So  also  the  lengthened  form,  as  HDIB' 
Jer  3^2,  i//  7*,  and  ni^y  verse  7.  But  if  an  N  follows  in  close  connexion,  the 
lengthened  imperative  usually  has  the  form  HD^p,  &c.,^  in  order  to  avoid 
a  hiatus,  e.g.  Ju  4I*,  ^  82*;  hence  also  before  nin^,  Q^re  perpetuum  ""yiX 
(§  17  c),  e.g.  if/  38,  •]''  riDlp  (cf. ,  however,  in  the  same  verse  n'^^)}  and  in  Jer  40^, 
nnB'  before  N),  and  so  even  before  ">  ^  43I,  74^2,  &c.  (Han). 

4.  In  the  jussive,  besides  the  form  Dp"*  (see  above,  /),    Dip''   also  occurs  * 
(as  subjunctive,  Ec  12* ;  3iDJ  if/  So^^  may  also,  with  Delitzsch,  be  regarded  as 

T  < 

a  voluntative),  incorrectly  written  plene,  and  Dp''  (Gn  27^1 ;  cf.  Ju  6^', 
Pr  9^-^^),  which,  however,  is  only  orthographically  different  from  Dip"*  (cf. 
Jer  46^).  In  the  imperfect  consecutive  (Dp*1 ,  in  pause  Dp'l ,  see  above,  /)  if  there 
be  a  guttural  or  *1  in  the  last  syllable,  a  often  takes  the  place  of  6,  e.  g. 

<  <  < 

nj>1  and  he  rested  ;  yj'l  and  it  was  moved  ;  1D''<  and  he  turned  aside,  Ju  4^*,  Ru  4} 
(distinguished  only  by  the  sense  from  Hiph'il  "10*1  and  he  removed,  Gn  8^*) ;  "IX '1 
Ex  21*,  2  K  52s,  175  (but  also  "ia>1  from  both  "153  to  sojourn,  and  1^3  to  fear)  ; 
f]yM  (to  be  distinguished  from  f\]!>\  and  hefleio,  Is  6*)  and  he  was  tveary,  Ju  4^1, 
1  S  1428-31,  2  S  2 lis,  but  probably  in  all  these  cases  ^lyM  for  P|y^^1  from  P]y' 

is  intended.     For  B'l^ni  2  S  13^  K^th.,  the  Q«re  rightly  requires  B'bni.     On 

<  < 

the  other  hand,  in  an  open  syllable  always  ^Dlp>1j  niD*1,  &c.    On  DpNI 

(DpNI),  see  §  49  e. 

Examples  of  the  full  plural  ending  p  with  the  tone  (see  above,  I)  are  ?^ 
pnpPl  Gn  f-* ;  pD^r  ^  104'' ;  p^n^  Jo  i*-'^ 

II.     On  Niph'al. 

<  < 

5.  The  form  of  the  ist  dng.  ■perf.  ""niD^pll ,  which  frequently  occurs  CriilDJ ,  t' 

^nil^D3,  cf.  also  the  ptcp.  plur.  D^D^33  Ex  14^),  serves  as  a  model  for  the 
2nd  sing.  niDlp3  ni01p3,  and  the  ist  plur.  ^jiD*p3  given  in  the  paradigm, 
although  no  instances  of  these  forms  are  found  ;  but  of  the  2nd  plur.  the 

^  Cf.  Delitzsch's  commentary  on  i^  3*. 


200  The  Verb  [§72M;-fla 

only  examples  found  have  o  (not  m).  "^iz.  Dflifiaj  ye  have  been  scattered,  Ez  ii", 
2c3<'«i,  and  Dnbpil  and  ye  shall  loathe  tjourselves,  Ez  20<3,  36^^— To  the  i  (instead 
of  d)  of  the  preformative  may  be  traced  the  perfect  ~liyo  Zc  2"  (analogous  to 
the  perfect  and  participle  ?te3,  see  below,  ee),  imperfect  "1^V''_  for  yi'or. — The 
infinitive  construct  B'^'in  occurs  in  Is  25^"  ;  in  "liN7  Jb  3jS«,  the  Masora  ass\imes 
the  elision  of  the  H  (for  *liNn|5)  ;  but  probably  I'lXb  {Qal)  ii  intended  (see 
J  51  i). — 3103  Is  1481^  jipj  Is  5^13  are  to  be  regarded  as  infinitives  absolute, 

III.     On  Hiph'il,  Hoph'al,  and  Pi'lel. 

Ii)  6.  Examples  of  the  perfect  without  a  separating  vowel  (see  above,  k) 
are  :  HXan ,  &c.  (see  further,  §  76  gr) ;  nriOH  (from  TilD)  for  hemdth-tu  (of. 
§  20  a);  135n  ist  plur.  perfect  Hiph'il  from  pS  2  Ch  29",  even  Drijpn  (§  27  s) 
Nu  176,  &c.  ;  cf.  I  S  173B,  2  S  1328,  also  friDni  Ex  i^s,  and  Hinpni  Ho  2^ ;  but 
elsewhere,  with  waw  consecutive  ""riion^  Is  14*";  cf.  ""rip^ni  Jer  16^^,  and 
riD3ni  Ex   292^,  &c. — In  these  cases  the  e  of  the  first  syllable  is  retained 

in  the  secondary  tone ;  elsewhere  in  the  second  syllable  before  the  tone 
it  becomes  ^^^  (i  Ch  15",  &c.)  or  more  frequently  -^,  and  in  the  syllable 

before  the  antepenultima  it  is  necessarily  -^  (e.  g.  '•ritopHV  Gn  6^*).  Before 
a  suffix  in  the  3rd  sing.  masc.  (except  Gn  40^^)  and  fem.,  and  in  the  3rd  plur., 
the  vowel  of  the  initial  syllable  is  Bafeph-S^ghol,  in  the  other  persons  always 
nateph-Fathah  (KOnig) ;  on  'inbpn  2  K  92,  \t  89",  cf.  Ex  192s,  Nu  3128,  Dt  ^39 

22*,  272,  30^,  Ez  34*,  and  above,  t.     The  3rd  fem.  perf.  Hiph.  nriDH  i  K  2129  is 

< 

quite  abnormal  for  Hri'^pn  from  n^D  or  JVD, 

X  As  in  verbs  ]i"V  with  n  for  their  first  radical  (§  67  w),  all  the  forms  of  TlJ) 
Ex  19^^  (where  against  the  rule  given  under  i  we  find  nrnj^p  with  e  instead 
of  I),  Dt  8",  Neh  9^*,  Jer  ^2^^,  and  "liy  Is  4125,  45"^  take  Pathah  in  these 
conjugations  instead  of  -^r.  The  irregular  DiJli3K'ini  Zc  10^  has  evidently 
arisen  from  a  combination  of  two  different  readings,  viz.  D''ri2C''iri^  (from 
2^'')  and  D^ni^vJ'ni  (from  nv^) :  the  latter  is  to  be  preferred.— On  tr^n  and 
tynin  as  a  (metaplastic)  perfect  Hiph'il  of  ^2,  cf.  §  78  6. 

y  7.  In  the  imperative,  besides  the  short  form  Dpn  (on  2t^n  Is  42^2  with 
Silluq,  cf.  §  29  5;  but  in  Ez  2i35  for  n^'H  read  the  infinitive  2p7\)  the 
lengthened  form  i']12''pr\  is  also  found.  With  suffix  ^3D^|?n,  &c.  The  impera- 
tive K^nn  Jer  1 7I8' is  ^irregular  (for  H^Ti  Gn  43^^);  perhaps  N^nn  (as  in 
I  S  2C^" ;  cf.  2  K  8«)  is  intended,  or  it  was  originally  nN^DH. 

Z  In  the  infinitive,  elision  of  the  H  occurs  in  N*nb  Jer  39'',  2  Ch  311°  (for 
N'^Dni))  ;  n fem.  is  added  in  nSJn!?  Is  30"" ;  cf.  Est  2"  and  the  analogous 

•     T  ;    '  T  T  T-:t 

infinitive  Ilciph'el  in  biblical  Aramaic,  Dn  52". — As  infinitive  absolute  pDH  occurs 
in  Ez  7"  (perh.  also  Jos  4^,  Jer  ic"). — The  participles  have  ?,  on  the  analogy 
of  the  perfect,  as  the  vowel  of  the  preformative,  like  verbs  J?"y  (§  67  t).  On 
UO  2  S  52,  &c.  (in  K'thibh),  see  §  74  k. 
fia  On  the  shortened  forms  of  the  imperfect  (Dp^,  Dpfl,  but  always  ii2''\;  in 
the  jussive  also  with  retraction  of  the  tone  SK'rf/K  i  K  22")  see  above,  /. 
With  a  guttural  or  1  the  last  syllable  generally  has  Pathah  (as  in  Qal),  e.g. 
nyn  and  he  testified,  2  K  ij"  ;  HT  let  him  smell,  1  S  26" ;  rnh  Gn  82'  ;  nO'l 


§  72  bb-ee}  Verbs  vy  201 

and  he  took  away,  Gn  8^^.  The  ist  sing,  of  the  imperfect  consecutive  commonly 
has  the  form  3"'^N1  Neh  2^'>,  or,  more  often,  defectively  nyxi  i  K  2*"^,  less 
frequently  the  form  2^ii\  Jos  14''.— For  SIDN  Zp  i^  (after^'ei'DX)  and  in 
verse  3,  read  ^Oii  from  ^DH,  on  the  analogy  of  "\DX  §  68  fir :  similarly  in 
Jer  S"  DDDX  instead  of  DE)''DS. 

In  the  imp^Ject  Polel  the  tone  is  moved  backv^ards  before  a  following  tone-  00 
syllable,  but  without  a  shortening  of  the  vowel  of  the  final  syllable  ;  e.g. 

''13  QDiin  Pr  i4»< ;  'b  bbSm  Jb  35" ;  cf.  Pr  252^,  and  ace.  to  Baer  ^3  p'inm 
Jb  30™  {ed.  Mant.,  Ginsb.  ^3  J33riri1),  always  in  principal  pause  ;  on  the 
Metheg  with  Sere,  cf.  §  16/  7.— As  Polal  cf.  yyi>  Is  iC^o. 

As  participle  Eoph'al  3B'^!2n  occurs  in  close  connexion,  Gn  43'^;  cf.  §  65  d. 

Peculiar  contracted  forms  of  Poiel  (unless  they  are  transitives  in  Qal)  are  CC 
1333^1  Jb  3115,  !,3-^,y^  ^i2^  =l331Dri1  Is  64®  for  13333^1,    &c.   [but   read  13333^1 
(§  58  k),  I3n;y^  or  133-lijJ^,  and  1333001];  also  DoSn  Jb  17*,  for  DOD^n.— In 

Is  1 5^  1"^yy^  appears  to  have  arisen  from  the  PUpel  ^'^V']V^ ,  the  d  after  the  loss 
of  the  1  having  been  lengthened  to  a,  which  has  then  been  obscured  to  0. — 
For  the  strange  form  ^""DDipriS  ^  i2>9^^>  which  cannot  (according  to  §525) 
be  explained  as  a  participle  with  the  D  omitted,  read  'prijp3. 

IV.     In  General. 

8.  The  verbs  V'y  are  primarily  related  to  the  verbs  Vy  (§  67),  which  were  UCl 

also  originally  biliteral,  so  that  it  is  especially  necessary  in  analysing  them 
to  pay  attention  to  the  differences  between  the  inflexion  of  the  two  classes. 
Several  forms  are  exactly  the  same  in  both,  e.g.  imperfect  Qal  and  Hiph'il  with 
wdw  consecutive,  the  whole  of  Hoph'al,  the  Pi'M  of  verbs  Vy,  and  the  Po'eloi 
verbs  yy ;  see  §  67  s.  Owing  to  this  close  relation,  verbs  l^y  sometimes 
have  forms  which  follow  the  analogy  of  verbs  yy,  e.^.  perfect  Qal  T3  he  has 
despised  (from  113,  as  if  from  113)  Zc  4'"  ;  perfect  Niph'al  *1^3  Jer  48^^  (for  ">iD3 
from  "yiD,  as  if  from  T1D).  The  same  explanation  equally  applies  to  Ht^pJ 
Jb  loi  for  n^i53  (cf.  §  67  cid)-n9*ip3  from  Dip,  and  1t£)'p3  Ez  6^  (for  1t3ip3)  ; 
IBin""  Ez  10"  and  IDn^l  verse  15;  IDhn  {imperative)  Nu  17";  3D^  Mi  2«  ; 
Hiph'il  perfect  Iflll  Is  18^  for  inn  (cf.  §  29  g),  which  is  for  mn  from  lin.  On 
the  other  hand  the  imperfects  ID^  Ez  48**  (unless  it  be  intended  for  "llD^ 
cf.  ^  15*)  and  ns^  Hb  2^,  are  to  be  regarded  according  to  §  109  i,  simply  as 
rhythmically  shortened  forms  of  l^JD^  and  H^D"'. 

9.  In  common  with  verbs  y"y  (§  67  g)  verbs  1*y  sometimes  have  in  Niph'al  CC 

and  Hiph'il  the  quasi-Aramaic  formation,  by  which,  instead  of  the  long 
vowel  under  the  preformative,  they  take  a  short  vowel  with  Dagei  forte  in  the 
following  consonant  ;  this  variety  is  frequently  found  even  along  with 
the  ordinary  form,  e.  g.  iT'DH  to  incite,  imperfect  JT'D'  (also  n^DH  D^D^)  ; 
TBT}^  imperfect  yBl  to  remoce  (from  31D),  also  Hoph'al  3Dn  Is  59'*  (on  Djpn 
cf.  §  29  3) ;  sometimes  with  a  difference  of  meaning,  as  n*3n  to  cause  to  rest,^ 
but  n"*!)!!  {imperfect  n*3^,  consecutive  niril  Gn  39^'  ;  imperative  nSH,  plur.  in^3n)  to 

< 

set  down  ;  for  nn''3ni  (Baer,  Ginsburg  '3ni)  Zc  5^1  (which  at  any  rate  could 
only  be  explained  as  an  isolated  passive  of  Hiph'il  on  the  analogy  of  the 
biblical   Aramaic  DD^pn    Dn    7*)   we    should    probably   read    nn^SHI   with 

*  As  the  passive  of  this  Hiph'il  we  should  expect  the  Hoph'al  n3ln,  whicli 
is,  no  doubt,  to  be  read  for  n3in  in  La  5". 


202  The  Verb  [§§72  J,!7i7, 73« 

Kloste\;mann  after  the  LXX.  In  Dn  8'i  the  KHhihh  Dnn  is  intended  for 
a  2^erfect  Hiph'il.  There  is  also  a  distinction  in  meaning  between  pp^ 
to  spend  the  night,  to  remain,  and  p^)^  Ex  16'^  Q'r'e  {K^thibh  ^JI^Pl ;  conversely, 
verse  2  K^ibh  ^yfl,  Q're  ^31^^),  participle  p^l?  Ex  168,  Nu  1427,  1720,  to  be 
stubborn,  obstinate :  in  the  latter  sense  from  the  form  p?"*  only  p'l  is  found, 
Ex  17^.  Other  examples  are  Niph'al  7"1133  he  was  circumcised,  Gn  I726'-; 
participle  34^2  (from  ^ID,  not  ^03)  ;  "I'lVp.  .'»«  is  ivaAred  wp,  Zc  2^^  (see  above,  z))  ; 
Hiph'il  r\'^%r^  La  i^ ;  ^r^*'  Pr  421. 

T  ■    •  • 

ff  Perhaps  the  same  explanation  applies  to  some  forms  of  verbs  first  guttural 
^''  with  Dages  forte  implicitum,  which  others  derive  differently  or  would  emend, 
e.  g.  ^nm  for  B'nril  and  she  hastened  (from  C'^H)  Jb  31^  ;  Dy*1  (another  reading 
is  DJJ*1"),  Dyril  1  S  1519,  25"  (14"  Q^re)  from  LIJ?  or  D^p  to^Zt/  aC  anything.  Both, 
as  far  as  the  form  is  concerned,  would  be  correct  apocopated  imperfects  from 
ntJ'n  and  nJOy   en"?),  but  these  stems  only  occur  with  a  wholly  different 

T     T  T     T         ^ 

meaning. 
firnr  10.  Verbs  with  a  consonantal  Waw  for  their  second  radical,  are  inflected 
throughout  like  the  strong  form,  provided  the  first  or  third  radical  is  not 
a  weak  letter,  e.  g.  IIH,  imperfect  '■\\n\  to  be  white  ;  yi3,  imperfect  yi2^  to  expire  : 
mi  to  be  wide;  mX  to  cry ;  Pi' el  ^-ly,  mper/ec<  b)T.  to  act  wickedly;  D^.y  to  bend, 
Hithpa'el  n.\ynn  to  bend  oneself;  and  this  is  especially  the  case  with  verbs 
which  are  at  the  same  time  T]"b ,  e.  g.  Hl^,  Pi'el  HJ^  to  command,  HJi?  to  wait, 
mi  to  drink,  Pi'el  TW  (on  "HI'lS  Is  iC^,  see  §  75  dd)  and  Hiph'il  miH  <o  ffiW  to 
drink,  &c. 

§  73.   Vej^hs  middle  i  (vulgo  '•"y),  e.g.  P?  ^  discern. 

Paradigm  iV. 
ft  1.  These  verbs  agree,  as  regards  their  structure,  exactly  with  verbs 
Vy,  and  in  contrast  to  them  may  be  termed  '•"y,  or  more  correctly, 
'ayin-i  verbs,  from  the  characteristic  vowel  of  the  imp/.,  imj)ei'.,  and 
injin.  constr.  This  distinction  is  justified  in  so  far  as  it  refers  to  a 
difference  in  the  pronunciation  of  the  imperfect  and  its  kindred  forms, 
the  imperative  and  ivjin.  constr. — the  V'y  verbs  having  il  lengthened  from 
original  ii  and  '•"y  having  t  lengthened  from  original  ?.  In  other  respects 
verbs  ''"y  simply  belong  to  the  class  of  really  monosyllabic  stems,  which, 
by  a  strengthening  of  their  wcaZi'c  element,  have  been  assimilated  to  the 
triliteral  form  '  (§  67  a).  In  the  perfect  Qal  the  monosyllabic  stem,  as 
in  1"y,  has  a  lengthened  from  a,  thus:  DK'  he  has  set;  infinitive  ri"'B', 
infinitive  absolute  Hit:',  i7nperative  JT'K',  imperfect  T^^Pl,  jussive  T\pl 
(§  48  g),  imperfect  consecutive  n^'JI. — The  perfect  Qal  of  some  verbs 

*  Tliat  verbs  Vy  and  >"y  are  developed  from  biliteral  roots  at  a  period  before 
the  differentiation  of  the  Semitic  languages  is  admitted  even  by  NOldeke 
{Beitrdge  sur  sem.  Sprachwiss.,  Strassburg,  1904,  p.  34  ff.),  although  he  contests 
the  view  that  ''ri'3''3  and  mi^l  are  to  be  referred  to  Hiph'il  with  the  preforma- 
tive  dropped. 


§  73  ?>]  Verbs  ^''y  203 

used  to  be  treated  as  having  a  double  set  of  forms,  a  regular  series, 
and  others  like  Hiph'il  without  the  preformative,  e.  g.  P3  Dn  lo' ;  "T'i'? 
Dn  9'-,  also  JHi?  ^129^;  JHi^n  tliou  strivesl,  Jb  33''',  also  ^^1  La  3^*. 
The  above  perfects  (1*3,  ^n^  &c.)  might  no  doubt  be  taken  as  forms 
middle  e  (properly  i),  the  t  of  which  has  been  lengthened  to  i  (like 
the  u  lengthened  to  xi  in  the  imperfect  Qal  of  D^ip).  It  is  more 
probable,  however,  that  they  are  really  shortened  forms  of  Hiph'il. 
This  is  supported  by  the  fact  that,  especially  in  the  case  of  p?,  the 
shortened  forms  are  few  and  probably  all  late,  while  the  corresponding 
unshortened  forms  with  the  same  meaning  are  very  numerous,  e.  g. 
2)erfect  t^^ili  (but  f?  only  in  Dn  10^),  Drii3''3ri,  infinitive  f^H  (but  injin. 
abs.  P?  only  in  Pr  23'),  imperative  *Q:'^  (only  in  Dn  9^^  P3^  immediately 
before  pn],  also  ^y^  three  times,  and  HJ^a  ^  5^)^  particijde  P^P.' 
Elsewhere  I{i2)h'tl-{oTms  are  in  use  along  with  actual  ^aZ-forms  with 
the  same  meaning,  thus :  3''"!?  (also  ^1),  D'K'P  placing  (but  only  in 
Jb  4-",  which,  with  the  critically  untenable  ''^''fe'n  Ez  21^',  is  the  only 
instance  of  D^fe*  in  Hi2)h'il),  n''2D  breaking  forth  Ju  20^^,  with  injin.  Qal 
in>3;  ilE^'m  they  rushed  f<yrth  Ju  2o'^  with  B'n,  'nph ;  pV?  glancing, 
also  in  perfect  P^;  X^pH  he  spat  out,  with  imperat.  Qal  I"*?.  As  passives 
we  find  a  few  apparent  imperfects  Hoph'al,  which  are  really  (according 
to  §  53%)  imperfects  passive  of  Qal,  e.g.  ^HT^  Is  66*  from  /'H  to  turn 
round,  IB'V  from  "IT  <o  ^m^f,  HC'V  from  n^B'  ^o  «««. 

2.  The  above-mentioned  Hiph'U-forms  might  equally  well  be  derived  u 
from  verbs  ^"V ;  and  the  influence  of  the  analogy  of  verbs  V'y  is 
distinctly  seen  in  the  Niph'al  fi^J  (ground-form  nahan),  Folel  fP.i3,  and 
Hithpolel  i^i^nn.  The  very  close  relation  existing  between  verbs  """jr 
and  1'y  is  evident  also  from  the  fact  that  from  some  stems  both  forms 
occur  side  by  side  in  Qal,  thus  from  <'''n  to  turn  round,  imjterative  also 
V^n  Mi  4'";  CK*  to  place,  infinitive  construct  commonly  D'lB'  (2814''^ 
D'b'  Q^re),  imperfect  D*^^,  but  Ex  4''  Dlb'^,  In  other  verbs  one  form  is, 
at  any  rate,  the  more  common,  e.  g.  ?"'3  to  exvXt  (^1^3  only  Pr  23**  K^tMhh); 
from  p/  (perhaps  denominative  from  ?  v)  <o  spend  the  night,  p?^  occurs 
six  times  as  infinitive  construct,  Pr-p  only  in  Gn  24^^ ;  but  the  imperative 
is  always  P?,  &c. — Of  verbs  '•"j?  the  most  common  are  ri^C'  to  set, 
3'''!  to  strive,  P'1    to  judge,  K'''B'  to  rejoice ;  cf.  also  perfect  -'3  {middle 

^  Since  n33  ^  139*  might  be  intended  for  ri'33,  there  remains  really  no 
form  of  pi  which  must  necessarily  be  explained  as  a  Qal,  except  the  pkjK 
plur.  D''33  Jer  49'.  Nevertheless  it  is  highly  probable  that  all  the  above 
instances  of  Hiph'il-forms,  parallel  with  Qal-forms  of  the  same  meaning, 
are  merely  due  to  a  secondary  formation  from  the  imperfects  Qal  pD^,  ^""^^ , 
&c.,  which  were  wrongly  r-egarded  as  imperfects  Hiph'il :  so  Earth,  ZDMG.  xliii. 
p.  190  f.,  and  Nominalhildung,  p.  119  f. 


204  The  Verb  l^i^c-g 

Yodh  in  Arabic)  to  comprehend,  to  measure,  Is  40^^ ;  ti^y  (as  in  Arabic 
and  Syriac)  to  rush  upon,  and  the  denominative  ^er/ec«  )'[>  (from  ^i^)  to 
pass  the  summer,  Is  i8^  On  the  other  hand,  D13"'1^  and  they  shall  fish 
them,  Jer  16",  generally  explained  as  perfect  Qal,  denominative  from 
i'^fish,  probably  represents  a  denominative  Pi'el,  '3*1^ 

C  Corresponding  to  verbs  properly  V'V,  mentioned  in  §  72  gg,  there  are 
certain  verbs  ^"J?  with  consonantal  Todh,  as  ^^^  to  hate,  ^'^V  to  faint,  H^n 
to  become,  to  be,  HTI  to  live. 

d  Rem.  I.  In  the  perfect  Qal  3rd  fern.  sing.  Jli?)  occurs  once,  Zc  5*,  fo,r  Mip"), 
with  the  weakening  of  the  toneless  a  to  e  (as  in  the  fern,  participle  nniT  Is  59*) ; 
cf.  the  analogous  examples  in  §  48  i  and  §  80  t.— 2nd  sing.  masc.  HTlK'  ^  90®,  (^re 
(before  V;  cf.  §  72  s)  ;  ist  sing,  once  ^n^  ip  73'*,  milra',  without  any- 
apparent  reason  ;  ist  plur.  13^1  Ju  19"  for  Idn-nu.  The  lengthened  imperatixe 
has  the  tone  on  the  ultima  before  gutturals,  nin"  nn^"]  ^  35^  ;  see  further, 
§  72  s. — Examples  of  the  infinitive  absolute  are  :  IT  liligando,  Ju  11^,  Jb  4c*; 
OVt?  Jer  42i«;  ni?  ponendo,  Is  22'.  On  the  other  hand,  3>n^  n"*!  (for  3^1) 
Jer  5o3<,  pnn  r3  Pr  23s  ^Jinn  Sn  Ez  30"  i:«fA.,  are  irregular  and  perhaps 
due  to  incorrect  scriptio  plena;  for  the  last  the  Q^re  requires  7^nri  P^n^ 
but  read  ^"in  ;  cf.  §  1 1 3  x. 

e      2.  The  shortened  imperfect  usually  has  the  form  |3J,  tfe'^,  HE'^ ;  more  rarely, 

with  the  tone  moved  back,  e.g.  'b  nT  Ju  6'S  cf.  Ex  23^,  n2'r)-^«  i  S  9^. 
So  with  waw  consecutive  Ciph  and  he  placed,  fZl'1  and  he  perceived ;  with  a  middle 
guttural  Ona  tsy'l  i  S  35"  (see  §  72  ee)  ;  with  1  as  3rd  radical,  "l^W  Ju  5I. 
As  jussive  of  pb,  f^Pt  is  found  in  Ju  1920  (in  pause)  and  Jb  \f,  for  Jpri.— For 
niin-^K  Pr  3*>  Keth.  {Q^re  3nri)  read  2~\n 

once,   Nell   1 3^^ ; 
niDlb'  2  S  13^2^  in  the 
Q're,  even  according  to  the  reading  of  the  Oriental  schools  (see  p.  38,  note  2) ! 
the  K'thibh  has  nD'''E',     A  passive  of  Qal  (cf.  above,  §  52  c  and  s,  and  §  53  «) 

from  Wp  may  perhaps  be  seen  in  Db'^'l  Gn  5c2«  (also  Gn  2^^  KHh'ibh  DE'^'»1, 
Q«re  D'B"»'V.  the  Samaritan  in  both  places  has  OK'^I),  and  also  in  TJD'^  Ex  30'^ 
Samaritan  "JDV.  Against  the  explanation  of  •]D"'''  as  a  Hop/t'a^-form  from 
!]5|D,  Barth  {Jubelschrifl .  ..  Hildesheimer,  Berlin,  1890,  p.  151)  rightly  urges 
that  the  only  example  of  a  Hiph'il  of  !J1D  is  the  doubtful  !]D»1,  which  is 
probably  an  i-imperfect  of  gai.— The  explanation  of  DB'"'\  &c.,  as  a  passive  of 
Qal  arising  from  yiysam,  kc.  =  yuysam  (so  Barth,  ibid.,  note  i),  is  certainly  also 
unconvincing,  so  that  the  correctness  of  the  traditional  reading  is  open  to 

question. 

*  ***** 

«•  4.  In  verbs  N"y  the  S  always  retains  its  consonantal  value  ;  these  stems 
are,  therefore,  to  be  regarded  as  verbs  middle  Guttural  (§  64).  An  exception 
is  Y^y  Ec  12»  if  it  be  impeifed  Hiph'il  of  yni  (for  yHT)  ;  but  if  the  form  has 
really  been  correctly  transmitted,  it  should  rather  be  referred  to  y^^,  and 
regarded  as  incorrectly  written  for  yT.  On  ViS3  (from  HIXl),  which  was 
formerly  treated  here  as  H"V,  eee  now  §  75  x. 


f       3.  As  participle   active   Qal  J?  spending   the    night,   occurs 
participle  passive  CB'  Nu  242*,  i  89^^*,  Ob*;  feminine  HDlb 


§  74  a-0  Vei'hs  ^"h  205 

§  74.     Verbs  ^"h,  e.  g.  Nifo  ^^  ^h<^.    Paradigm  0. 

The  N  in  these  verbs,  as  in  verbs  n'^D,  is  treated  in  some  cases  as  CI 
a  consonant,  i.e.  as  a  guttural,  in  others  as  having  no  consonantal 
value  (as  a  quiescent  or  vowel  letter),  viz. : 

1.  In  those  forms  which  terminate  with  the  N,  the  final  syllable 

always  has  the  i-egular  vowels,  if  long,  e.  g.  ^V^,  X2»*0,  ^Vi^ ,  X''Vt3n,  i.  e. 

the  N  simply  quiesces  in  the  long  vowel,  without  the  latter  suffering 

any  change  whatever.     It  is  just  possible  that  after  the  altogether 

heterogeneous  vowel  u  the  N  may  originally  have  preserved  a  certain 

consonantal  value.     On  the  other  hand,   if  the  final  N  quiesces   in 

a  preceding  d  (as  in  the  ferject,  ini'perfect,  and  imperative  Qal,  in  the 

2)erfect   KipKal,  and    in    Pu'al   and   Hoph'aV)  this    d  is   necessarily 

lengthened  to  a,  by  §  27  g,  as  standing  in  an  open  syllable ;   e.  g.  ^'^'O 

SXtp^,  &c. 

The  imperfect  and  imperative  Qal  invariably  have  a  in  the  final  syllable,  on  O 
the  analogy  of  verbs  tertiae  gutturalis  ;  cf.,  however,  §  76  e. — In  the  imperfect 
Hithpa'el  a  occurs  in  the  final  syllable  not  only  (according  to  §  54  k)  in  the 
principal  pause  (Nu  31"'),  or  immediately  laefore  it  (Jb  10^*'),  or  with 
the  lesser  disjunctives  (Lv  zi^*,  Nu  19^3.^0^^  ^ut  even  out  of  pause  with 
Mer^kha,  Nu  6'',  and  even  before  Maqqeph  in  Nu  19'^. 

2.  When  N  stands  at  the  end  of  a  syllable  before  an  afformatlve  C 

beginning  with  a  consonant  (n,  3),   it    likewise    quiesces    with   the 

preceding  vowel ;    thus  in  the  perfect  Qal  (and  Hcqjh'al,  see  below) 

quiescing  with  a  it  regularly  becomes  Qames  (^^-f^  for  J?^'-??)  &c.) ; 

but  in  the  perfect  of  all  the  other  active  and  reflexive  conjugations, 

so  far  as  they  occur,  it  is  preceded  by  Sere  (riKi'DJ,  &c.),  and  in  the 

imperative  and  imperfect  hj  S^ghul,  njSVtp^  njxyjpri. 

(a)  The  S^ghol  of  these  forms  of  the  imperfect  and  imperative  might  be  (* 
considered  as  a  modification,  and  at  the  same  time  a  lengthening  of  an 
original  a  (see  §  8  a^.  In  the  same  way  the  e  of  the  perfect  forms  in  Pi'el, 
Hithpa'el,  and  Hiph'il  might  be  traced  to  an  original  i  (as  in  other  cases  the 
e  and  i  in  the  final  syllable  of  the  3rd  sing.  masc.  perfect  of  these  conjuga- 
tions), although  this  i  may  have  only  been  attenuated  from  an  original  a. 
According  to  another,  and  probably  the  correct  explanation,  however,  both 

tlie  Sere  and  the  S^ghol  are  due  to  the  analogy  of  verbs  n*?  (§  75  /)  in 
consequence  of  the  close  relation  between  the  two  classes,  cf.  §  75  nn. — No 
form  of  this  kind  occurs  in  Pu'al ;  in  the  perfect  Hoph'al  only  the  2nd  tnasc. 

sing.  nriKIin  Ez  40*,  lengthened  according  to  rule. 

(h)  Before  suffixes  attached  by  a  connecting  vowel  (e.g.  *3X"1|5"')  the  N  (^ 
retains  its  consonantal  value;  so  before  ^  and  DD,  e.g.  ^XVIDX  Ct  8'; 
''\Vr\3r}  Ez  28"  (cf.  §  65  h),  not  ^Xi'DS,  &c.,  since  tliese  suffixes, "by  §  58/, 
a^re  likewise  attached  to  the  verb-form  by  a  connecting  vowel  in  the  form  of 
S'wd  mobile. — As  infinitive  Qal  with  suffix  notice  ^XTO  Ez  25^ ;  participle  with 
suffix  ^X^'3  Is  43^;  infinitive  Pi'cl  D3Nt3^2. — The  doubly  anomalous  form 
^Nlp^  Jer  23*  (for  ^HN^i?^  or  ^SS^p^)  is  perhaps  a  forma  mixta  combining  the 
readings  iNip^  and  isipV 


2o6  The  Verb  llnf-^ 

J"  3,  Wlien  N  begins  a  syllable  (consequently  before  afformatives 
which  consist  of  or  begin  with  a  vowel,  as  well  as  before  suffixes) 
it  is  necessarily  a  firm  consonant,  and  the  form  then  follows  the 
analogy  of  the  strong  verb,  e.g.   nS'lfO  mdfa,  1^<5fO^  &c.  {\.n  j}ause 

Remarks, 

ioc      I.  Verbs  middle  e,   like  NpD  to  be  full,   retain  the  Sere  also  in  the  other 

persons  of  the  perfect,  e.  g.  '•riKTb  {Sn?^  Est  7'  lias owing  to  its  transitive 

use  ;  for  DnNT*  Jos  4^*  read  with  Ewald  DnXT').  Instead  of  HNSO  the  form 
r\in\)  she  names,  on  the  analogy  of  the  n'v-forms  noticed  in  §  75  m,  occurs  in 
Is  7"  (from  nt?"!P  J  cf.  §  44  /),  and  with  a  different  meaning  {it  befalls) 
in  Dt  31*',  Jer  44*^,  in  both  places  before  K,  and  hence,  probably,  to  avoid 
a  hiatus  (on  the  other  hand,  DNDni  Ex  5^^,  could  only  be  the  2nd  sing.  masc. ; 
the  text  which  is  evidently  corrupt  should  probably  be  emended  to 
^Oyb  nNOm  with  the  LXX)  ;  in  Niph'al  HN^SJ  ^  118^;  in  Hopk'al  nN^H 
Gn  33I*. — The  2nd  fern.  sing,  is  written  rHOp  by  Baer,  Gen  1611,  &c.,  according 
to  early  MSS. 
fl      2.  The  infn.  Qal  occurs  sometimes  on  the  analogy  of  verbs  H"?  (Hva,  &c., 

see  §  75  mm)  in  the  feminine  form  ;  so  always  DN^D  to  fill  (as  distinguished 
from  nS»  fullness),  Lv  8'^,  i2*«,  25^0,  Jer  29I0,  Ez  5^,  also  written  niN^D 
Jer  2512/jb  2o22,  &c.,  and  riNi^t?  Est  i^.  Cf.  further,  DNip  Ju  8';  m:^ 
Pr  8"  ;  before  suffixes,  Ez  33'*,  and  likewise  in  Niph.  Zc  13* ;  also  in  Pi'el 
nxVnb  Ex  3i5,  353s,  or  niX^lO^  Dn  92,  &c.  KHhibh  ;  with  suffix  2  S  212.— On 
the  (aramaizing)  infinitives  NE'D  and  niXK'D,  see  §  45  e;  on  DSIpp  obviam, 
§  19  k. — DSKVtoll  when  ye  find,  Gn  3220,  stands,  according  to  §  93  q,  for 
D3KifD.  The  tone  of  the  lengthened  imperative  nNS")  Ps  41'  as  Mil^ra'  (before 
^K'SJ)  is  to  be  explained  on  rhythmical  grounds;  cf.  the  analogous  cases  in 
§  72  s. — The  2nd  fern.  plur.  imperative  in  Ru  i^  has,  according  to  Qimhi,  the 
form  T|N2fjp  and  in  verse  20  ■,]Vr}\>  ;  on  the  other  hand,  the  Mantua  edition 
and  Ginsburg,  on  good  authority,  read  T}Xytp  'JXIP. 
I  3.  The  participle  fern,  is  commonly  contracted,  e.  g.  HNifb  (for  JlX^b)  2  S  iS^^, 
cf.  Est  215 ;  SO  Niph'al  nN^Q?  Dt  30",  Zc  c,''  (but  HNE'?  Is  30^5),  and  Hoph'al, 
Gn  38^5 .  less  frequent  forms  are  T\^'f\'0  Ct  8"  ;  nXB'J  i  K  1022  (cf.  §  76  b, 
rivVU'  beside  riNb?  as  infinitive  construct  from  Nt^J)  and  without  K  (see  k) 
nSi'""  (from  \^T)  Dt  285''.  In  the  forms  ^''^'dn  sinning,  1  S  1^^^,  cf.  ^  99* ; 
DSnln  feigning  them,  Neh  6^,  the  K  is  elided,  and  is  only  retained  ortho- 
graphically  (§  23  c)  after  the  retraction  of  its  vowel ;  see  the  analogous 
cases  in  §  75  00. — On  the  plur.  masc.  ptcp.  Niph.  cf.  §  93  00. 
fC      4.  Frequently  an  X  which  is  quiescent  is  omitted  in  writing  (§  23  /) : 

(a)  in  the  middle  of  the  word,  e.  g.  132  i  S  258;  TlXO  Nu  11",  cf.  Jb  i^i  : 
"•riDS  Ju  4^9,  cf.  Jb  32".  In  the  imperfect  njjfn  Jer  9",  Zc  5^,  Ru  i"  (but  the 
same  form  occurs  with  Yodh  pleonastic  after  the  manner  of  verbs  n"P  in 
Ez  23^9,  according  to  the  common  reading ;  cf.  §  76  6  and  Jer  5020)  ;  in  Pi'el 
nutans  (after  elision  of  the  N,  cf.  §  75  00)  Gn  31*^;  and  also  in  Niph'al 
Dnbpi  Lv  1 1«  ;  cf.  Jos  2>6.  (6)  at  the  end  of  the  word  ;  13*1  i  K  1 2I-  K'thibh  ; 
Hiph'il  »L5nn  2  K  I3«,  cf.  Is  53'«  ci)nn  for  X''^nn  perfect  Hiph'U  of  H^H  formed 

•  v;lv  •  v:iv  '  V:iv  t  t 


§§  74 1 75  «,  *]  Verbs  n"!>  207 

after  the  manner  of  verbs  N"b)  ;  in  the  imperfect  Hiph'il  ''E^^  tp  55^^  K^thilh  ; 
^J^  tf  141^;  ""nN  I  K  21",  Mi  1^5.  in  the  infinitive,  Jcr  32*^;  in  the  participle, 
2  S  52,  I  K  21=1,  Jer  191-^,  39'6,  all  in  KUhihh  (^310,  always  before  N,  hence 
perhaps  only  a  scribal  error). 

5.  In  i\\e  jussive,  imperfect  consecutive,  and  imperative  Hiph'il  a  number  of  cases  / 
occur  with  i  in  the  final  syllable ;  cf.  NK'^  Is  36"  (in  the  parallel  passages 
2  K  18M  2  Ch  3215  N''E'!);  N"'2;i  Neh  s'^  (before  V)  ;  {<pn>l  2  K  2i'i  (cf. 
I  K  i62,  2i22) ;  N3nP11  2  K  629 .  ^'^.^s^_  Dj;  ^20^  j  K  1112,  ^.  78''67'i"o5"  ;  imperative 
K>3n  Jer  17I8;  K^ifin  Is  438  (in  both  cases  before  J?).  If  the  tradition  be 
correct  (which  at  least  in  the  defectively  written  forms  appears  very  doubtful) 
the  retention  of  the  i  is  to  be  attributed  to  the  open  syllable  ;  while  in  the 
closed  syllable  of  the  3rd  sing.  masc.  and  fem.,  and  the  2nd  sing.  masc.  after  1 

consecutive,  the  i  is  always  reduced  to  e.    In  the  examples  before  ]}  considera- 
tions  of  euphony  may   also    have    had    some   influence  (cf.  §  75  hh). — la 
Ez  40^,  Baer  reads  with  the  Western  school  N"'3'1,  while  the  Orientals  read 
in  the  K^tMbh  S1T1,  and  in  the  Q^re  ii2^\. 
On  the  transition  of  verbs  H"?  to  forms  of  n"?  see  §  75  nn. 

§75.    Verbs  n"7,  e.g.  npa  to  reveal.    Paradigm  P. 

Brockelmann,  Semit.  Sprachwiss.,  p.  149  ff. ;  Grundriss,  p.  618  S. — G.  R.  Berry, 
'Original  Waw  in  n'v  verbs'  in  AJSL.  xx.  256  f. 

These  verbs,  like  the  verbs  ^"d  (§§  69,  70),  belong  to  two  different  a 
classes,  viz.  those  originally  \"7  and  those  originally  ''"7,'  which  in 
Arabic,  and  even  more  in  Ethiopia,  are  still  clearly  distinguished. 
In  Hebrew,  instead  of  the  original  1  or  ^  at  the  end  of  the  word, 
a  n  always  appears  (except  in  the  ^;^cp.  pass.  Qal)  as  a  purely  ortho- 
graphic indication  of  a  final  vowel  (§  23  A;);  hence  both  classes  are 
called  n"7,  e.  g.  npa  for  vj  he  has  revealed  ;  H^B'  for  1?^'  he  has  rested. 
By  far  the  greater  number  of  these  verbs  are,  however,  treated  as 
originally  "•"? ;  only  isolated  forms  occur  of  verbs  l"?. 

nbti'  to  be  at  rest  may  be  recognized  as  originally  Y'7,  in  the  forms  in  which  ^ 
the  TVdw  appears  as  a  strong  consonant,  cf,  1st  sing,  perfect  Qal  ^flyti'  Jb  3^*, 
the  participle  )p^  and  the  derivative  TW?^  rest;  on  the  other  hand  the  imperfect 
is  vbV^  (with  Yodh).    In  Hjy  (Arab,  '•jy)  to  answer,  and  nJJ?  (Arab.  13J?)  2  to  be 

afflicted,  are  to  be  seen  two  verbs  originally  distinct,  which  have  been  assimi- 
lated in  Hebrew  (see  the  Lexicon,  s.  v,  Hjy). 

-  According  to  Wellhausen,  '  Ueber  einige  Arten  schwacher  Verba '  in  his 
Skissen,  vi.  p.  255  ff.,  the  n"b  verbs,  apart  from  some  true  Y'p  and  some 
probable  ^"p,  are  to  be  regarded  as  originally  biliteral.  To  compensate  for 
their  arrested  development  they  lengthened  the  vowel  after  the  2nd  radical, 
as  the  1"y  verbs  did  after  the  ist  radical.     But  although  there  is  much  to  be 

said  for  this  view,  it  fails  to  explain  pausal  forms  like  n^DH  (see  m).    It  seems 

impossible  that  these  should  all  be  late  formations. 

2  In  the  Mesa'  inscription,  line  5,  Ijyi  and  he  oppressed  occurs  as  3rd  sing. 

masc.  imperfect  Pi'el,  and  in  line  6,  liVN  I  will  oppress  as  ist  sing. 


2o8  The  Verb  [§  75  <^-e 

Of  quite  a  different  class  are  those  yerbs  of  which  the  third  radical  is  a 
consonantal  H  (distinguished  by  Mappiq).  These  are  inflected  throughout  like 
verbs  tertiae  gutturalis.     Cf.  §  65  note  on  the  heading. 

C  The  grammatical  structure  of  verbs  n"^  (see  Paradigm  P)  is  based 
on  the  following  laws  : — 

1.  In  all  forms  in  which  the  original  YCdh  or  Wdw  would  stand  at 
the  end  of  the  word,  it  is  dropped  (cf.  ^  24  g)  and  n  takes  its  place  as 
an  orthographic  indication  of  the  preceding  long  vowel.  Such  an 
indication  would  have  been  indispensable,  on  practical  grounds,  in  the 
still  unvocalized  consonantal  text.  But  even  after  the  addition  of 
the  vowel  signs,  the  orthographic  rule  remained,  with  insignificant 
exceptions  (see  §  8  Jc,  and  a  in  J?^^!?,  &c.),  that  a  final  vowel  must  be 
indicated  by  a  vowel  letter.  In  verbs  n^b  the  n  which  is  here  em- 
ployed as  a  vowel  letter  is  preceded  by  the  same  vowel  in  the  same  part 
of  the  verb  throughout  all  the  conjugations.     Thus  the  endings  are— 

n_  in  all  perfects,  n^3,  nb:3,  n^3,  &c. 

n__  in  all  imperfects  and  participles,  n?3\  n^a,  &c. 

n__  in  all  imperatives,  n?a,  n?a,  &c. 

ni_  in  the  infinitive  absolute  (n>a ,  &c.),  except  in  H{2)h'il,  Hojph'al, 
and  generally  also  Pi' el,  see  aa  andjf. 

The  participle  passive  Qal  alone  forms  an  exception,  the  original 
"I  (or  1 ,  see  v)  reappearing  at  the  end,  ""va ;  and  so  also  some  derived 
nouns  (§  84",  c,  c,  &c.). 

The  infinitive  construct  always  has  the  ending  ni  (with  T\  feminine); 
Qal  ni^a,  Pi' el  JTi^a,  &c.;  for  exceptions,  see  n  and  y. 

d  These  forms  may  be  explained  as  follows:— in  the  ■perfect  Qal  TO^  stands, 
according  to  the  above,  for  0)^3,  and,  similarly,  in  Niph'al,  Pu'al,  and  Hoph'al. 
The  Pi'el  and  Hiihpa'el  may  be  based  on  the  forms  b^\>,  b^pj)^  (§  B^  ^ ',  and 
§  54  k),  and  Hiph'il  on  the  form  ^CpH ,  on  the  analogy  of  the  a  in  the  second 
syllable  of  the  Arabic  "dqtala  (§  53  a).  Perhaps,  however,  the  final  a  of  these 
conjugations  simply  follows  the  analogy  of  the  other  conjugations. 
e  The  explanation  of  the  final  tone-bearing  n__  of  the  imperfect  is  still  a 
matter  of  dispute.  As  to  the  various  treatments  of  it,  see  Earth,  Nominal- 
bildung,  i.  p.  xxx  ff,  with  §  136,  Rem.,  and  ZDMG.  xliv.  695  f.,  against 
Philippi's  objections  in  the  Zeitschrift  fur  Volkerpsychologie,  1890,  p.  356  f.  ;  also 
ZDMO.  Ivi.  244,  where  Earth  appeals  to  the  rule  that,  in  the  period  before 
the  differentiation  of  the  North  Semitic  dialects,  final  iy  becomes  __  {constr. 
n ),  not  i ;  M.  Lambert,  Joum.Asiat.  1893,  p.  285  ;  Pratorius,  ZDMG.  Iv.  365. 

The  most  probable  explanation  now  seems  to  be,  first,  that  the  uniform  pro- 
nunciation of  a«  imperfects  and  participles  with  SV'o' in  the  lastsyllable  merely 
follows  the  analogy  of  the  impf.  QaJ,  and  secondly,  that  the  S^ghol  of  the  impf. 
Qal  does  perhaps  ultimately  represent  a  contraction  of  the  original  termina- 
tion ''__  {  =  ai),  although  elsewhere  (e.g.  in  the  imperative  of  n"P)  ai  is  usually 
contracted  to  e. 


§  75/-0  ^^^^«y  ^"^  209 

2.  When  the  original  Yodh  stands  at  the  end  of  the  syllable  before  f 
an  afformative  beginning  with  a  consonant  (n,  3)  there  arises  (a)  in 
the  perfects,  primarily  the  diphthong  ai  C^:^).  In  the  middle  of  the 
word  this  ought  always  to  be  contracted  to  e  O-it-),  but  this  e  is  only 
found  consistently  in  the  passive  conjugations,  whilst  regularly  in  Qal, 
and  frequently  in  the  other  active  and  reflexive  conjugations  (especially 

in  Pi  el),  it  appears  as  t  (cf.  x,  z,  ee).  This  i,  however,  in  the  perf. 
Qal  is  not  to  be  explained  as  a  weakening  of  an  original  e,  but  as  the 
original  vowel  of  the  intransitive  form.  It  then  became  usual  also 
in  the  transitive  forms  of  Qal  (and  in  some  other  conjugations  on  this 
analogy),  whereas  e.  g.  in  Syriac  -ihe  two  kinds  of  forms  are  still 
carefully  distinguished. — (6)  In  the  imperfects  and  imperatives,  ""^^ 
with  the  tone  always  appears  before  the  afformative  n3.  On  the  most 
probable  explanation  of  this  ''-rr-,  see  above,  e. 

Summary.   Accordingly  before  afformatives  beginning  with  a  con-  g 
sonant  the  principal  vowel  is — 

In  the  perfect  Qal  i,  e.  g.  rCpa ; 

In  the  perfects  of  the  other  active  and  reflexive  conjugations, 
sometimes  e,  sometimes  *,  n\f3  and  ri''^? ;  ri\?33  and  ^ V??  5 

In  the  perfects  passive  always  e,  e.g.  jn\?2 ; 

In  the  imperfects  and  imperatives  always  ^-rr-,  e.g.  '"'Jv?'  ^t  «i"^' 

The  diphthongal  forms  have  been  systematically  retained  in  Arabic  and 
Ethiopic  ;  only  as  an  exception  and  in  the  popular  language  is  the  diphthong 
contracted.     In  Aramaic  the  contracted  forms  predominate,  yet  the  Syriac, 

for  example,  has  in  Qal  2nd  pers.  sing,  g'lait  (but  1st  pers.  sing.  riyS),  and  so 

too  the  Western  Aramaic  n"*?!!,  but  also  JT'^a. 

3.  Before  the  vocalic  afformatives  (^ ,  ''-r-,  i^-^)  the  Yodh  Is  usually  h 
dropped    altogether,  e.  g.  v2   (ground-form  gdldyd),   y^^,  participle 
fern,  npa,  plur.  masc.  Dy^;  yet  the  old  full  forms  also  not  infrequently 
occur,  especially  in  pause,  see  u.     The  elision  of  the  Yodh  takes  place 
regularly  before  suffixes,  e.  g.  ^^3  (see  II). 

4.  In  the  3rd  sivg.  fern,  perfect,  the  original  feminine  ending  ri__  i 
was  appended  to  the  stem ;  hence,  after  elision  of  the  YCdh,  arose 
properly  forms  like  npa,  -with  a  in  the  final  syllable  with  the  tone. 
This  form,  however,  has  been  but  rarely  preserved  (see  below,  m). 
The  analogy  of  the  other  fonns  had  so  much  influence,  that  the 
common  ending  n_.  was  added  pleonastically  to  the  ending  ri__. 
Before  the  il-^  the  vowel  of  the  ending  T^-^,  which  thus  loses  the 
tone,  becomes  ^^wd,  and  thus  there  arise  such  forms  as  nrip3 ,  nrip33, 
&c.  (but  in  pause  nnpa ,  &c.). 

For  similar  cases  see  §  70  c?;  §  91  m. 

COWLEY  P 


2IO  The  Verb  L§75't-« 

k  5.  Finally,  a  strongly-marked  peculiarity  of  verbs  n"7  is  the 
rejection  of  the  ending  n__  in  forming  the  jussive  and  the  imperfect 
consecutive.  This  shortening  c  curs  in  all  the  conjugations,  and 
Eometiraes  also  involves  further  changes  in  the  vocalization  (see  o,  y, 
bb,  gg).  Similarly,  in  some  conjugations  a  shortened  imperative  (cf. 
§  48  k)  is  formed  by  ajwcope  of  the  final  n__  (see  cc,  gg). 
I  6.  The  ordinary  form  of  the  imperfect  with  the  ending  n__  serves 
in  verbs  T]"^  to  express  the  cohortative  also  (§  48  c);  cf.  Gn  i^®,  2'*, 
2  Ch  25^^,  &c.  With  a  final  n_-  there  occur  only:  in  Qal,  ^V^^ 
yj/  119"',  i^^^Qf!?  (with  the  ■•  retained,  see  below,  u)  ^  ']']'*;  and  in 
Eithpa'el  nyriipJI  Is  41^^  (with  Tiphha,  therefore  in  lesser  pause). 

Remarks. 
I.     On  Qal. 

VI  I.  The  older  form  of  the/ew.  of  the  3rd  sing.  perf.  TO^,  mentioned  above, 
under  i  (cf.  §  74  g),  is  preserved  in  Db'y  (before  N)  Lv  25^^  (cf.  2  K  9"  K^thibh)  • ; 
likewise  in  Hlph'il  nXin  (before  X)  Lv  26" ;   nX^n  Ez  24I2 ;   and  in  Hoph'al 

Dpjn  (before  "•)  Jer  13". — The  2nd  sing.  fern,  is  also  wntten  H'' ;  thus  in  the 

textus  receptus  ri"'^n"l  2  S  14^^,  and  always  in  Baer's  editions  (since  1872),  as  in 
most  other  verbs  ;  H'tn  and  n"'^?  Is  57* ;  rT'B'y  Jer  228,  Ez  i6*%  &c.  (so  nx;pni 
I  K  17'^  from  XX'').  In  the  3rd  pers.  plur.  the  tone,  instead  of  keeping  its 
usual  place  (^P3,  &c.),  is  retracted  in  ip  z'j^",  ^P3,  both  on  account  o{  the  paiise 
and  also  in  rhythmical  antithesis  to  the  preceding  IPS  ;  also  in  Is  16^  IVri 
(according  to  Delitzsch  for  the  sake  of  the  assonance  with  ^^33)  ;  and  in 
Jb  24^  ^TH. — On  the  tone  of  the  perfect  consecutive  see  §  49  fc. 

n  2.  The  infin.  absol.  frequently  has  S  (probably  a  survival  of  the  older  ortho- 
graphy) for  nL_,  e.  g.  ^''n  Gn  iS^^ ;  ib'J?  Jer  4^^,  &c.,  Ez  31"  ;  ijf?  2  S  242*  ; 
^X")  Gn  2628,  Is  69  (cf.  i  S  6")^  &c.,  beside  nX"1.  The  form  nintt'  Is  22"  (beside 
iriK'  in  the  same  verse)  appears  to  have  been  chosen  on  account  of  its  simi- 
larity in  sound  to  uHK';  so  in  Is  422"  (yre  and  Ho  10*.  ni?N  (unless  it  is  a 
substantive,  oaths)  and  nT3  ;  cf.  also  flilj?  Hb  3*3. — Conversely,  instead  of  the 
infinitive  construct  DvH  such  forms  are  occasionally  found  as  n73  or  \p^ ,  cf.  HXl 
Gn  48"  ;  nip  Pr  16I6 ;  ntJ'y  Gn  5020,  ^  iqjS^  also  V^J?  Gn  3128  (cf.  Pr'31*),  and 

even  with  the  suffix  in  the  very  remarkable  form  iHK'y  Ex  18'*. 2 — The  feminine 

form  niXT  (for  H^X"!)  Ez  28",  analogous  to  nouns  like  niX3  (cf.  §  45  d),  is 

strange,  but  iTTI  as  infin.  Ez  21'^  is  quite  inexplicable. — The  forms  ijn  and  il"n 

Is  59^8  are  perhaps  to  be  regarded  with  Barth,  Nominalbildtmg,  §  51a,  as 
infinitives  absolute  of  the  passive  of  Qal  (see  above,  §  53  u),  not  of  Po'el. — The  2nd 
sing.  masc.  imperative  n^m  occurs  in  the  principal  pause  in  Pr  4*  and  72  ;  but 

'  In  the  Siloam  inscription  also  (see  above,  §  2  d),  line  3,  n^H  may  be  read 

riTl  quite  as  well  as  fnTlTt, 

2  All  these  infinitives  construct  in  0,  in  the  Pentateuch,  belong  to  the 
document  called  E  ;  cf.  §  69  m,  second  note. 


§75  0-0  Ferhs  r\"\>  211 

probably  these  forms  are  simply  to  be  attributed  to  ."  Masoretic  school,  which 
in  general  marked  the  difference  between  certain  forms  by  the  use  of  e  for  e, 
and  conversely  e  for  e ;  cf.  the  analogous  examples  in  §  52  n,  and  especially 
§  75  hh,  also  Kautzsch,  Grammatik  des  Bihl.-Aram.,  §  17,  2,  Rem.  i. — On  the 

reading  r\yky}  Ct  3"  (for  n^Xn^  on  the  analogy  of  the  reading  njX^J?,  &c., 

§  74  h),  see  Baer's  note  on  the  passage. 

3.  The  shortening  of  the  imperfect  (see  above,  k,  and  the  note  on  hh)  occasions  0 
in  Qal  the  following  changes  : 

(a)  As  a  rule  the  first  radical  takes  a  helping  S'ghol,  or,  if  the  second  radical 
is  a  guttural,  a  helping  Pathah  (according  to  §  28  e).     Thus  P^""  for  pj""  •  TI1*1 

and  he  despised,  Gn  25'* ;  |5!1  ^^'^  ^^  built;  ytJ"^  he  looks ;  niD^I  and  he  destroyed, 
Gn  7M 

(&)  The  i  of  the  preformative  is  then  sometimes  lengthened  to  e,  e.g.  HCi^  JJ 
he  sees.    This,  however,  mostly  happens  only  after  the  preformative  n,  whilst 
after  i  the  homogeneous  i  remains,  e.g.  ?2F\\  (but  by'),  |Bri1  (but  fQ^),  2'}h) 
(but  2njl) ;  with  middle  guttural  J/HJl,  n3P)1  Jb  17^  (from  HnS).    The  unusual 

<  < 

position  of  the  tone  in  K"iri  Zc  9',  iOT}]  Mi  7^°  (so  Baer  and  Ginsb. ;  ed.  Mant. 

<  <  '         < 

N'V,  a.")!^))  is  best  explained  (except  in  X'l''  Gn  41^3,  before  B)  on  the  analogy 

< 

of  riDIp,  &c.,  §  72  s,  as  due  to  the  following  N,     But  cf.  also  hh. 

(c)  The  helping  vowel  is  elsewhere  not  used  under  the  circumstances  men-  (J 
tioned  in  §  28  d ;  2^]\  Nu  21I,  Jer  4110,  ^f.  riSM  Jb  312^ ;  on  the  other  hand, 
with  I  lengthened  intoe  (seep)  P\^^\,  ^2'1,  T^)^  Lb'''.  The  form  XV  he  sees, 
occurs  parallel  with  X")*1  and  he  saw  (but  3rd /em.  always  XHWI),  the  latter 
with  the  original  Paihah  on  account  of  the  following  "I ,  and  identical  with 
the  3rd  sing.  masc.  of  the  imperf.  consec.  Hiph'il,  2  K  11*. 

id)  Examples  of  verbs  primae  gutturalis  (§  63),  and  at  the  same  time  H"?,  T 
are  K'yi,  in  pause  B'ys^  and  he  made,  from  ntJ^J?  •   1^1  and  he  answered,  from  Hjy 

-T-  T      T     '        ' '  T  T 

(always  identical  with  the  corresponding  forms  in  Hiph'il),  yVih  and  he  divided, 
from  njfn.  On  some  similar  forms  of  X"D  see  §  76  d. — In  the  following  cases 
the  initial  (hard)  guttural  does  not  affect  the  form :  in»1  and  he  was  wroth, 
|n*1_  and  he  encamped  (3rd  plur.  ^Jn^l)^  "^H^  (with  Bagei  lene  and  S^wd)  lei  ii 
rejoice,  Jb  3« ;  cf.  Ex  iS^.— On  ))\^  n,  t:>l  {r\"b  as  well  as  f'B),  &c.,  see  §  76  b,  c,f. 

(e)  The  verbs  njH  to  be,  and  H^H  to  live,  of  which  the  shortened  imperfects  S 
ought  to  be  yihy  and  yihy,  change  these  forms  to  ^n""  and  "Tl"',  the  second  Yodf. 
being  resolved  into  i  at  the  end  of  the  word  ;  but  in  pause  (§  29  n)  \T  TV" 
with  the  original  a  modified  to  S^ghol  with  the  tone  (cf.  also  nouns  like  ""DS 
for  hakhy.  in  pause  '>22 ;  '<jV  for  'ony,  &c.,  §  84"  c,  and  §  93  x).  For  >^h, 
however,  in  Dt  32!",  since  no  verb  H*^  exists,  we  must  read  either  K'ri,  or 
better  r\fn  (Samaritan  XBTl),  as  imperfect  Qal  of  HB'J  to  forget.— Analogous  to 
••n^  from  njn,  there  occurs  once,  from  niH  to  be,  the  form  X^liT'  for  IH^  Ae  will  be, 
Ec  1 13,  but  no  doubt  X^n  is  the  right  reading. 

The  full  forms  (without  apocope  of  the  n__ ,  cf.  §  49  c)  not  infrequently  t 
occur  after  waio  consecutive,  especially  in  the  ist  pers,  and  in  the  later  books, 
e.  g.  nX"|Sl  and  I  saw,  twenty  times,  and  Jos  7"  in  KHhihh,  but  never  in  the 

Pentateuch  (X^XJ  fifteen  times,  of  which  three  are  in  the  Pent.)  ;  also  in  the 

F  2 


212  The  Verh  [§  75  u-x 

3rd  pers.  nKn»1  Ez  iS^^,  Jb  42^6  ge^g  ;  nby^  a*^'^  ^«  »»««^>  four  times  (but  fe^y^l 
over  200  times)  ;  cf.  also  Ju  19^  (.13101)  ;  iK  lo^^  (nbypi)  ;  Dt  1"  (mXXI ),  and 
Gn  24*'.  So  also  occasionally  for  the ^ussue,  cf.  Gn  1*,  41'*,  Jer  28^. — For  the 
well  attested,  but  meaningless  ^KTR  Jb  6^'  (doubtless  caused  by  the  following 

WIW),  read  ^X^Jjl  ye  see,  with  Ginsburg. 
fj,      4.  The  original  *  sometimes  appears  even  before  afformatives  beginning 
with  a  vowel  (cf.  above,  h  and  V),  especially  in  and  before  the  pause,  and  before 
the  full  plural  ending  p ^  or  where  for  any  reason  an  emphasis  rests  on  the 

word.  Perfect  H^DPI  rp  57",  V>6t\  Dt  32'^  cf.  \p  73^  <^re  ;  imperative  Vy3  Is  21". 
Imperfect  VflNI)  Jb  16*2,  30"  (without  the  pause,  \p  6832) .  ^i^^^s  ^122*,  Jb  12*, 
cf.  xp  77<  ;  \lir\^  Dt  8i»  ;  .//  368  :  more  frequently  like  |Vri^^  ^  78"  ;  Is  1712,  21", 
26",  31S,  33^  41',  \p  368,  397,  83S ;  before  a  suffix,  Jb  326.'  Also  in  Pr  26''  vSl, 
&sperf.  Qal  from  n^'T,  was  perhaps  originally  intended,  but  hardly  V?1,  since 
these  full  forms,  though  they  may  stand  out  of  pause,  do  not  begin  sentences ; 
V'?\  probably  points  to  ^pl  from  yy^  as  the  right  reading,  since  the  sense 
requires  an  intransitive  verb.     Cf.  further,  v,  x,  dd,  gg. 

X)  5.  The  participle  active  (cf.  Vollers,  '  Das  Qatil-Partizipium,'  ZA.  1903, 
p.  312  ff.,  and  on  the  participles  of  T\"b,  ibid.,  p.  316  ff.),  besides  feminine 
forms  like  TV)}  Ju  20*^,  &c.,  nt<i  Pr  20^2^  j^^s  also  a.  feminine  which  retains  the 
3rd  radical  1,  viz.  n*3i3  (  =  n3l;l)  weeping,'La,i'^^;  H^Oin  tumultuous.  Is  22*  {plur. 
Pr  i2i) ;  n>Biv  spying,  Pr  3127,  n*"!3 /ratyM?,  if>  128',  plur.  ni*nk  the  things  that 
are  to  C7me,  Is  412s,  With  the  ordinary  strong  inflexion  1  appears  in  rT'CJ?  Ct  i'', 
but  perhaps  there  also  n'Oy  was  intended,  unless  it  should  be  n*yb  a  wanderer. 
For '•3X1  Is  47",  liNT  is  to  be  read.— On  HB'y  i  K  20^0  for  rp]},  cf.  §  116  fir,  note. 
— In  the  participle  passive  the  3rd  radical  still  sometimes  appears  as  1  (§  24  &), 
cf.  lb^  made,  Jb  4125,  ^3^  jj,  j^za^  contracted  from  Wy,  11D^  ;  and  before 
a  formative  ending,  it  even  has  its  consonantal  sound,  DIIK'yn  (read  DlVtyjjrt) 
2  K  23<;  nilBT?  (read  "'suwoth)  i  S  25"  KHhihh,  nilDJ  (read  n'tuwoth)  Is  3" 
KHhihh.    The  shortening  of  the  m  in  ni>N"1  Est  2^  is  irregular. 

tjt)  6.  The  defective  writing  is  rare  in  such  forms  as  HMI  2  S  1 5^' ;  ''jyyi  i  K  8", 
cf.  I  K  98;  njb'nril  Ex  2"  (cf.  Jer  1821,  48*,  i  Ch  7",  Jb  17",  &c.),  and  the 
pronunciation  nS^Ann  Mi  7^'>,  cf.  n33yri  Ju  52*  (unless  they  are  sing,  with  suff. 
of  the  3rd  sing.  fern.).  Both  cases  are  probably  to  be  explained  according 
to  §  20  i. 

II.     On  Niph'al. 
OC      7.  Here  the  forms  with  '•__  in  the  ist  and  2nd  pers.  sing,  of  the  perfect 

predominate   C" only  in  r\''^2  Gn  24^) ;  on  the  other  hand  in  the  ist  plur, 

always  "i ,  as  IJ"'!'??  1814^     No  examples  of  the  2nd  plur.  occur. — With 

"I  retained  in  pause  V^i  Nu  24';  once  with  an  initial  guttural  ^"in3  Ct  i«  for 
Vinj ,  probably  arising  from  the  ordinary  strong  form  nikru,  but  the  harshness 
of  n  immediately  followed  by  T  is  avoided  by  pronouncing  the  n  with  Hateph- 
Pathah.— In  the  3rd  sing.  fem.  n)r\m  Pr  271"  (in  pause  for  nin^3)  1  and  D  may 
be  transposed  for  euphonic  reasons  ;  but  probably  we  should  simply  read 
nniB'3. — Among  Niph'al  forms  of  n"b  must  be  classed,  with  Buxtorf  »nd 


§  75  y-^b']  Verbs  n^fj  213 

others  (cf.  Noldeke, ZUJlfG.  xxx.  185),  HIKJ  from  mX,  not  Pi'lel  of  nW=1W  ; 
hence,  according  to  §  23  d,  S1N3  they  are  beautiful  (for  ^1N3^)  Is  52'',  Ct  i'** ;  but 
in  tp  03",  where  Baer  requires  mK3  ,  read  niX3  with  ed.  Mant.,  Ginsb. 

'    -^  T~:tT'  T~:i-  ' 

8.  The  apocope  of  the  imperfect  causes  no  further  changes  beyond  the  rejection  V 
of  the  n___,  e.g.  %)  from  nbs^ ;  in  one  verb  middle  guttural,  however,  a  form 
occurs  with  the  Qames  shortened  to  Pathah,  viz.  n©)  (for  n©^)  \p  109^^,  as  in 
verbs  VJ? ;  but  in  pause  nSJI  verse  14.     Cf.  lib. — The  infinitive  absolute  nv33 
emphasizing  an  infinitive  construct,  2  S  6^°,  is  very  extraordinary;  probably  it 

is  a  subsequent  correction  of  an  erroneous  repetition  of  DviH. — The  infin. 

consir.  HNinS  occurs  in  Ju  13",  1  S  3^1  for  riNinJj ;   cf.  above,  n. — On  the 
T|-:  "  "  T,-:    '  . 

infinitive  Niph'al  with  the  n  elided,  see  §  51  I. — The  irregular  ^pV^  Ez  36^ 
has  probably  arisen  from  a  combination  of  the  readings  VV^  (Qa^)  and  ^pyn 
{Niph'al).  Similarly  the  solecism  HTIllpS  1815^  might  be  due  to  a  combination 
of  the  participle  fern.  Niph'al  (n)33,  cf.  H^nS  nSPli  ncyj)  with  the  Eoph'al 
(HTIip) ;  but  it  is  more  correct,  with  Wellhausen,  to  explain  the  D  from 
a  confusion  with  DDJ  and  to  read,  in  fact,  JlDNipJI  (1123. 

III.     On  Pi'el,  Po'el,  Pu'al,  and  Hithpa'el. 

9.  In  the  1st  and  2nd  persons  of  the  perfect  Pi'el  the  second  syllable  in  z 
most  of  the  instances  has  *__  on  the  analogy  of  Qal  (see/),  as  ri'D"!   'HMp  • 
always  so  in  the  first  plur.,  and  before  suffixes,  e.g.  ^3">D3  Gn  37^6,  ^in^S":! 

^  44'^".  The  form  with  "•___  is  found  only  in  the  ist  sing.  (e.  g.  Jo  4^^ ;  Is  5*, 
8"  along  with  the  form  with  i).     On  the  tone  of  the  perf.  consec.  Pi'el  of  H"?, 

see  §  49  k. — Hithpa'el  has  (besides  ^__  Jer  17^^)  as  a  rule  "• (Pr  24^",  i  K  2^6, 

Jer  50^^*).     On  the  other  hand,  Pu'al  always  has  "• e.g.  T)'']^)}  ^  139^^ — ^A 

jst  sing,  perfect  Po'el  ""JTlt^'lB'  (  =  ^TT'DIB')  occurs  in  Is  lo^^ 

10.  The  infinitive  absolute  Pi'el  takes  the  form  n?3  HIP  (like  ?^p,  the  more  (ICl 
frequent  form  even  in  the  strong  verb,  see  §520);  with  0  only  in  ip  40^  rtp  • 
with  6th  Hb  31^  n^iy  (cf.  above,  n).  On  ii'n  and  *nn ,  infinitives  absolute  of  the 
passive  of  Qal,  not  of  Po'el,  see  above,  n. — As  infinitive  construct  ^3n  occurs  in 
Pi'el,  Ho  6^  (only  orthographically  different  from  HSH,  if  the  text  is  correct) ; 
nb!)  Dn  92*  (on  the  N  see  rr) ;  nb^-ny  2  Ch  24",  31I,  for  which  in  2  Ki3"i9, 
Ezr '9"  n'^3~iy  with  in/in.  abs. ;  in  Pu'al  niSV  ^  132^ 

11.  The  apocopated  imperfect  must  (according  to  §  20  I)  lose  the  Dagei  forte  bb 
of  the  second  radical,  hence  llf^l  and  he  commanded,  *iyri  (for  niyO  =  <*'arre) 

xf/  141';  cf.  Gn  2420 ;  even  in  the  principal  pause  ?3ri"i'N  Pr  25';  Hithpa'il 
^IK^Vl  «"^  ^^  uncovered  himself,  Gn  9^1 ;  ynnn  Pr  22^*  ;  cf.  f  ^J^-''-^  With  the 
lengthening  of  Pathah  to  Qames,  in^l  and  he  made  marks,  1821^*  (but  read  with 
Thenius  f\^\''^,  and  instead  of  the  meaningless  SuVih)  ibid,  read  ]^')).  In 
Hithpa'el  ^srin~7K,  in  close  connexion,  Dt  z^-^';  VnK'h  Is  41^°;  according  to 
Qimhi  also  iXH^,  INJin  f  45",  Pr  233-8,  24^,  i  Ch  11",  whilst  Baer  and  Gins- 
burg  read  with  the  best  authorities  ")Nn^ ,  I^JT"?  Q^^^  ^^-  KOnig,  Lehrgebdude,  i. 
597).»— On  ^inX   Jb  15"  (for  ^^HS)  cf.  §  20  w  ;  on  ?j|)3S  Ex  33^,  see  §  27  3  ; 

1  In   Nu  34'"-,  according  to  verse  10,  ^Sriri  (  =  ^^Kriri)  is  intended  to  be 
read  for  ^Sriri  {imperfect  Pi'el  from  nsn). 


214  The  Verb  {Sn^cc-gj 

on  T]^  Ju  5",  see  §  69  g.  Finally,  on  Vp"1,  which  is  referred  to  Pi'el  by  some, 
as  a  supposed  imperative,  see  above,  u. 

CC  12.  Examples  of  apocopated  imperatives  in  Pi'el  and  Hithpa'el  are  :  12?;  also 
n^2f  command  thou,  ?5  oi?en  </ioit,  ^  ii9i8-22 ;  jp  prepare  thou,  ip  61^ ;  D3  for  nB3 
prove  thou,  Dn  i^^ ;  ^nnn  /ci'Sfw  thyself  sick,  2  S  138 ;  cf.  Dt  2^^— On  H?!  Ju  92^, 
of.  §  48  I. — In  if/  137'^  ^iy  rase  i',  is  found  twice  instead  of  'Ti'jJ  (for  'arrii)  for 
rhythmical  reasons  (cf.,  however,  ^IV*"")  in  the  imperfect,  2  Ch  24"). 

f/^  13-  Examples  of  forms  in  which  the  Yodh  is  retained  are  the  imperfects 
/Vfi*iri  Is  40^^,  cf.  verse  25  and  46';  ^D''DD^  they  cover  them.  Ex  15^;  participle 

Pu'al  D^n?;D  Is  256 ;  for  T])n«  Is  16^  (from  HTJ)  read  with  Margolis,  TJ^H^. 

IV.     On  Hiph'il  and  Hoph'al. 

66  14.  The  3rd  sing.perfcctHiph'il  sometimes  h&SiS^ghol  in  the  first  syllable  instead 
of  I  (§  iiP),  especially  in  n?2n  (but  perfect  consecutive  HpSni  2  K  24"),  HN"!!!, 
nxhn  ;  also  with  svffixes,  e.  g.  nijjn  i  Ch  8'',  lixbri  Jb  16^,  n"1Sni  Ex  218.    The 

T 1  V  T  :  V  ^       -A^ :  V  T :  v : 

S^ghol  also  occurs  in  the  ist  sirig.,  e.g.  ^TiKpH  Mi  6'.  On  "•rT'S'in'j  Na  3',  cf. 
§  53  p.     The  forms  with  e  in  the  second  syllable  (also  written  defectively,  as 

< 

"•risn"!  Jer  21^)  are  found  throughout  in  the  ist  sing,  (except  Pr  5^^),  rarely  in 

the  2nd  sing,  masc,  and  never  in  the  ist  plur.  In  the  other  persons  they  are 
about  equally  common  with  i,  except  in  the  2nd plur.,  where  i  predominates. 
Before  suffixes  the  forms  with  i  predominate  throughout  ;  cf.,  however,  e  in 
Ex  4^2,  Mi  6^,  Pr  4^1.     On  the  tone  of  the  perf.  consec.  Hiph.  of  T\"7,  see  §  49  k. 

In  Hoph'al  only  '' occurs  in  the  2nd  syllable. 

^     15.  In  the  infinitive  Hiph'il  of  n3T  to  he  abundant,  besides  the  construct  fl'lS'in 
we  find  the  absolute  riBIH  taking  the  place  of  the  common  form  nSIH,  which 

T    :  -  V  *  ..    .  _  ^ 

had  come  to  be  used  invariably  (but  Konig  calls  attention  to  its  use  as  infini- 
tive construct  in  Ez  2120)  as  an  adverb,  in  the  sense  of  much  ;  in  2  S  14^^  the 
Q^ri  requires  n3")n  for  the  K^thibh  n''3"tn,  an  evident  scribal  error  for  niBIH, 
Cf.  Gn  41^3,  22",  Dt  28«3;  the  pointing  il'IHri  Jer  42'  probably  arises  from 
regarding  this  form  as  a  noun. — On  niltSn  Jb  17*  (with  Dagelf.  dirimens)  see 
§  20  h. — In  2  K  3^^  niSn  (before  N)  is  probably  infinitive  absolute,  used  in  order 

to  avoid  the  hiatus,  cf.  §  113  x,  and  on  a  similar  case  in  Qdl,  see  above,  n. — 
On  the  infinitives  with  elision  of  the  H,  cf.  §  53  q. 

P'fl^      16.  The  shortened  imperfect  Hiph'il  either  takes  no  helping  vowel,  as  flQ^  let 

him  enlarge,  Gn  9"  ;  "IT  he  shall  subdue,  Is  41^  ;  pK^'l  and  he  watered,  Gn  29I",  &c. ; 

K"]*!  and  he  showed,  2  K  1 1*  (see  §  28  d) :  or  else  has  a  helping  vowel,  as  73'' 

(for  b^:,  see  §  27  r),  e.  g.  2  K  18"  ;  -\ph  f  10524 ;  ncril  Ez  56  ■  ynsi  2  Ch  33'  '; 

aiKl  i.e.  probably  n^SI  Jos  24'  KHhibh  (naiXI  Q«re).— Examples  of  verbs ^rs* 

guttural:  by^l  Nu  23^,  ?yN1,  &c.,  which  can  be  distinguished  as  Hiph'il  from 
the  similar  forms  in  Qal  only  by  the  sense. — The  apocopated  imperative  Hiph'il 
always  (except  in  verbs  |"S,  e.  g.  !jn    tDH,  §  76  c)  has  a  helping  vowel,  S'ghol 

< 

or  Pathah,  e.  g.  1'\T\  increase  thou  (for  harb,  n3"in)  ^i-  51*  <^re,  also  Ju  20'^ ;  where, 
however,  it  cannot  be  explained  the  text  stands;  f)"in  let  alone  (for  B)"in 
r\^'yr\  Dt  9",  &c.  ;  ^yn  (for  nbyn)  Ex  8^,  33" ;  but  for  y^n  xp  39l^  wiiich 
could  only  be  imperative  Hiph'il  of  yyB'  {  =  smear  over,  as  in  Is  &°),  read  with 
Baethgen  nyK*  look  away. — The  imperfect  Hiph'il  with  Yodh  retained  occurs  only 
in  jifjin  Jb  192,  from  HJV     Cf.  u. 


§^5hh-mm]  Verbs  r\''h  215 

V.     In  Oenercd. 

17.  In  Aramaic  the  imperfect  a.nd  participle  of  all  the  conjugations  terminate  fl't 

in  K or  '' .     The  Hebrew  infinitives,  imperatives,  and  imperfects  in  n__,  less 

frequently  S or  ^ ,  may  be  due  to  imitation  of  these  forms.     On  the 

infinitive  construct  Pi'el  *3n,  see  above,  aa  ;  imperative  Qal  KIH  Jb  37^  (in  the  sense 

of  fall) ;  imperfect  X"l^  let  him  look  out,  Gn  41^3  (but  see  above,  p) ;  T\^V\  f^e  will 
do,  Is  64';  n"'_nri'^K  Jer  if;  Nin-^JK  co7isent  thou  not,  Pr  i^o ;  nb'jJn'^N  do 
thou  not,  2  S  I  s^^  (the  same  form  in  Gn  2629,  jog  ^9^  jgr  4oi«  Q're) ;  h'^m  (so 
Baer  and  Ginsburg,  after  cod.  Hillel,  &c.)  I  will  le,  Jer  31I;  HK^ySI  Jos  9"; 
nXiri  Dn  i",  Cf.  also  in  Niph'al  Hlf^^  Lv  5';  n33ri  (according' to  Qimhi) 
Nu  21"  ;  in  Pi'el  n^Jfl  Lv  i8''-^"-i7^  2oi9,  in  each  case  H^jn  iib,  beside  rhm 
with  a  minor  distinctive  ;  np)3.''.  (Baer  ni33^)  Na  i^ ;  iTTTK  Ez  5I2  (with  Zaqtph  ; 
Baer  niTN).  The  fact,  however,  that  a  great  number  of  these  forms  occur  in 
pause  and  represent  at  the  same  time  a  jussive  or  voluntative  (Jos  7^),  suggests 
the  view  that  the  Sere  is  used  merely  to  increase  the  emphasis  of  the 
pausal  form,  and  at  the  same  time  to  make  a  distinction  in  sound  between 
the  jussive  or  voluntative  and  the  ordinary  imperfect.''-  Elsewhere  (Gn  262*, 
Lv  5*,  Jer  40^^,  Dn  i^'  ;  according  to  Baer  also  Mi  7^",  Zc  9*)  the  pronunciation 
with  e  is  probably  intended  to  soften  the  hiatus  caused  by  a  following  N  or 

y  ;  cf.  the  analogous  cases  above,  §  74  I- 

The  ending  "i. appears  to  stand  for  n__  in  the  imperfect  Qal  in  fiK'""'3iri1  H 

and  there  hath  she  played  the  harlot,  Jer  3^  ;  perhaps,  however,  the  2nd  sing.  fem. 
is  intended,  or  it  may  have  been  introduced  into  the  text  of  Jeremiah  from 
Ez  16^^,  &c.  Still  more  strange  is  it  in  the  imperfect  Hiph'il  "ripri'bK  Jer  iS^  ; 
but  the  Mil'el-tone  probably  points  to  npri  as  the  correct  reading  (cf.  Neh  13"). 

The  ^ stands  for  n in  the  perfect  Hiph'tl  ''pnn  he  made  sick,  Is  53!*',  which 

is  probably  for  NvPin  from  N7n,  a  secondary  form  of  n?n  ;  see  rr.  The plur. 
VDDn  (Baer  VDtSn)  they  made  to  melt,  Jos  14^,  is  a  purely  Aramaic  form. 

18.  In  two  verbs  the  rare  conjugation  Pa'lel  or  its  reflexive  (§  55  d)  occurs:  kk 
\inDO  archers,  Gn  21"  (from  nntO) ;  but  most  frequently  in  PiriK'  to  bend,  Pa'lel 

nin^  not  in  use,  whence  reflexive  HinriB'n  to  bow  oneself,  to  prostrate  oneself, 
2nd  pers.  in  ri''_!_  and  1st  pers.  in  ^n""-!-,  imperfect  ITinriK'^,  consecutive  3rd  sing, 
masc.  inriK'JI  for  wayyikahw  (analogous  to  the  noun-forms,  like  IHC'  for  sahw)  ; 
3rd  plur.  V\T\P\^'^. — Instead  of  the  aramaizing  infinitive  with  suffix  ''n^''jnriK'n3 
2  K  5"  read  with  Konig  "•riiinn^'na  ;  in  Ez  8i«  Dn''inriE'D  is  still  more  certainly 
a  scribal  error  for  D''inriK'tp. 

19.  Before  suffixes  in  all  forms  ending  in  n ,  a  connecting  vowel  is  employed  // 
instead  of  the  n  and  the  connecting  vowel  which  precedes  it  (§  58/),  e.g. 
^3n3  Gn  24^^;  in  pause  ""jSy  i  K  2^",  &c.,  even  with  lesser  disjunctives,  \p  118^, 
Pr  8^2,  or  with  a  conjunctive  accent,  i  S  28^5  (but  Baer  ""jEy),  Jb  30" ;  cf. 

§  59  /j ;  ^3y ,  in  pause  Ijiy,  Is  30^'  (and  even  when  not  in  pause  Jer  23")  or 
like,  '^3P  bt  328;  ^2T"!,  ^^Dlll  Gn  28';  cf.  also  !in5y,   Djy,  imperfect  ln5y|'_, 

kiV' ,  Hiph'il  ^:ir\,  ^bv^,  ^nir^. 

Only  very  seldom  does  the  imperat.  or  impf.  end  in  ^___  before  suffixes,  e.  g.  ffllH 

1  Possibly  these  examples  (like  the  cases  of  S^ghol  in  pause,  see  n)  represent 
the  view  of  a  particular  Masoretic  school,  which  was  intended  to  be  con- 
sistently carried  out. 


nn-rr 


2i6  The  Verb  [§  75 

Dn'-KSN  Dt  3226 ;  S)yhy>_  tp  140"  (^re ;  •>yiri  smite  me,  i  K  2oS5-37 ;  cf.  Hb  3", 
Is  38^8.  Even  in  these  examples  a  return  to  the  original  ending  ay  might 
be  assumed  ;  but  perhaps  they  are  merely  due  to  a  less  correct  plene  writing. 
In  the  3rd  sing.  per/,  fern,  the  older  form  n?3  (see  i)  is  always  used  before  a 
suffix,  e.  g.  ^n^3  (for  inn^3)  Zc  5*  ;  in  pause  >3Wy  Jb  33*  ;  ^HNT  42^. 

VI.     The  Relation  between  Verbs  H"!)  and  H"^. 

nn  20.  The  close  relation  existing  between  verbs  N'6  and  n'6  is  shown  in 
Hebrew  by  the  fact  that  the  verbs  of  one  class  often  borrow  forms  from  the 
other,  especially  in  the  later  writers  and  the  poets. 

00      21.  Thus  there  are  forms  of  verbs  ^"^ — 

(a)  Which  have  adopted  the  vowels  of  verbs  n'6 ,  e.  g.  perfect  Qal  TlNlja  I  have 
refrained,  ip  119101  ;  participle  NCiH  (Ntsh)  sinning,  Ec  228,  8",  g^" ;  cf!  Is  6520 ; 
apO  Ec  726 .  ^fj^j  lending,  i  S  222 ;  p'i'el  perfect  H^'g  he  has  filled,  Jer  51S*  ;  cf. 
I  K  9",  Am  42  (where,  however,  the  perfect  Niph.  is  perhaps  intended),  \p  89", 
143';  in^ll  I  heal,  2  K  221 ;  cf.  Jer  518  j  imperfect  NQ2^  Jb  392^;  Niph' al  perfect 
nnsSw  (like  nrip33)  it  was  wonderful,  2  S  i2e ;  Hiph'il  perfect  N^Sn  Dt  28" ; 
nriNIinn  (not  nriX — ,  cf.  above,  2  S  i2<i)  she  hid,  Jos  6".  On  the  other  hand, 
forms  like  D^KDh  i  S  14^^,  WiOp  ip  99*,  INS")?  Ez  478,  "ijSiliOnn,  according  to 
the  correct  reading,  Jb  192  (cf.  Gn  ^i^^  HJ^riN),  and  !|N"1)  imperative plur.  masc. 
from  NT  Jos  24",  i  S  122*,  f  3410^  are  due  to  the  elision  of  the  N,  see  §  74  «. 
On  nVcs^  Jer  lo^  and  Nlb'J  ^  13920,  see  §  23  ». 

pp  (6)  Forms  in  H,  but  keeping  their  N'v  vowels,  e.g.  imperfect  Qal  HBIK 
Jer  322 ;  imperative  HD")  heal  thou,  tp  60* ;  Niph'al  n3n3  Jer  49"  (which  must 
evidently  be  a  perfect;  read  with  Ewald  the  infinitive  absolute  T\'2T\}  as  in 
verse  23),  and  H^nn  to  hide  oneself,  i  K  222^,  cf.  Jer  19II;  Pi' el  imperfect  n?p^ 
feeiwHyjZZ,  Jb  821. 

(]C[      (c)  Forms  entirely  of  a  T\"?  character,  e.  g.  perfect  Qal  nplf"!  and  when  thou  art 

athirst,  Ru  2^,  cf.  2  S  3^ ;  5^53  ^Aej/  shut  up,  i  S  610 ;  cf.  2583 ;  ^^Q  they  are  full, 
Ez  28I8,  cf.  3928  ;  infinitive  icn  (see  above,  n)  to  sin,  Gn  20*  (on  DNPD  see  above, 
§  74  ft)  ;  imperative  sing.  fern,  ""^n  Is  2620  ;  imperfect  n!?3^  (for  Np3^)  fte  will  keep 
back,  Gn  23^  ;  n3^Q">n  they  heal,  Jb  5I8  ;  participle  HtSia  Pr  12I8 ;  /em.  Nif'  Ec  10'' ; 
plur.  n"*Zlbf  Is  29'';  participle  passive  ^VB'J  ^32^;  Niph'al  nns")3  Jer  51^;  JTiflJ 
<7ioM  hast  prophesied,  Jer  26'  (cf.  \t  139",  Jb  18')  ;  imperfect  ^D"l>1_  2  K  222  (^infinitive 
Jer  19") ;  PfeZ  imperfect  1ST1  Jer  8",  cf.  Gn  si^s ;  Hiph'il  participle  njpD  Ez  8^ ; 
mthpa'el  n^33nn  i  S  io« ;  infinitive  ni33nn  I  S  lo".  For  the  K^thihh  nwrh 
2  K  1925,  Jablonski  and  others  require  as  Q^re  the  form  DlNtJ'n!'  (so  Is  372*) ; 
the  K^thibh  would  have  to  be  read  DIB'np ,  with  elision  of  the  N  and  retraction 
of  the  vowel.  . 

TV      22.  On  the  other  hand,  there  are  forms  of  verbs  Ti^bi  which  wholly  or  in 

part  follow  the  analogy  of  verbs  N"p ,  e.  g.  in  their  consonants  KJIN  he  comes, 
Is  21 12;  N-)2  2  S  12"  (fextus  receptus  n"12) ;  ^HN^ni  Ez  432^;  N|iB>>  Jb  8"} 
KiB?^  La  4I ;  NSn>1  2  Ch  i6i2;  njNlpn  Ex  iio,  Lv  10";  D>N^ri  i>t  28««  (cf. 
Ho  11'') ;  NnpJ  (infin.  absol.  Niph'al  beside  ^n^pJ)  2  S  i« ;  JOB'  2  K  2528;  NSno 


§76fl-d]  Verbs  rfh  217 

Jer  38*;  t{3B^  Ec  8^ :  in  their  vowels,  «nK  Jer  322  ;   mp"»  Dn  10":   n^JSn 

1  K  17"  :  in  both,  Nlp^  Gn  49^  ;  cf.  42*,  Is  51" ;  h\ihn  2821"  Q're;  NiT-b 

2  Ch  26i«  (cf.  D^iNIICn  INT'I  2  S  ii^*  KHhthh)  ;  nN"lb  iariiciple  fern.  Qal)  Zp  3I ; 
K^Q:  Ho  13" ;  CN^DO  La  42 —For  T\Mhh  (so  Baer,  Ez  i7«,  cf.  318),  which  can 
only  be  intended  for  DiXIB  participle  fern.  plur.  from  N1S  =  ms ,  read  ni"lN3 
branches,  according  to  Ez  31'^,  &c. 


§  76.    Verbs  Doubly  Weak. 

1.  In  a  tolerably  large  number  of  verbs  two  radicals  are  weak  a 
letters,  and  are  consequently  affected  by  one  or  other  of  the  anomalies 
already  described.     In  cases  where  two  anomalies  might  occur,  usage 
must  teach  whether  one,  or  both,  or  neither  of  them,  takes  effect. 

Thus  e.g.  from  Tl3  to  flee,  the  imperfect  is  liT  in  Na  3''  and  IT  in  Gn  31*0 
(on  the  analogy  of  verbs  }"S)  ;  Hiph'il  *T3n  (like  a  verb  ]}"]!),  but  the  imperfect 
Hoph'al  again  IT  (as  |"B). 

2.  The  following  are  examples  of  difficult  forms,  which  are  derived  0 
from  doubly  weak  verbs : 

(a)  Verbs  f'S  and  ii"b  (cf.  §  66  and  §  74),  e.g.  SB'S  to  bear,  imperative  NB' 
(if/  10^2  xb'J,  of  which  nD3  if/  4'  is  probably  only  an  orthographic  variation) ; 
infinitive  tonstruct  riNB*  (for  DKB' ;  see  the  analogous  noun-formations  in  §  93  t), 
also  Nfc'3  Is  1",  18S  ;*  Gn  4"  KiiJ'3  ;  ip  89"  kVB'  (perhaps  only  a  scribal  error)  ; 
after  the  prefix  p  always  riNyp  (otherwise  the  contracted  form  only  occurs  in 
^n|^  Jb  41",  with  rejection  of  the  N) ;  imperfect  WiS'n  for  HJNti'n  Ru  1"; 
wholly  irregular  are  n3''Nt5'Jjl  Ez  23*^  (so  Baer  after  Qimhi ;  textus  receptus,  and 
also  the  Mantua  ed.,  and  Ginsburg,  n^S^'ri)  and  DKB'i  2  S  19*'  as  infinitive 
absolute  Niph'al  (on  the  analogy  of  the  infinitive  construct  Qal  ?) ;  but  most  probably 
Kl?3  is  to  be  read,  with  Driver. 

(6)  Verbs  |"S  and  T\"b  (cf.  §  66  and  §  75),  as  nD3  to  bow,  to  incline,  nD3  to  C 
smite.  Hence  imperfect  Qal  HtS^,  apocopated  ti*T  (Gn  2625  "13*1)  and  he  bowed; 
1*1  (so,  probably,  also  Is  63'  for  VX)  2  K  9^^  and  he  sprinkled  (from  nT3) ;  perfect 
Eiph'il  n3n  he  smote,  imperfect  nS^ ,  apocopated  TJ^  TJ*1  (even  with  Athnah  2  K 1 5^^ ; 
but  also  ten  times  n3^J,  Ijai  i)t  2^3;  so  also  t*1  Lv  8"so.  t3ri-^{<  ^  1414  (cf. 
Jb  23II) ;  imperative  nSH,  apocopated  Tjn  smite  thou  (like  tSn  incline,  with  H^n), 
infinitive  ni3n ,  participle  DSD ;  Hoph'al  iisn ,  participle  HSp, 

(c)  Verbs  N^a  and  n"b  (cf.  §  68  and  §  75),  as  n3N  to  be  willing,  HSN  to  bafce,  t? 
nm  to  come.    E.  g.  imperfect  Qal  n3N\  HSK',  pZwr.  IbJ?""  ;  Nn»1  (cf.  §  68  h)  Dt  3321 
for  nriN*1  (  =  nriX*1)  ;  imperfect  apocopated  nN*1  Is  412"*  for  riN*1 ;  imperative  VDVt 

Is  21",  569-12  (cf.'  ^BX  bake  ye,  Ex  i62S)  for  ^HK,  VnN  (§  23  A ;  §  75  «)  ;  Hiph'il 

<  <  <  '  '  L    f 

l)er/eciVnn  forVHXn  (VnXH)  Is  21I*;  imperfect  apocopated  pK'l  and  /le  adjured, 

I  S 14**,  properly  nbN^_  (H^N^)  from  n^N,  whence  HPN^,  and,  with  the  obscuring 

to  0,  npN'' ;  instead  of  the  simple  apocope  (PN*1)  the  ^<  which  had  already  become 


2i8  The  Verb  [§76e-i 

quiescent,  is  made  audible  again  by  the  helping  S^ghol  (unless  perhaps  there 
is  a  confusion  with  the  imperfect  consecutive  Hiph'il  of  pH''). 
e      (d)  Verbs  >"Q  and  H"^  (cf.  §  69,  §  70,  and  §  74),  as  NX^  to  go  forth,  imperative 

<  '  T  T 

Nlf  go  forth,  with  n paragogic  ilKiT  Ju  9^^  in  principal  pause  for  nN2f ;  2nd/em. 

plur.  njKi*  Ct  3" ;  infinitive  DNV ;  Hiph'il  X''Jfin  to  bring  forth.— i^y  to  fear, 
imperfect  ^<")''^  and  N"l^*1  (or  Nl^l),  imperative  iO)  ]  imperfect  Niph'al  it.'}}']  f  130*, 
participle  N"li3. 
4*  (e)  Verbs  ^"D  and  7\"h  (cf.  §  69,  §  70,  and  §  75),  e.  g.  HT  to  throw,  Hiph'il  to 
confess,  to  pi-aise,  and  HT  to  throw  (both  properly  verbs  V'Q),  and  HE!''  to  be 
beautiful.  Infinitive  IT)^,  Oil^.  >  imperative  iTl''  ;  imperfect  consecutive  Sji'l  Ez  31'' 
(cf.  also  ""S^ril  16^^) ;  with  suffixes  J2'V'3\  we  have  shot  at  them  (from  Hl^)  Nu  21^" ; 
perhaps,  however,  it  should  be  read  with  the  LXX  D3"'31  and  their  race  (also  in 
the  very  corrupt  passage  ^  74*  D3"'3  is  probably  a  substantive,  and  not  the 
imperfect  Qal  with  suffix  from  n3'*)  ;   Pi' el  VlW  for  ^^^1  (§69  u).     Hiph'il  iMSn  > 

min  ;   infinitive  HiST  (as  infinitive  absolute  2  Ch  j') ;  imperfect  ITli'',  cf.  13ri"7S 
Jer  22^ ;  apocopated  "li'1  2  K  13'''. 

1^  (/)  Verbs  V'S?  and  N'6,  particularly  Ki3  fo  cowe.  Perfect  X3,  riK|,  nK|l  or 
nSIl  (Gn  168,  2  S  143,  Mi  4";  cf.  §  75  m),  once  m  for  ^3X3  i  S  25^ ;  for  INS 
Jer  27^',  which  is  apparently  the  perfect,  read  ^N3V  In  the  imperfect  Qal  the 
separating  vowel  occurs  (n^NDri  instead  of  the  more  common  n3X3n,  cf.  also 
JN3ri  Gn  30^8)  only  in  Jer  9I6,  if^  45I6,  and  i  S  lo^  K'thibh. 

Jl  For  nxnril  i  S  253*  g«re  (the  KHhibh  "TlNnni  evidently  combines  the  two 
readings  nxni  and  ""Nbril ;  cf.  Nestle,  ZAW,  xiv.  319),  read '•NDni ;  on  the 
impossible  forms  Dt  33'^  and  Jb  22*1  cf.  §  48  ci. — In  the  perfect  Hiph'il  N*3n 
riN3n  and  (only  before  a  suffix)  riK""!!!!! ;  the  latter  form  is  also  certainly  in- 
tended in  Nu  14^^  where  the  Masora  requires  ''nX''3n"!,  cf.  2  K92, 1925,  Is  4323, 
Jer  25I3,  Ct  3^  Before  suffixes  the  e  of  the  first  syllable  in  the  3rd  sing,  always 
becomes /fa^ep;t-SV*o')  e-g-  ^^^^H,  *3X''Iin;  elsewhere  in  variably  Hafep/i-Pa</jaA, 
e.g.  ^3nX3n  or  ^JJlk^rin.  On  the  other  hand,  e  is  retained  in  the  secondary 
tone  in  the  perfect  consecutive  when  without  suflBxes,  e.g.  riN^ni.  Cf.  more- 
over, inXpni  (iriNpnl  in  Opitlus  and  Hahn  is  altogether  incorrect),  Pr  25I6, 
from  N''i?  ;  but  Vp  spue  ye,  Jer  25*''  (perhaps  only  a  mistake  for  1N''p),  is  not  to 
be  referred  to  ^{''p  but  to  a  secondary  stem  iT'p.  In  the  imperfect  Xpni  is  found 
once,  Lv  iS^^,  besides  Np^.  (analogous  to  N3jV).— On  *3N  (for  N''3N),  ^3D  '•r, 
see  §  74  k. 

I  (gr)  The  form  ^*n  to  live,  in  the  perfect  Qal,  besides  the  ordinary  development 
to  n^n  (/em.  nn^n),  is  also  treated  as  a  verb  V"]},  and  then  becomes  ""n  in 
the  3rd  pers.  perfect,  in  pause  TI,  and  with  wdw  consecutive  ^Pll  Gn  3^2,  and  fre- 
quently. In  Lv  2583  the  contracted  form  "ifll  is  perhaps  st.  constr.  of  >n  life,  but 
in  any  case  read  ^Hl  perfect  consecutive  as  in  verse  ^^.     The  form  H^ni  occurs  in 

~  T  "^  *  T  T  T 

Ex  i^fi  in  pause  for  n'ni  (3rd/ew.)  with  Dages  omitted  in  the  ^  on  account  of 
the  pausal  lengthening  of  a  to  a. 


§§  77 «-/.  78  a]      Relation  of  Weak  Verbs  219 

§  77.     Relation  of  the  Weak  Verbs  to  one  another. 

The  close  relation  which  exists  between  some  classes  of  the  weak  a 
verbs  (e.  g.  between  i"d  and  ^"s,  N"^  and  r\"b,  V^y  and  Vy,  y'^y  and  n"^) 
appears  not  only  in  their  similarity  or  identity  of  inflexion,  or  their 
mutual  interchange  of  certain  forms,  but  especially  from  the  fact  that 
frequently  the  same  root  {radix  hilittera,  see  §  30  g)  recurs  in  various 
weak  stems  of  similar  meaning.  The  meaning  accordingly  is  inherent 
in  the  two  constant  root-consonants,  while  the  third  consonant,  which 
is  weak  (and  the  particular  class  of  weak  verbs  with  it),  does  not 
establish  any  difference  in  the  meaning.  Thus  from  the  root  ^1  there 
occur  with  the  same  meaning  ^3'1 ,  1\\^ ,  NO*!  to  strike,  to  crush ;  and 
from  the  root  13  there  are  "113,  TlJ,  nnj  tojiee. 

In  this   manner  the  following  classes   are   related   in  form   and  u 


meaning : 


1.  Verbs  VJJ  and  y"y  in  which  the  first  and  third  consonants  are  the  same 
in  both,  as  being  essential  to  the  meaning  ;  e.  g.  'i]1JD  and  'iQ'Q  to  become  poor  ; 
C^D  and  tJ'K'O  to  feel ;  *!«  and  TlJ  to  flee. 

2.  Verbs  ""'Q  and  |"Q ;  e.  g.  ZT  and  2X3  to  place,  K'pj  and  K'PJ  {ydqos)  to  lay  C 
snares.  Moreover,  stems  belonging  to  the  classes  mentioned  in  i  (especially 
Vy)  are  frequently  related  also  to  verbs  '»"D  and  {"S,  e.  g.  "1^2  and  *lh^  to  fear ; 
y\D  and  313''  to  be  good  ;  nQ3  and  fflQ  to  blow ;  }*S3  and  J>?9  to  dash  to  pieces. 
Verbs  N'^Q  are  less  frequently  connected  with  these  classes,  e.  g.  ti'lN  and 
m"^  to  thresh,  &c. 

3.  Verbs  N"!?  and  iTv  (in  which  the  first  two  consonants  form  the  real  U 
body  of  the  stem)  are  sometimes  related  to  each  other,  and  sometimes  to  the 
above  classes.     To  each  other,  in  N^'H  and  nS"!  to  crush,  N"lp  and  mp  to  meet 

'  TT  TT  'TT  TT 

(of.  §  75  nn) ;  to  verbs  of  the  other  classes,  in  HSD  and  ^^D  to  suck,  nn"1  and  H^ 
to  thrust,  &c. 

4.  Verbs  y"y  and  n"b,  on  which  cf.  Grimm,  Journal  ofBiU.  Lit.,  1903,  p.  196  ;  e 
e.  g.  n3X  and  J3N  to  sigh,  HOT  and  DJD'H  to  be  quiet,  H^n  and  pPI  to  incline,  np3 

"tt  '-T  TT  "     T  TT  >-T  TT 

and  ^^3  to  end,  H^p  and  ^bi?  to  despise,  DJB'  and  ajB'  to  eir,  nriB'  and  PiriB'  to 
bend  doicn,  HDB'  and  DDB'  to  plunder. 

5.  Verbs  V'y  and  n"y  ^;  e.g.  ^^O  and  ^no  (New  Hebrew  ;  in  0.  T.  only  i?^nO  f 
Is  i22)  to  circumcise,  "11»  and  IHO  to  exchange,  "113  (in  iTliaO  a  light)  and  -iri3  to 
shine  ;  cf.  also  D''On^  secret  arts,  Ex  7"  with  t37  secret,  from  C17. 

§  78.    Verba  Defectiva. 

It  often  happens,  when  two  kindred  weak  verbs  are  in  use  with  a 
the  same  meaning,  that  both  are  defective,  i.  e.  do  not  occur  in  all  the 
forms.     Since,  however,  those  tenses  and  forms  which  are  not  in  use 
in  the  one  verb  are  generally  supplied  by  the  other,  they  mutually 
complete  one  another,  and  thus  form  together,  as  it  were,  an  entire 


220  The  Verb  [§78&,  c 

verb,  as  in  Greek  tpxafxai,  aor.  rjXOov,  fut.  €X€vo-o/i,ai,  and  in  Latin /ero, 
tuli,  latum,  ferre,  &c.,  but  with  this  difference,  that  in  Hebrew  the 
roots  of  these  verbs  are  almost  always  closely  related. 
h      The  most  common  verbs  of  this  kind  are — 

tra  to  he  ashamed.  Eiph'il  K'nn  (inferred  from  niB'^^n),  but  also  K'''nn, 
E'^Din,  as  if  from  {^3%  on  the  analogy  of  verbs  V'Q  ;  also  in  Is  30'  the  Cfre 
requires  B'^nn,  where  the  KHhthh  has  B'''N3n  from  B'XS. 

niD  to  be  good.  Perfect  3iD ;  but  imperfect  2^'^)  and  Eiph'il  2''^!''^  from  30^ 
(but  cf.  nS'L^n  2  K  iqSO). 

")';"•  to  be  afraid.     Imperfect  I^J""  (from  1^3). 

yp'^  to  awake,  only  in  the  imperf,  Y^y*) ;  for  the  perfect,  the  Eiph'il  Y^pi^  is  used 
(from  pp). 

J^S3  fo  break  in  pieces.  Imperfect  ^1D^  (from  y^B).  Imperative  p3.  Niph'al 
pSJ  /  pre;  J'QJ  (from  ^23).    PoZei  ^;fi3  (from  pE3).     i?ey?exjce  ^Jfisnn .    Htp;i'ti 

}>''Dn.    Also  ^q;:q  Jb  16". 

3^3  (QaZ  in  post-biblical  Hebrew,  in  Aramaic  and  Arabic)  to  place,  whence 
(possibly)  Niph'al  3X3  and  Eiph'il  3^irn  (see  above,  §  71)  ;  but  Eithpa'el  35f'rin. 

nnC'  to  drink,  used  in  Qal ;  but  in  Eiph.  T\\>^7^  to  give  to  drink,  from  a  Qal  npK' 
which  is  not  used  in  Hebrew. 

On  '?|2n  ('!]?'')  to  go,  see  above,  §  69  x. 

C  Rem.  I,  To  the  same  category  belong  also,  to  a  certain  extent,  those  cases 
where  the  tenses  or  moods  not  in  use  in  one  conjugation,  are  supplied  by  forms 
having  the  same  meaning  in  other  conjugations  of  the  same  verb.     Thus : 

f)D^  to  add.  The  infinitive  (but  cf.  §  69  h,  note)  and  imperfect,  unused  in  Qal, 
are  supplied  by  the  Eiph'il  f)"'Din  ^''DV  (on  f)DV  as  imperfect  indicative,  see 
§  109  d,  cf.  also  §  109  i). 

7^3  to  stumble.     Perfect  from  Qal,  imperfect  from  Niph'al. 

B'jJ  to  approach,  unused  in  perf.  Qal,  instead  of  which  Niph'al  K'33  is  used ; 
but  imperfect  E'J^,  imperative  ^3,  and  infinitive  DK'E  from  Qal  only  are  in  use. 

nn3  to  lead.  Perfect  usually  nn3  in  Qal,  so  imperative  iinS,  but  imperfect  and 
infinitive  always  in  Eiph'il. 

"]n3  to  be  poured  out.  Perfect  Niph'al  ^F\i  with  imperfect  Qal  Tjn^,  but  the  perfect 
Qal  and  imperfect  Niph'al  are  not  in  use. 

2.  The  early  grammarians  often  speak  of  mixed  forms  {formae  mixtae),  i.  e. 
forms  which  unite  the  supposed  character  and  meaning  of  two  different 
tenses,  genders,  or  conjugations.  Most  of  the  examples  adduced  are  at 
once  set  aside  by  accurate  grammatical  analysis  ;  some  others  appear  to  have 
arisen  from  misapprehension  and  inaccuracy,  especially  from  erroneous  views 
of  unusual  plene  forms.  Others,  again,  are  either  merely  wrong  readings  or 
represent  an  intentional  conflation  of  two  different  readings. 


CHAPTER  III 

THE  NOUN 
§  79.    General  Vieiu. 

For  the  literature,  see  De  Lagarde,  Uebersicht  uber  die  im  Aram.,  Arab,  vnd 
Hebr.  iibliche  Bildung  der  Nomina,  GOttingen,  1889 ;  Index  and  Additions,  189 1 ; 
J.  Barth,  Die  Nomincdbildung  in  den  semitischen  Sprachen,  first  half,  Simple  nouns, 
Leipzig,  1889  ;  second  half,  Nouns  with  external  additions,  1891;  second  edition, 
with  indices  of  words  and  subjects,  1894;  E.  K5nig,  Historisch-kritisches  Lehr- 
gebdude,  dec,  ii.  i,  Leipzig,  1895,  see  above,  §  3/. — Of  these  three  important 
works  the  first  two  especially  have  given  rise  to  various  articles.  In  support 
of  De  Lagarde  :  Hommel  in  ZDMO.  xliv,  p.  535  flf.  (against  De  Lagarde  and 
Hommel  :  Barth,  ibid.,  p.  679  ff.),  and  dealing  with  the  Index,  ZDMG.  xlv, 
p.  340  S. — Against  Barth  (though  with  many  points  of  agreement) :  Philippi 
in  the  Zeitschrift  fiXr  Volkerpsychologie,  1890,  p,  344  ff.  (answered  by  Barth  in 
ZDMG.  xliv,  p.  692  fif.),  and  ZDMG.  xlvi,  p.  149  ff.  (answered  again  by  Barth, 
ibid.,  xlviii,  p.  10  ff.),  also  in  the  Beitrage  zur  Assyriologie,  ii  (1892),  p.  359  ff. '  Die 
semitische  Verbal-  und  Nominalbildung,'  and  lastly,  in  ZDMG.  xlix,  p.  187  ff. — 
Cf.  also  A.  Miiller,  '  Semitische  Nomina.  Bemerkungen  zu  de  Lagarde  und 
Barth,'  ZDMG.  xlv,  p.  221  ff. — The  main  points  at  issue  in  the  works  of  De 
Lagarde  and  Barth  are  indicated  below,  §  83  d. — Brockelmann,  Semit.  Sprach- 
tciss.,  p.  104  ff. ;  Grundriss,  p.  329  ff. 

1.  Since,  according  to  §  30  a,  most  word-stems  are  developed  into  CI 
verbal  stems  as  well  as  into  nouu-stems,  it  has  become  customary 
(especially  in  the  Lexicon)  to  refer  the  noun  to  the  most  simple 
ground-form  of  the  verbal  formation,  viz.  the  3rd  j)ers.  sing,  perfect 
Qal,  and,  as  it  were,  to  derive  it  from  that  form.  This  is  usual,  not 
only  in   those   noun-stems  which   can   be   directly   connected   with 

a  corresponding  verbal  stem  (^Nomina  verbalia  or  derivativa,  §  83  fF.), 

but  also  with  Nomina  primitiva,  i.  e.  those  of  which  no  verbal  stem 

is  now  found  in  Hebrew  (see  §  82),  as  well  as  finally  with  Nomina 

denominativa,  which  have  evidently  been  derived  from  other  nouns 

(§  86). 

The  adjective  agrees  in  form  entirely  with  the  substantive.  On  the  forma- 
tion of  adjectival  ideas  by  giving  to  abstracts  a  concrete  sense,  see  §  83  c. 

2.  A  special  inflexion  of  the  noun  to  express  the  various  cases  does  b 
not  exist  in  Hebrew ;  only  a  few  ancient  and  almost  extinct  traces  of 
case-endings  have  survived  (§  90).  The  syntactical  relation  of  a  noun 
can  therefore  in  general  only  be  inferred  from  its  position  in  the 
sentence,  or  from  its  being  joined  to  prepositions.  In  either  case, 
the  form  of  the  noun  undergoes  no  change  (except  for  the  constrxict 


222  The  Noun  [§  80  a-c 

state,  §  89),  and  the  representation  of  case-relations  belongs  therefore 
almost  exclusively  to  the  syntax  (§117  ff.)-  The  comparative  and 
superlative  of  adjectives  also  can  be  expressed  only  by  a  syntactical 
combination  (§  133).  On  the  other  hand,  sevei'al  changes  in  the 
forms  of  nouns  are  occasioned  by  the  additions  of  the  plural,  dual,  and 
feminine  terminations,  as  well  as  of  the  pronominal  suffixes,  and  also 
by  the  close  connexion  of  two  nouns,  by  means  of  the  construct  state} 

§  80.    The  Indication  of  Gender  in  Nouns. 

Brockelmann,  Grundriss,  p.  404  If. ;  '  Ueber  die  Femininendung  at,  ah,  a '  in 
Semit.  Sprachwiss.,  p.  106  f.;  Grundriss,  pp.  105,  405  ff. ;  'Die  Femininendung 
rim  Semit.'  (Sitzung  d.  orient. -sprachwiss.  Sektion  d.  schlesischen  Gesellschaft,  Feb.  26, 
1903)  ;  against  him  J.  Barth,  ZDMG.  1903,  p.  628  ff. ;  Brockelmann's  reply, 
ibid.,  p.  795  ff. ;  and  Barth  again,  ibid.,  p.  798  ff. 

a  1.  Tlie  Hebrew,  like  all  Semitic  languages,  recognizes  only  two 
genders  in  the  noun,  a  masculine  and  a  feminine.  Inanimate  objects 
and  abstract  ideas,  which  other  languages  sometimes  indicate  by  the 
neuter,  are  regarded  in  Hebrew  either  as  masculine  or  feminine,  more 
often  the  latter  (see  the  Syntax,  §  1225-). 

0  2.  The  masculine,  as  being  the  more  common  and  important  gender, 
has  no  special  indication. 

Feminine  nouns  are  also  without  an  indication  of  gender  when  the 
meaning  of  the  word  naturally  denotes  a  feminine,  as  Di?  mother,  priN 
a  she-ass,  T^  a  she-goat,  PHT  an  ewe  (cf.  §  122  6).  As  a  rule,  however, 
the  feminine  had  originally  the  ending  ri__,  as  in  the  3rd  sing,  perfect 
of  verbs  (§44  a).  This  n_-,  however,  is  regularly  retained  in  Hebrew 
only  in  close  connexion  with  a  following  genitive  or  suffix  (cf.  §896 
and  §  910),  except  where  the  form  has  arisen  through  the  addition  of 
a  simple  0^  (see  below,  d).  Otherwise,  the  feminine  ending  of  the 
independent  form  (the  absolute  state,  §  89  a)  is — 

C  (a)  Most  commonly  a  tone-bearing  n__,  e.  g.  D^D  equus,  HD^D  equa. 
Of  nouns  ending  in  ^-,  like  ''1?V>  the  feminine  (by  §  24  h)  is  ^p.?V> 
cf.  §  86  h.  As  in  the  3rd  sing.  fern,  perfect  (^^IpP,  &c.),  this  n__  seems 
to  have  arisen  by  the  rejection  of  the  final  n,  and  the  lengthening  of 
the  d  in  the  open  syllable,  whereupon  the  n  was  added  as  an  ortho- 
graphic indication  of  the  final  long  vowel :  cf.  the  exactly  similar 
origin  of  such  forms  as  <<^l  for  v?,  §  75  c.     It  must,  however,  be 


^  To  speak  of  these  changes  as  a  declension  of  the  Hebrew  noun,  as  is  usually 
done,  is  accordingly  incorrect. 

2  In  Mai  i"  nriB'D  (so  e.g.  ed.  Mant.)  would  stand  for  DnnW,  the  ptcp. 

fem.  Hoph'al ;  but  firiB'D  (so  Baer  and  Ginsb.)  is  also  supported  by  good 

authority. 


§8od-<7]       The  Indication  of  Gender  in  Nouns        223 

noticed  that  in  Arabic  (see  m  and  note)  the  pausal  formjof  a<  is  ah,  of 
which  a  trace  raay  be  preserved  in  the  Hebrew  n.-_. 

(6)  Simple  n  with  nouns  ending  in  a  vowel,  e.  g.  ''Iin^  Jew,  JT'lin^.  d 
Jewess.  The  same  ending  n  is  very  frequently  added  to  stems  ending 
in  a  consonant,  but  only  (except  before  suffixes)  by  means  of  a  helping 
vowel,  which,  as  a  rule,  is  S^ghol,  but  after  gutturals  Pathah,  e.  g.  ^^?, 
fern.  n^;5p,  hilling  ;  before  suffixes,  e.g.  ''J^^^'p,  according  to  the  rule 
given  in  §  69  c,  cf.  also  §  84"  s\  Vlio  an  acquaintance,  f em.  nyiio. 
The  forms  which  arise  in  this  way  follow  in  every  respect  the  analogy 
of  the  segholate  forms  (§  94/).  The  forms  which  have  been  developed 
by  means  of  a  helping  vowel  are  retained  even  in  the  connective  form 
{construct  state)  ;  except  P^i^'']  (for  r\-fj\  which  is  used  elsewhere) 
Gn  16",  Ju  13";  cf.  Jer  22^^  and  51"  Qfre,  also  ni^D  i  K  i'\  par- 
ticiple fern.  Ft  el,  properly  m«rara«  =  nnnK'»;  also  ^J?y?0  {participle 
fem.  Pi'el  with  suffix)  arises  from  the  form  JpV?^  which  was  developed 

into  rinpo. 

Rem.  I.    The  fem.  form  in  n  is  in  general  less  frequent,  and  occurs  e 

almost  exclusively  when  the  form  in  n_.  is  also  in  use.  It  is  only  in  the 
participles  and  infinitives  that  it  is  the  commoner,  e.  g.  n?hp  more  common 
than  n^Dp    m^  than  r\Hb. 

2.  Rarer  feminine  endings  are— (a)  T)-^  with  the  tone,  e.  g.  np"l3  emerald,  J 
Ez  28"  (also  npnn  Ex  28") ;  nVDB'  «  company,  2  K  9",  unless  the  reading  is 
wrong ;  more  frequently  in  proper  names,  especially  of  places  among  the 
Canaanites  or  Phoenicians  (in  whose  language  n__  was  the  usual  fem.  ending, 
§  2  d)  and  other  neighbouring  tribes,^  e.  g.  nSlji*  Zarephath,  ny33  Gibeath,  nyp 
Kiriath,  D^^SI  Greek  Ailana  in  Idumea ;  n^nX  Gn  26^" :  on  the  reading  D]^^ 
cf.  g.  Cf.,  moreover,  03^23  i//  61I  (prob.  originally  n'y^:) ;  n»n  LXX  ni'H)  74"'"^; 
nj^Q  La  2^* ;  [JIBT  much,  in  1//  651",  120®,  123*,  129^*,  is  a  form  borrowed  from 

the  Aramaic  (Syriac  rahbaih)  in  which  the  original  t  of  the/ew.  is  often  retained 
to  form  adverbs,  see  Wright,  Comparative  Grammar,  p.  135.] 

(6)  n ,  which  likewise  occurs  in  some  names  of  places, e.g.  D^yB,  T\\>bT\    xr 

as  well  as  in  the  wasc.  proper  name  DvU  1S17*,  &c.  (in  17^',  and  21'",  ed.  Mant. 

lias  rivU), and  m  the/em.  proper  name  nyClJ';  otherwise,  almost  only  in  poetry, 

viz.  mO]  Ex  1 5^  Is  1 2*,  ^  1 1 8^*  (really  for  ^DIDI  my  song ;  the  absorption  of  the  i, 

however,  can  scarcely  have  '  taken  place  in  the  Aramaic  manner',  as  suggested 
by  Duhm  on  Is  1 2^,  nor  is  it  due  merely  to  the  following  Yodh,  but  is  intended 

'to  facilitate  the  absorption  of  H""  ;  so  Geiger,  Urschri/t,  p.  277  f.) ;  n?nj 
heritage,  if/  16*  (either  again  for  TlpHJ  my  heritage,  or  for  nn?n3_,  cf.  §  90  g,  as 
probably  also  Hliy  help,  \p  60",  108'^  for  nmiV).     These  forms  are  possibly 

1  In  the  list  of  Palestinian  towns  taken  by  Pharaoh  Shoshenq,  the  feminine 
town-names  all  end  in  t.  Cf.  also  the  Mesa'  inscription,  lino  3,  nXT  nJD3n 
this  high  place;  line  26,  n^DDn  the  highway  [see  also  Driver,  Tenses,  §  181,  note']. 


224  The  Noun  [§  80  h-m 

survivals  from  a  period  when  even  final  voveels  were  not  supported  by  a 
vowel-letter.  Cf.  also  ni3  fecunda  («  fruitful  tree)  Gn  49^^^ ;  mn''  abundance, 
Jer  4S'*  (before  JJ ;  but  in  Is  15''  '"TJO^)  ;  ^I^K'  sleep  (for  nJB')  tp  132*;  and 
(unless  the  P  is  radical)  in  prose  flKp  pelican  (vehich  reading  is  also  preferable, 
in  Is  34II,  jjo  jijg  form  JlKp),  also  niHO  the  morrow,  but  in  construct  state  always 
niriDO.^ — n?nri  Jer  45^5  Q''re  is  no  doubt  intended  to  indicate  the  reading 
••ri^nri,  parallel  to  i'K'VB'O  ;  cf,  above,  on  n"JO),  &c. 

h      (c)  N ,  the  Aramaic  orthography  for  n ,  chiefly  in  the  later  writers; 

NIT  loathing,  Nu  ii™;  NSH  a  terror-,  Is  19"  ;  N3K'  sZeep,  ^  127^;  N*3p  a  lioness, 
Ez  19*  (unless  N''!!?  is  intended)  ;  XllfllO  a  mark.  La  ^^^  ;  cf.  also  NB'''I  threshing 
(participle  Qal  from  {^^1)  Jer  50^^ ;  N"10  bitter,  Ru  i^".  On  the  other  hand, 
according  to  the  western  Masora,  nn^p  baldness  is  to  be  read  in  Ez  2j'^ ;  see 
Baer  on  the  passage. 

i      (d)  n__,  an  obtuse  form  of  n (§27  m),  only  in  iTll^ri  for  iTI^P  Is  59 

(unless  it  is  again  a  forma  mixta  combining  the  active  ptcp.  masc.  iTli^n  and  the 
passive  ptcp.  fern,  mip) ;  cf.  n3?  for  n3?  Zc  5*  ;  npN  i  K  2^^*^  (§  90  i,  and 
§  48  d). 

k      (e)  n 5_  without  the  tone,  e.g.  noni  Dt  14"  [Lv  ii^s  On"!]  ;  n^p  IISPl 

an  oven  heated,  Ho  7^  ;  cf.  Ez.  40",  2  K  15^29^  igw.  In  all  these  examples  the 
usual  tone-bearing  n is  perhaps  intended,  but  the  Punctuators,  who  con- 
sidered the  feminine  ending  inappropriate,  produced  a  kind  of  locative  form 
(see  §  90  c)  by  the  retraction  of  the  tone,  [In  2  K  16^*,  Is  24^^,  Ez  21'^  (note 
in  each  case  the  following  n),  and  in  Jb  42^',  Ho  7*,  the  text  is  probably  in 
error.] 

/  (/)  ■•___  as  an  old  feminine  termination,  preserved  also  in  Syriac  (ai ;  see 
examples  in  Noldeke's  Syrische  Gram  ,  §  83^  in  Arabic  and  (contracted  to  e)  in 
Ethiopic,  very  probably  occurs  in  the  proper  name  '•"I'ti'  Sarai,  cf.  Noldeke, 
ZBMG.   xl.   183,    and  xlii.   484;     also    iTl'K'y   ten  {fern.)  undoubtedly  arises 

from  an  original  'esray ;  so  Wright,  Comparative  Grammar,  p,  138;  KOnig,  Lehr- 
gebdude,  ii.  427. 

ffl      3,  It  is  wholly  incorrect  to  regard  the  ^oweZ-ending  H ^  as  the  original 

termination  of  the  feminine,  and  the  consonantal  ending  fl as  derived  from 

it.  The  Ethiopic  still  has  the  n  throughout,  so  too  the  Assyrian  (ai,  it)  ;  in 
Phoenician  also  the  feminines  end  for  the  most  part  in  n,  which  is  pronounced 
at  in  the  words  found  in  Greek  and  Latin  authors  ;  less  frequently  in  N  (see 

Gesenius,  Monumm.  Phoen.,  pp.  439,  440;  Schroder,  Phon.  Spraclie,  p.  169  ff.). 
The  ancient  Arabic  has  the  obtuse  ending  (ah)  almost  exclusively  in  pause  ; 
in  modern  Arabic  the  relation  between  the  two  endings  is  very  much  as  in 
Hebrew. 

1  In  I  S  20^^  also,  where  the  Masora  (see  Baer  on  Jos  5^1)  for  some  unknown 
reason  requires  JTinOD,  read  with  ed.  Mant.,  Jablonski,  Opitius,  and  Ginsburg, 

^  In  this  ending  the  H  h  can  only  be  considered  consonantal  in  the  sense 
that  the  n  was  originally  aspirated,  and  afterwards  *  the  mute  n  was  dropped 
before  h,  just  as  the  old  Persian  mithra  became  in  modern  Persian  mihr' ;  so 
Socin,  who  also  points  to  the  Arabic  pausal  form  in  ah,  and  observes  that 
among  some  of  the  modern  Beduin  an  h  is  still  heard  as  a  fem.  ending,  cf, 
Socin,  Biwan  aus  Centralarabien,  iii,  98,  ed.  by  H.  Stumme,  Lpz.  1901.  In 
Hebrew  this  consonantal  termination  was  entirely  abandoned,  at  any  rate  in 
later  times. 


§§  8r  a-d,  82]  Derivation  of  Nouns  225 

§  81.    DeHvation  of  Nouns. 

Brockelmann,  Grundriss,  p.  329  ff. 
Nouns  are  by  their  derivation  either  jynmitive,  i.  e.  cannot  be  a 
refened  to  any  verbal  stem  at  present  extant  (see  §  82),  such  as 
"2^ father,  DK  mother  (but  see  both  words  in  the  Lexicon;  according 
to  Stade  and  others  3N,  DX,  &c.,  are  children's  words  and  terms  of 
endearment,  and  so  really  primitive  nouns),  or  derivative,  i.  e.  either 
Derivativa  verhalia  (§§  83-5),  e.g.  D"J  high,  n»n  high  2)lace,  Ci"10 
height,  from  D^"i  to  be  high,  or  less  frequently  Derivativa  denominaliva 
(§  86),  e.  g.  rii73"jP  the  place  at  the  feet,  from  ?y\foot. 

Rem.  I.  The  earlier  grammarians  consider  the  verb  alone  as  stem,  and  q 
therefore  all  nouns  as  verbals,  dividing  them  into  (a)  Formae  nudae,  i.e.  such 
as  have  only  the  three  (or  two)  radicals,  and  (6)  Formae  auciae,  such  as  have 

formative  letters  or  syllables  added  at  the  beginning  or  end,  e.  g.  ny^'D'O, 

ni3|5p.      The   formative   letters  used   for   this  purpose   are   "I  '•  fl  3  D  N  H 

(Vriapxn)^!  and  the  treatment  of  nouns  formerly  followed  this  order. 

According  to  the  view  of  roots  and  stems  presented  in  §  30  d,  nouns  (other  C 
than  denominatives)  are  derived  not  from  the  verbal  stem,  but  either  from  the 
(abstract)  root  or  from  the  still  undefined  stem.     In  the  following  pages, 
however,  the  arrangement  according  to  the  verbal  stem  is  retained  as  being 
simpler  for  the  beginner.     Cf.  §  79  a. 

2.  Compound  nouns  as   appellatives  are  very  rare  in  Hebrew,  e.  g.   PyvSl  (I 
worthlessness,  baseness.      On  the  other  hand,  they  very  frequently  occur  as 
proper  names,  e.g.  bsH^a  {man  of  God),  D'^p^in^  {Yahwe  raises  up),  ]r\iS'^']  {Yahwe 
gave),  &c.* 

§  82.    Primitive  Nouns. 

The  number  of  primitive  nouns  in  the  sense  used  in  §  81  is  small, 

since  nouns,  which  in  other  languages  are  represented  as  independent 

noun-stems,  can  easily  be  traced  back  in  Hebrew  to  the  verbal  idea, 

e.g.  names  of  animals  and  natural  objects,  as  "^^V^  he-goat  (prop. 

shaggy,  from  ">y?'),  nijjb  barley  (prop,  prickly,  also  from  lyV).  ^T^^ 

stork  (prop.  ;>7a,  sc.   avis),  3nT  gold  (from  3nT=3n^  to  shine,  to  be 

yellow).     Thus  there  remain  only  a  few  nouns,  e.  g.  several  names  of 

members  of  the  body  in  men  or  beasts,  to  which  a  corresponding 

verbal  stem  cannot  be  assigned  at  all,  or  at  any  rate  only  indirectly 

<  < 

(from  other  Semitic  dialects),  as  Hi^  horn,  I^y  eye. 

^  From  this  vox  memorialis  the  nomina  aucta  are  also  called  by  the  older 
grammarians  nomina  heemantica. 

*  G.  Rammelt  (jjber  die  zusammengesetsten  Nomina  im  Hebr.,  Halle,  1883,  and 
Leipzig,  1884)  recognizes  as  appellatives  only  y'l'IBif  (cf.  below,  §  85  w)  and 

niOpX  (the  latter  certainly  incorrectly  [see,  however,  Noldeke,  ZATW.  1897, 

p.  183  ff.]).     In  p.  8  ff.  the  author  gives  a  list  of  'logical  compounds',  i.  e. 

new  terms  formed  by  composition  with  the  negatives  K?,  y3,  Vr"?. 

COWLET  Q 


226  The  Noun  [§83a-rf 

§  83.    Verbal  Nouns  in  General. 

a  1.  In  Hebrew,  as  in  Greek  and  Latin,  the  verbal  nouns  are 
connected  in  form  and  meaning  primarily  with  certain  forms  of 
the  verb,  especially  the  participles  and  infinitives,  which  are  them- 
selves, even  in  their  ordinary  form,  frequently  used  precisely  like 
nouns,  e.  g.  ^."l^*  eozemy,  riy^l  to  know,  knowledge.  Still  oftener,  however, 
certain  forms  of  the  infinitive  and  participle,  which  are  seldom  or 
never  found  as  such  in  the  strong  verb,  though  in  use  in  the  weak 
verb  and  in  the  kindred  dialects,  came  to  be  commonly  used  for 
the  verbal  noun;  e.g.  the  participial  form  ?|?ij,  the  infinitives  of  the 
(Aramaic)  form  ?t?ipp  (as  a  noun  also  ^^P^),  further  ro'^p,  '"l^^^, 
nbpi^,  nptpp  (§  45  d),  &c.  Others  (as  the  Arabic  shows)  are  properly 
intensive  forms  of  the  participle. 

If  2.  As  regards  their  meaning,  it  follows  from  the  nature  of  the 
case  that  nouns  which  have  the  form  of  the  infinitive  regularly  denote 
the  action  or  state,  with  other  closely  related  ideas,  and  are  therefore 
mostly  abstract ;  while  the  participial  nouns,  on  the  contrary,  denote 
for  the  most  part  the  subject  of  the  action  or  state,  and  are  therefore 
concrete.  Moreover,  it  is  to  be  noticed,  that  a  particular  meaning 
is  attached  to  many  of  the  special  forms  of  derivative  nouns,  although 
it  does  not  appear  equally  in  them  all. 

C  Hem.  It  need  not  appear  strange,  when  we  consider  the  analogy  of  other 
languages,  that  a  noun  which  in  form  is  properly  abs^rac^  afterwards  acquired 
a  concrete  sense,  and  vice  versa.  So  in  English,  we  say  his  acquaintance,  for 
the  persons  with  whom  he  is  acquainted;  the  Godhead  for  God  himself;  in 
Hebrew  y"liD  acquaintance  and  aw  acquaintance. 

^  The  inner  connexion  in  thought  between  Semitic  noun-forms  and  the 
corresponding  verbal  forms  is  investigated  in  the  works  of  De  Lagarde  and 
Earth  (see  the  titles  at  the  head  of  §  79)  on  very  different  lines,  but  with 
many  points  of  agreement.  De  Lagarde  starts  from  the  fact  that  language 
consists  of  sentences.  A  sentence  which  consists  of  only  one  word  is  called 
a  verb,  and  anything  which  serves  as  a  complement  to  it  is  a  noun.  The 
oldest  form  of  the  sentence  is  the  imperative.  Closely  related  to  it  are  throe 
kinds  of  sentences  of  the  nature  of  verbal  forms,  differing  according  as  the 
property  of  the  particular  object  of  sense  is  to  be  represented  as  invariable 
(form  qatula).  or  as  liable  to  change  (form  qatila),  or,  finally,  as  a  circumstance 
which  takes  place  before  our  eyes  (form  qatala).  Like  the  imperative,  these 
three  forms  of  sentences  have  also  been  transformed  into  nouns,  by  means  of 
certain  phonetic  changes, — especially  by  the  omission  of  the  final  vowels 
and  the  addition  of  different  terminations  to  the  last  consonant  of  the  stem. 
But  just  as  the  forms  of  the  verbal  sentence  undergo  numerous  modifications 
(in  the  tenses,  moods,  and  conjugations),  so  also  do  tlie  nouns,  sometimes 
by  assimilation  of  the  unessential  to  the  characteristic  vowel  {qutul,  qitil^, 
sometimes  by  the  lengthening  of  the  characteristic  vowel  (qatHl,  qatil,  qatdl), 
or  else  througli  the  displacement  of  the  accent  and  the  consequent  reduction 
of  the  noun  to  a  monosyllabic  form  {qatl,  qull,  qitl),  or,  finally,  by  their  being 
formed  from  the  derived  stems  (or  conjugations),  e.g.  qaital,  qattdl ;  qi.'.il, 
qitldl,  &c.     Further  modifications  arise  from  the  use  of  the  various  imperfect 


§  84"  a]  Verbal  Nouns  in  General  227 

and  infinitive  forms,  and  also  from  the  employment  of  the  prefix  m.  Lastly, 
denominalia  are  formed  from  deverbalia  by  appending  certain  suffixes. 

De  Lagarde  does  not,  however,  claim  to  be  able  to  show  in  the  case  of  each 
particular  noun  the  sense  it  conveyed  in  primitive  times  ;  the  origin  of 
a  number  of  nouns  can  now  no  longer  be  detected.  In  those,  however, 
which  are  clearly  derived  from  verbs,  the  original  meaning  is  chiefly  deter- 
mined by  the  characteristic  vowel. 

Earth's  system  is  based  on  the  thesis  that  '  all  Semitic  nouns,  adjectives, 
and  participles  are  derived  from  either  the  perfect  or  the  imperfect  stem '. 
Thus,  e.  g.  ^itOp  is  the  infinitive  of  the  perfect  stem,  pbp  the  infinitive  of  the 
imperfect  stem,  2^^  infinitive  of  DStJ'^  &c.     In  dissyllabic  noun-forms  the 

second  vowel  is  always  alone  characteristic  and  essential,  the  first  vowel 
unessential,  and  therefore  variable.  Further  modifications  of  the  simple 
form  are  effected  by  strengthening  (sharpening)  the  second  or  third  conso- 
nant, by  lengthening  the  characteristic  vowel  (instead  of  which,  however, 
the  feminine  termination  may  also  be  used),  or  by  'metaplasm',  i.  e.  by  the 
use  of  noun-forms  derived  from  one  of  the  two  intransitive  stems  for  the  other, 
e.  g.  qutl  for  qitl,  and  vice  versa. 

In  nouns  of  the  perfect  stem,  the  vowels  i  and  u  indicate  intransitive 
formations,  the  vowel  a  a  transitive  sense.  In  nouns  of  the  imperfect  stem 
on  the  contrary,  u  and  i,  being  characteristic  vowels,  indicate  a  transitive 
and  a  an  intransitive  sense  :  for  yaqtulu  is  imperfect  of  the  transitive  perfect 
qaiala,  and  yaqtaJu  imperfect  of  the  intransitive  perfects  qatila  and  qalula,  &c. 
This  explains  how  nouns,  apparently  identical  in  form,  may  yet  in  sense 
belong  to  different  classes  :  a  5M«-form  from  a  w-imperfect  has  a  transitive 
meaning,  but  the  same  form  from  a  t<-perfect  has  an  intransitive  meaning. 
This  double  system  of  perfect  and  imperfect  forms  runs  through  the  vvhole 
scheme  of  noun-formation,  not  only  the  forms  connected  with  the  conjuga- 
tions, but  also  the  forms  with  prefixes  and  suffixes. 

Against  the  whole  theory  it  has  been  urged  that  it  postulates  for  the 
development  of  the  language  a  much  too  abstract  mechanism,  and  further, 
that  the  meanings  of  words  as  we  find  them  may  in  many  cases  be  due  to 
a  modification  of  the  original  sense.  But  though  many  of  the  details  (e.g. 
the  alleged  unessential  character  of  the  vowel  of  the  first  syllable)  remain 
doubtful,  yet  the  agreement  between  the  characteristic  vowel  of  certain  noun 
formations  and  that  of  the  perfect  or  imperfect  stem,  is  supported  by  such 
a  number  of  incontestable  instances,  that  there  can  be  no  doubt  as  to  a 
systematic,  intimate  connexion  between  the  two.  At  the  same  time  it  must 
be  admitted  that  De  Lagarde  has  put  forward  many  important  and  suggestive 
points,  and  both  scholars  agree  iu  laying  stress  on  one  characteristic  vowel  as 
indicative  of  the  meaning. 

§  84'*.    Nouns  derived  from  the  Simple  Stem. 

Pfeliminary  remark. — From  the  statement  made  above,  §  83  d,  it  follows  that  tt 
an  external  similarity  between  forms  is  no  proof  of  their  similar  origin,  and, 
vice  versa,  external  difference  does  not  exclude  the  possibility  of  their  being 
closely  related  both  in  origin  and  meaning. 

I.     Nouns  with  One  Vowel,  originally  Short. 

R.  Rfizicka,  'Beitrage  zur  Erklarung  der  nomina  segolata,*  in  Sitz.-ber.  d. 
bohmischen  Ges.  d.  Wiss.,  Prag,  1904. 

1.  Nouns  with  one  of  the  three  short  vowels  after  the  first  radical :  present 
ground-form  qdtl,  qitl,  qHtl. 

The  supposition  of  monosyllahic  ground-forms  appeared  to  be  required  by 
the  character  of  forms  now  existing  in  Hebrew,  as  well  as  in  Arabic,  &c. 
But  there  are  strong  reasons  for  believing  that  at  least  a  large  proportion  of 
these  forms  go  back  to  original  dissyllabic  bases  with  a  short  vowel  in  each 
syllable.    When  formative  additions  were  made,  the  vowel  of  the  2nd  syllable 

<J  2 


228  2'he  Noun  [§84"  a 

was  dropped,  i.e.  before  case-endings  in  Assyrian  and  early  Arabic,  and 
before  pronominal  suffixes  in  Hebrew.  From  the  forms  thus  produced,  the 
bases  qatl,  qiil,  qutl  have  been  assumed,  although  they  never  appear  in  Hebrew 
except  in  the  singular  and  then  in  connexion  with  suffixes. 

In  support  of  this  view  of  a  large  number  of  original  dissyllabic  bases,  we 
must  not,  however,  appeal  to  the  S«gh6l  or  Pathah  under  the  2nd  consonant 
of  the  existing  developed  forms,  "IDD,   VIT,  &c.     These   are   in   no  sense 

survivals  or  modifications  of  an  original  full  vowel  in  the  2nd  syllable,  but 
are  mere  helping-vowels  (§  28  e)  to  make  the  monosyllabic  forms  pronounce- 
able,^ and  consequently  disappear  when  no  longer  needed.  Under  certain 
circumstances  even  (e.  g.  in  DK'p)  they  are  not  used  at  all.    Actual  proofs  of 

such  original  toneless  full  vowels  in  the  2nd  syllable  of  existing  Segholates 
are — 

1.  Forms  like  Arab,  mdlik,  for  which  rarely  malk,  corresponding  to  the 
Hebrew  ground-form  ;  cf.  De  Lagarde,  Uebersicht,  p.  72  ff. 

2.  In  Hebrew  llj^  T]"!^^  123^  ^r\3^  the  connective  forms  of  inS^  !]T,  &c., 

which  latter  can  only  come  from  ground- forms  gadir,  yank,  kdbid,  kdtip. 

3.  The  forms  treated  under  e,  which  are  in  many  ways  related  to  the 
Segholates  proper,  in  so  far  as  they  are  to  be  referred  to  original  dissyllabic 
bases. 

4.  The  plurals  of  Hebrew  Segholates,  since,  with  very  rare  exceptions,  they 
take  Qames  under  the  2nd  radical  before  the  termination  D"*---,  fem.  fli — , 

of  the  absolute  state,  as  D^S^O    niD?D    D"''1SD,  &c.     This  Qames  (see  note  1  on 

§  26  e)  can  only  be  due  to  a  lengthening  of  an  original  short  vowel  in  the 
2nd  syllable,  and  hence  it  would  seem  as  though  the  vowel  were  always  a. 
This  is  impossible  from  what  has  been  said,  especially  under  i  and  2. 
Hence  the  explanation  of  the  consistent  occurrence  of  Qatnes  in  the  plurals 
of  all  Segholates  can  only  be  that  the  regularly  formed  plurals  (i.e.  from 
singulars  with  original  a  in  the  2nd  syllable)  became  the  models  for  all  the 
others,  and  ultimately  even  for  some  really  monosyllabic  forms. - 

(a)  From    the    strong   stem   the   above   three   ground-forms  are   further 

developed  to  Pt3p  3   ''PP,   ^^P  C^^-  §  27  r  and  in  §  93  the  explanations  of 

Paradigm  I,  a-c) ;  without  a  helping  vowel  (§  28  d)  tOB'p  truth.     If  the  second 

1  According  to  Delitzsch  {Assyr.  Gram.,  p.  157  f.)  the  same  is  true  in 
Assyrian  of  the  corresponding  qafl-fornis.     Without  case-endings  they  are 

kalab,  ^amas,  aban  ( =  373    t^B*    J?^?)>  with  case-endings  kalbu,  iamsu,  abnu. 

On  the  other  hand,  ace.  to  Sievers,  Metrik,  i.  261,  Hebrew  ground-forms 
probably  have  a  twofold  origin  :  they  are  shortened  according  to  Hebrew 
rules  partly  from  old  absolute  forms  like  kdlbu,  sifru,  qudiu,  and  partly  from 
old  construct-forms  like  the  Assyrian  types  kalab,  sifir,  quduh 

2  On  the  other  hand,  Ungnad,  ZA.  1903,  p.  333  ff.,  rejecting  all  previous 
explanations,  maintains  that  the  a  in  m^ldkhim,  mHakhoth  is  inserted  merely 
to  facilitate  the  pronunciation.  From  qailim  arose  qatflim,  then  qafalim  and 
finally  q^tdlim.  See,  however,  Noldeke,  'Zur  semit.  Pluralendung,'  ZA.  1904, 
p.  68  ff.,  who  points  out  that  the  Semitic  nouns /a7,  ^7, /m7  with  their  corre- 
sponding feminines /a7a,  &c.,  on  assuming  the  plural  termination  commonly 
take  an  a  before  the  3rd  radical,  but  that  no  satisfactory  account  can  be 
given  for  it.  M.  Margolis,  '  The  plural  of  Segolates '  (Proc.  of  the  Philol.  Assoc, 
of  the  Pacific  Coast,  San  Francisco,  1903,  p.  4  ff.),  and  S.  Brooks,  Vestiges  of  the 
broken  plural  in  Hebrew,  Dublin,  1883,  explain  m*lakhim  as  n  pluralis  fractus. 

'  It  is  worthy  of  notice  that  St.  Jerome  also  (cf,  Siegfried,  ZAW.  iv.  76) 
frequently  represents  the  vowel  of  the  first  syllable  by  a,  e.  g.  gader,  aben, 

ader,  areb,  for  Tia^  |3N!^  "IIX^  ^1.^,  ^^^  cedem,  secel,  deber,  kc,  for  Dip,  P\>'^ , 

"in-n.&c.  ■ 


§84"  h-d]    Nouns  derived  from  the  Simple  Stem       229 

or  third  radical  be  a  guttural,  a  helping  PaiTjaiji  takes  the  place  of  the  helping 
S^ghol,  according  to  §  22  d,  e.g.  y^t  seed,  HJfJ  eternity,  pys  work;  but  with 
middle  H  or  n,  note  DH^  hread,  DHT  (as  well  as  DHn)  womh,  pHN  tent,  |n'£  thurnb  ; 
so  with  final  K  N"1S  a  wM  ass,  &c.  ;  with  a  middle  guttural  also  the 
modification  of  the  principal  vowel  a  to  e  does  not  occur,  e.g.  2TO,  "^V^^  }*D? 
(exceptions,  again,  DH^,  Oni).  On  the  inflexion,  cf.  §  93,  Paradigm  I,  a-/, 
and  the  explanations.  In  NDPI  sin,  the  N  has  wholly  lost  its  consonantal 
value.  - 

Examples  of  feminines:  HB^IO  (directly  from  the  ground-form  malk,  king),  0 

nnnp  o  covering  (also  TTID),  ribsN  food  (also  ^SN) ;  with  a  middle  guttural 
myj  girl,  \\'\T\]^ purity  (also  "inb).     Cf.  §  94,  Paradigm  I. 

(&)  From  weak  stems :  (a)  from  stems  |"V,  e.  g.  ^1^1  nose  (from  'anp,  hence  C 
with  formative  additions,  e.  g.  ""QX  for  'awp?,  «;«/  nose) ;  tj?  a  she-goat  (ground- 
form  'Im)  ;  fem.  ni3n  w^ieai ;  (/3)  from  stems  VV  (§  93,  Paradigm  I,  l-n) ;  na 
a  morsel,  DV  peppZe  (so,  when  in  close  connexion  with  the  next  word  ;  uncon- 
nected Dy ;  with  article  Dyn,  Dyb,  &c.)  ;  21  in  the  sense  of  much,  but  l"]  great, 
numerous  (in  close  connexion  also  31) ;  yi  evil,  with  the  article  in  close  con- 
nexion yin,  unconnected  yin  ;  with  the  a  always  lengthened  to  a,  D^  sea  ; 
fem.  n>n  ?Ve,  and  with  attenuation  of  the  a  to  t,  n'TO  measure ;  from  the 
ground-form  qifl,  DX  mother;  fem.  H^a  a  shearing ;  from  the  ground-form  qUtl, 
p'n  statute,  fem.  nj^n.  (7)  from  stems  Vy  (Paradigm  I,  g  and  i)  ;  DID  t^ea^A 
(from  md-ut,  the  u  passing  into  the  corresponding  consonant,  as  in  Tl)ri  middle) 
or  contracted  DV  day,  tilB'  whip,  "liB'  a  6mZZ  ;  fem.  n^iy  perverseness  (also  con- 
tracted nb'iy) ;  from  the  ground-form  qHtl,  ">«  a  rocfc ;  fem.  HDID  a  s<onn. 
(6)  from  stems  "'"y  (Paradigm  I,  h)  ;  n^T  an  olive-tree  (with  a  helping  Hireq 
instead  of  a  helping  S'ghol)  from  zd-it,  the  i  passing  into  the  corresponding 
consonant;  or  contracted  p^FI  bosom,  7^n  2  K  18"  (elsewhere  7^n)  host;  fem. 
ri3^{J>  grey  hair ;  from  the  ground-form  qitl,  P"!)  judgement ;  fem.  n^il  wnrfer- 
standing.  (e)  from  stems  H"?  (Paradigm  I,  k)  ;  partly  forms  such  as  n33 
weeping,  nan  murmuring,  ni3  a  present,  njfp  f/ie  end,  partly  such  as  '33,  "•'IK 
a  ?ion  (ground-form  baA:?/,  ''dry)  ;  cf.  also  the  forms  from  stems  originally  1*?, 
ini^  swimming  (ground-form  sd^w)  ;  fem.  Hl;^  rfsf,  n')K3_ exaitaiion ;  from  stems 
"•"h  •T'bK  a  fat  tail,  and  with  attenuation  of  d  to  i  n'3K'  captivity,  also  n''3B', 
formed  no  doubt  directly  from  the  masc.  '•3K'  with  the  fem.  termination  D  ; 
from  the  ground-form  qitl,  lifH  (from  Msy) ;  fem.  nnil  joy,  nnj?  and  nny 
nakedness ;  from  the  gi-ound-form  giJfi,  ^n3  (from  bohw)  waste,  ^riD  emptiness; 
ibl,  for  ''^'l,  Jmcfcei;  fem.  H^JS  a  sAip  (directly  from  ""aX  a  fleet). 

The  masculines  as  well  as  the  feminines  of  these  segholate  forms  may  have  (I 
either  an  abstract  or  a  concrete  meaning.   In  the  form  btDJ?  the  passive  or  at  any 

< 

rate  the  abstiact  meaning  is  by  far  the  more  common  (e.  g.  "ly'a  youthfulness, 
abstract  of  lya  boy  ;  73N/ood,  &c.).i 

1  M.  Lambert  also  {REJ.  1896,  p.  18  fif.),  from  statistics  of  the  Segholates, 
arrives  at  the  conclusion  that  the  qatl-fovra  is  especially  used  for  concretes  (in 
nouns  without  gutturals  he  reckons  twenty  concretes  as  against  two  ab-. 
Btracts),  and  the  qitl-fovm,  and  less  strictly  the  qufl,  for  abstracts. 


230  The  Noun  [§84''e-/i 

e  2.  Nouns  with  one  of  the  three  short  vowels  under  the  second  radical 
(present  ground-form  q'M,  (ftU,  qHul),  e.  g.  K'a'l  honey,  M"!  sickness,  nrin  terror; 
and  so  always  with  middle  N,  "1S3  a  toell,  3N1  a  wolf,  {J'Nil  stench.  In  reality 
these  forms,  like  the  segholates  mentioned  in  No.  i  (see  above,  a),  are, 
probably,  for  the  most  part  to  be  referred  to  original  dissyllabic  forms,  but  the 
tone  has  been  shifted  from  its  original  place  (the  penultima)  on  to  the  ultima. 
Thus  dibds  (originally  dibas)  as  ground-form  of  tJ'2'n  is  supported  both  by 
the  Hebrew  ''^2r\  (with  suffix  of  the  first  person),  and  by  the  Arabic  dibs,  the 
principal  form  ;  bi'ir  (according  to  Philippi  with  assimilation  of  the  vowel  of 
the  second  syllable  to  that  of  the  first)  as  ground-form  of  "1S3  is  attested  by 
the  Arabic  6t'?-;  for  {i'NIl  (Arabic  bu's)  similarly  a  ground-form  bu'us  may  be 
inferred,  just  as  a  ground-form  qutHl  underlies  the  infinitives  of  the  form 

II.     Nouns  with  an  original  Short  Vowel  in  both  Syllables. 

f  3.  The  ground-form  qdtal,  fern,  qatdtdt,  developed  in  Hebrew  to  7t3p  (§  93, 
Paradigm  II,  a,  b)  and  TO^p  (§§  94,  95,  Paradigm  II,  a,  b),  mostly  forms 
intransitive  adjectives,  as  DDPI  rcise,  B'^^  neio,  IB'^  upright ;  but  also  sub- 
stantives, as  "i^l  a  word,  and  even  abstracts,  as  DtJ'N  guilt,  3i,1  hunger,  y^'C 
satiety  ;  in  the  fem.  frequently  abstract,  as  nplif  ^  righteousness  ;  with  an  initial 
guttural  nJD"75<  earth. — Of  the  same  formation  from  verbs  ]}"]}  are  113  alone, 
py  cloud ;  passive  b^n  pierced. — In  verbs  n"P  a  final  Yodh  is  almost  always 
rejected,  and  the  «  of  the  second  syllable  lengthened  to  e.  Thus  "ilC  field,  after 
rejection  of  the  *  and  addition  of  n  as  a  vowel-letter,  becomes  iT}\y  (cf.  §  93, 
Paradigm  II,  /)  ;  fem.  e.  g.  ilJK'  year  ;  cf.  §  95,  Paradigm  II,  c.  From  a  verb 
I^P  the  strong  form  ISy  afflicted  occurs. 

<rr  4.  The  gi-ound-form  qdtU,  fem.  qdttldt,  developed  to  7t3p  (§  93,  Paradigm  II, 
c-e)  and  nbpp,  is  frequently  used  as  participle  of  verbs  middle  e  (§  50  b),  and 
hence  mostly  with  an  intransitive  meaning ;  cf.  ]p\  old,  an  old  man  ;  133  heavy; 
fem.  n?Dn3  cattle,  HPDN  and  H^B^n  darkness.— From,  verbs  ^"D :  irregularlv, 
VnVpl  the  branches  of  it,  Jer  ii'^,  &c.,  generally  referred  to  a  sing.  Dvl  (stem 
npT),  and  Vni*"in  Ho  14*  their  women  with  child  (from  mn,  st.  constr.  n~in 

plur.  St.  absol.  and  constr.  Diin). — From  a  verb  1"?  with  consonantal  Waw  :  "l^jy 
at  ease,  incorrectly  written  j^lene  1\pt^  Jb  21^'. 
h  5.  The  ground-form  qalul,  developed  to  ?bp  (also  written  7iDp),  generally 
forms  adjectives,  e.g.  D'X  terrille,  113  piebald,  pijIO  sweet,  l"p3  speckled,  nby 
interwoven,  ?iy  round,  pby  deep,  3'py  hilly,  312?  golden  ;  [bp  small,  only  in  sing, 
masc,  with  a  parallel  form  [Dp  of  the  class  treated  under/,  fem.  ilSDp,  plur. 
D''ilDp.     These  forms  are  not  to  be  confounded  with  those  in  No.  Ill,  from 

1  On  this  theory  cf.  Stade,  Hehrtiische  Grammatik,  §  1996;  Do  Lagarde, 
Ubersicht,  p.  57  f  ;  A.  Miiller,  ZDMG.  xlv,  p.  226,  and  especially  Philippi, 
ZDMG.  xlix,  p.  208. 

"^  In  St.  Jerome's  time  these  forms  were  still  pronounced  mdaca  (np12f\ 

saaca  (ilpyif),  nabala  (n?33),  &c.,  see  Siegfried,  ZAW.  iv.  79.  Moreover,  the 
numerous  abstracts  of  this  form  (e.g.  even  ilSlfp  a  splintering,  iiniif  a  crying, 
&c.)  are  undoubtedly  to  be  regarded  (with  Barth,  Nominalbildung,  p.  87)  as 
feminines  of  infinitives  of  the  foi'm  qdfdl,  the  lengthening  of  the  second 
syllable  being  balanced,  as  in  other  cases,  by  the  addition  of  the  feminine 
termination. 


§  84°  i-n]    Nouns  derived  from  the  Simple  Stem        231 

the  ground-form  qaial.—'Fem.  n^"'X,  iT^iaa  (glorious),  HTiay,  najy  (delicate), 
n^jy ,  nplOy ,  with  sharpening  of  the  third  radical,  in  order  to  keep  tlie  original 
i<  short,  and  similarly  in  the  plurals  D'''=]"13,  D'^'^ipJ,  D^Jy,  D^SDX  stores,  &c. 

6.  The  ground-form  qifal  develops  to  ^JDj?  (cf.  §  93,  Paradigm  II,  Rem.  i),  i 
e.  g.  22b  heart,  3jy  a  bunch  of  grapes,  "irtJ'  strong  drink;  from  a  verb  n"7,  probably 

"  T  '*  '  T  ••  T  *• 

of  this  class  is  ny"),  generally  contracted  to  y"|  friend,  ground-form  ri'ay :  the 

<  < 

full  form  is  preserved  in  5ny"l  his  friend,  for  liT'yt. 

III.     Nouns  with  an  original  Short  Vowel  in  (he  First  and  a  Long  Vowel 

in  the  Second  Syllable. 

7.  The  ground-form  qdtdl  in  Hebrew  always  develops  to  the  form  ?)\2\) ,  the  k 
d  becoming  an  obscure  6.  The  fact  that  this  form  is  also  written  70\)  must 
not  lead  to  the  confusion  of  these  forms  with  those  mentioned  in  No.  5,  from 
the  ground-foi-m  qdtul.^  Moreover  the  qafdl-c}as3  includes  forms  of  various 
origin,  and  therefore  of  various  meaning,  as  (a)  intransitive  adjectives  like 
i?n3  great,  ^Slp  holy,  fem.  rhSl^,  the  short  vowel  becoming  §«wa,  whereas  in 
bna,  &c.,  before  the  tone  it  is  lengthened  to  a  ;  (b)  the  infinitives  absolute  of  the 
form  ?*\Dp  (§  45  a)  as  representing  the  abstract  idea  of  the  verb,  and  abstract 
substantives  like  1*133  honour,  Di?ti' peace  (Arab,  sdldm) ;  (c)  substantives  and 
adjectives  in  an  active  sense,  as  jinS  assayer  (of  metals),  p'lt^y  an  oppressor, 
J'icn  oppressing  ;  in  the  feminine  niiJ3  treacherous  Jer  s''-^",  the  irregular 
retention  of  the  a  in  the  third  syllable  from  the  end  is  no  doubt  to  be 
explained,  with  Brockelmann,  from  Aramaic  influence,  the  punctuator  having 
in  mind  the  Aramaic  nomen  agentis  qdfol. 

8.  The  ground-form  qdiil  develops  to  ^^\)  (cf.  §  93,  Paradigm  IV,  a  and  b).  I 
Here  also  forms  of  various  origin  and  meaning  are  to  be  distinguished : 
(a)  adjectives  used  substantivally  with  a  passive  meaning  to  denote  duration 
in  a  state,  as  "l^DN  a  prisoner,  r\^&12  an  anointed  one.     These  proper  qafil-forms 
are  parallel  to  the  purely  passive  qaful-torms  (see  m.),  but  others  are  due  to 

a  strengthening  of  original  gafj^-forms.  These  are  either  (b)  intransitive  in 
meaning,  as  "Tiyif  srnall,  and,  from  ''"?  stems,  ''pi  pure,  ""jy  poor  (see  §  93  vv),  or  (c) 
active,  as  X''33  a  speaker  (prophet),  TipES  an  overseer.— Ot  a  different  kind  again 
(according  to  Do  Lagarde,  infinitives)  are  (d)  forms  like  ^''DH  the  ingathering, 
1^i*3  vintage,  ^''~\U  ploughing  time,  'T'yp  harvest.     On  qcittU  forms  with  a  kindred 

meaning,  cf,  §  84''/. 

9.  The  ground-form  qaful  develops  to  /5Dp.     As  in  the  qatdl  and  qatil-fovms  7)1 
(see  k  and  I),  so  here  forms  of  various  kinds  are  to  be  distinguished  :  (a) 
gafi/Z-forms  proper,  with  passive  meaning,  especially  all  the  passive  participles 

of  Qal ;  fem.  e.g.  HpiriB  virgin  (properly  secluded).  On  the  other  hand,  by 
strengthening  an  original  qatiil-form.  we  get  (b)  certain  stative  adjectives 
(§  50/),  as  B'^IJN  incurable,  D1i*y  strong,  Dliy  subtil,  or  even  transitive,  as  t^riN 
holding;  (c)  active  substantives,  as  B'lp''  a  fowler.  Further,  some  of  the  forms 
mentioned  in  §  84^  g  belong  to  this  class  ;  see  above,  the  remark  on  I. 

10.  The  ground-form  qitdl  or  qutdl  "^  in  Hebrew  changes  the  i  to  vocal  S'wd,  71 

1  In  Na  1^  only  the  Q're  requires  ~?*l|l  (in  the  constr.  state)  for  the  KHhibh 

bin?. 

2  On  the/w'di- forms  (regarded  by  Wellhausen  as  original  diminutives)  see 
Noldeke,  Beitrage  (Strassb.  1904),  p.  30  ff.  He  includes  among  them  Pny?  *''^''» 
and  D''"inD  hemonhoids. 


232  The  Noun  [§  84"  o-u 

and  develops  to  7t5i?  (cf.  §  93,  Paradigm  IV,  c)  or  pitSp,  with  a  obscured  to  6 
(as  above,  k).  Cf.  "1  j<{5'  remnant,  "1p^  honour,  203  600A;  (Arab.  H^ab),  ^Ip  war  (the 
last  three  probably  loan-words  from  the  Aramaic)  ;  of  the  other  form,  Di?n 
a  dream,  lion  an  ass  (Arab,  hlmdr),  rIvX  God  (Arab,  'ildh)  ;  with  N  prosthetic 
(§  19  »0,  JJiltS  an»  (twice:  usually  yi"ll) ;  fern.  niVB'3  good  news  (Arab. 
Uidrat) ;  mi3y  service,  flDri?  (Arab.  Jdtdbat)  tattooing. 

0  II.  The  ground-form  qitU  seems  to  occur  e.  g,  in  Hebrew  7'')^,  foolish,  ^vN 
vanity,  ^''13  Zeai,  ?''p3  a  fool,  "l^tH  a  swi'we  (the  prop,  name  l^tH  points  to  the 
ground-form  qitil,  cf.  Arab,  hinsir). 

P  12.  The  ground-form  qitHl  or  9m<mZ,  Hebr.  b^Cp,  e.g.  P^33  a  boundary,  \j^2p 
a  garment;  fern,  rm23  sirewgr^A,  HJ^lDN/aiWMZness. 

flr  Bem.  When  the  forms  g^tiil  and  g^tol  begin  with  N,  they  almost  invariably 
take  in  the  singular  a  Sere  under  the  N  instead  of  the  ordinary  Eaieph-S^ghol; 
cf.  D?3N!  a  crib,  |1DN  thread,  j^DS  faithful,  3itN  hyss<yp,  "liTX  a  wafsi-bawd,"!  ^DX 
a  bond,  lIDN  an  *  ephod' ;  cf.  §  23  h,  and  the  analogous  cases  of  Sere  for  Hateph- 
S^ghol  in  verbal  forms  §  52  w,  §  63  j),  §  76  d. 

rV.     Nouns  with  a  Long  Vocal  in  the  First  Syllable  and  originally 
a  Short  Vowel  in  the  Second  Syllable. 

T  13.  The  ground- form  qdtdl,  in  Hebrew,  always  changes  the  d  into  an  obscure 
6,  bC^p  (bCp),  e.  g.  D?iy  (§  93,  Paradigm  III,  a),  Arab,  'alam,  eternity ;  DHin 
(Arab,  hdtdm)  a  seal  (according  to  Barth  a  loan-word  of  Egyptian  origin),  fem. 
norih  (from  /^otdmt)  ;  ybifl  worm  (unless  from  a  stem  y?),  like  StJ'in  from 
DB'I ;  see  the  analogous  cases  in  §  85  b).  On  the  participles  Qal  of  verbs  n'v 
(§  93,  Paradigm  III,  c),  cf.  §  75  e;  on  the  feminines  of  the  participles  Qal, 
which  are  formed  with  the  termination  D,  see  below,  s. 

Rem.  Of  a  different  kind  (probably  from  a  ground-form  qaufal)  are  such 
forms  as  fSiK  (or  |aiN  Ez  10^  in  the  same  verse)  a  wheel ;  PTiS  a  young  bird,  33n 
wax,  &c.  . 

S  14.  The  ground-form  qdtil  also  becomes  in  Hebrew  almost  invariably  bc^p 
(bCp).     Besides  participles  active  masc.  Qal  this  class  includes  also  fem.iniDes  of 

the  form  flb^j? ,  if  their  ground-form  qotalt  (§  69  c)  goes  back  to  an  original 
qdfilt.  The  substantives  of  this  form,  such  as  ]iy3  priest  (Arsih.  kdhin),  were 
also  originally  participles  Qal.  The  fem.  of  the  substantives  has  S  (lengthened 
from  i)  retained  before  the  tone,  e.g.  mb^  a  woman  in  travail  (cf.  also  m3l3 
the  treacherous  woman,  Jer  3^ ;  HVpifLl  ^^'^  ^«'  halteth,  Mi  4*  *•,  Zp  3" ;  H^nb 
a  buckler,  ^91*);  the  participles  as  a  rule  have  the  form  mbS  &Cm  the 
original  i  having  become  .i^wd ;  however,  the  form  with  Sere  occurs  also  in  the 
latter.  Is  2988,  348,  ^  682«,  118^8  ^all  in  principal paitse  ;  in  subordinate ^uuse 
2  S  13^",  Is  33"  ;  with  a  conjunctive  accent,  Ct  i«). 

t  15.  The  ground-form  quidl,  Hebrew  bo^p  (as  bsV  river,  Jer  17*)  or  bc^p  e.  g. 
3J^y  a  ^ipe,  commonly  32y,  and  to  be  so  read,  with  Baer,  also  in  f  igo*, 
not  33);. 

V.    Nouns  with  a  Long  Vowel  in  each  Syllable. 

U      16.  b^Cp,  e.g.  "ito^p  smoke.    The  few  forms  of  this  kind  are  probably 

derived  from  the  ground-form  cp.tdl  {qittdl  ?),  i.  e.  the  original  d  has  become  an 
obscure  d. 


l! 
l! 


§  84''  a-e]  Formation  of  Nouns  from  Intensive  Stem  233 

§  84^    Formation  of  Nouns  from  the  Intensive  Stem. 

This  includes  all  forms  which   have   arisen,  either   through   the  a 
doubling  of  the  middle  radical,  or  the  repetition  of  one  or  of  two 
consonants  of  the  simple  stem. 

VI.     Nouns  vcith  the  Middle  Consonant  sharpened. 

As  in  the  corresponding  verbal  stems  (cf.  §  52/),  so  also  in  some  noun- 
formations  of  this  class,  the  DageS  in  the  second  radical  expresses  an 
intensification  of  the  idea  of  the  stem,  either  emphasizing  the  energy  of  the 
action  or  relation,  or  else  indicating  a  longer  continuance  of  the  relation  or 
state.  Other  nouns  of  this  character  are  evidently  only  by-forms  of  the 
nouns  derived  from  the  simple  stem,  which  were  treated  in  the  last  section  : 
cf.  the  instances  adduced  under/and  g,  and  Barth,  Nominalbildung,  Introd.,  p.  x, 

1 7.  The  gi-ound-form  qattal  is  mostly  lengthened  in  Hebrew  to  ?^j5 ;  cf.  0 
b*X  a  stag,  fem.  H^JK  ,  constr.  st.  nb*K  (from  'ayyalt)  ;  cf.  also  the  fem.  (origi- 
nating from  QaV)  TOTO  a  flame  (according  to  §  27 3 for  Idhhdbha),  n^in  dryland 
(for  harrabha),  Hp^'l  and  nn"ni?  a  burning  fever,  flB'Zl^  and  nSJ'B^  dry  land,  r)V^Q 

a  seal-ring,  HCnB'  consumption.  Adjectives  of  this  class  ('intensified  participles 
of  the  active  Verb',  Barth,  ibid.,  §  33)  are  N^H  sinful,  na3  wont  to  gore,  Wj? 
jealous,  B'na  (for  kahhdi,  by  §  22  c)  lying.  Nomina  opificum  also,  curiously 
enough,  are  so  treated  in  Hebrew  (at  least  in  the  amstr.  state  of  the  sing.), 
although  the  corresponding  Arabic  form  qdtidl  points  to  an  original  (unchange- 
able) d  in  the  second  syllable ;  cf.  333  a  thief,  jS'^  a  judge  {constr.  st.  |>"^  ip  68*), 
naC  a  cook,  {yin  (for  harrds)  artificer  {constr.  st.  B'nn ,  hut plur.  constr.  ''KHH) ;  {^"18 
horseman  {for  parrdT),  const,  st.  BHS  Ez  26^°. 

18.  The  ground -form  qittdl  appears  in  nnX  dry,  nS,3  haughty  (the  i  being  C 
lengthened  to  e  according  to  §  22  c),  if  these  forms  go  back  to  original  sihhdy, 
gi"dy.     On  the  analogy,  however,  of  the  adjectives  denoting  defects  (see  d 
below),  we  should  rather  expect  a  ground-form  qitM;  moreoveT,'iwwalt,  ground- 
form  of  the  fem.  rQ}ii  foolishness,  goes  back  to  an  original  iwwilt,  see  §  69  c. 

•  •  "  <  .< 

1 9.  The  ground-form  qUftdl  and  qHUiil ;  cf.  the  fem.  nt2E)3  spelt,  nSFlB  coat. 

20.  The  ground-form  qattU ;  from  the  intensive  stem,  the  infinitives  Pi'il  of  U 
the  form  p^p. 

21.  The  ground-form  qiUil,  in  Hebrew  lengthened  to  7^j?.  Of  this  form 
are  a  considerable  number  of  adjectives  which  denote  a  bodily  or  mental  fault 
or  defect.  Cf.  113N  disabled,  D.^N  dumb,  |3a  hump-backed,  I^J?  blind,  K'ln  deaf  {for 
hirrei),  nDS)  lame,  Pip  bald,  K'ijiy  perverse ;  nj59  open-eyed  follows  the  same 
analogy. 

22.  The  ground-form  qattal,  cf.  the  remarks  in  b  above,   on  the  nomina  e 
opificum  ;  moreover,  to  this  class  belong  infinitives  Pi'el  of  the  Aramaic  form 
n"ii32  a  searching  out ;  nC'i^S  a  request ;  with  middle  guttural  (see  §  22  c)  nXNJ 

contumely ;  but  cf.  also  ^^niXNi  Ez  35",  with  full  lengthening  of  the  original 

d  before  N ;  HOnj  comfort.     From  the  attenuation  of  the  d  of  this  form  to  », 

arises  undoubtedly : 

23.  The  ground-form  ^tfdl,  e.  g.  "I3N  husbandman  (Arab,  ^dkkdr). 

24.  The  ground-form  qHtol,  most  probably  only  a  variety  of  the  form  qdttdl 
with  the  d  attenuated  to  i  (as  in  No.  33),  and  the  d  obscured  to  6  (as  in  n  and 


234  '^'he  Noun  [§  84''/-'» 

r) ;  cf.  "liaa  hero  (Arab,  gabbdr),  ~\Sq)  caviller,  "liS^f  (piper  or  chirper)  a  bird,  "liSK* 

drunkard.     On  the  other  hand,  nip^  6orn  probably  arises  from  yullod,  au  old 

participle  passive  of  ^i,  the  m  being  dissimilated  in  the  sharpened  syllable 
before  6  :  so  Barth,  ibid.,  p.  41  f. 

f  25.  The  ground-form  5rt/fi7,  ?''^\),  almost  exclusively  of  persons,  who  possess 
some  quality  in  an  intensive  manner,  e.g.  *1''3X  strong,  p^"n^  righteous,  ri''"}3 
fxigiiive  (for  barri^'h),  Y^~\V  violent  (for  'arris). 

That  some  of  these  are  only  by-forms  of  the  qd!il-c\as%  (see  above,  remark 
on  a),  appears  from  the  constr.  st.  ^HES  ravenous,  Is  35^  (but  D'^irns     ''Jf^B 

always),  and  according  to  Barth  (ibid.,  35  a)  also  from  the  constr.  st.  "1^3S  (but 
also  T'llX  I  S  21*)  of  "1''ZlX.  However,  the  form  1^3S,  as  a  name  of  God,  may 
be  intentionally  differentiated  from  1^3X,  a  poetic  term  for  the  bull. 

In  the  same  way  1'DS  prisoner,  C^D  eunuch  (constr.  st.  always  D^TD,  plur. 
D''D"'"1D ,  constr,  st.   ""DHD  Gn  40'',  but  in  the  book  of  Esther  always  ''DHD 
with  suffix  VD''"]D,  &c.),  and  p''riy  weaned,  may  be  regarded  as  by-forms  of  the 
qdfU-cla.sa  w  ''-'^  passive  meaning,  see  §  84*  I. 

P*  26.  The  ground-form  qanUl,  ?Vi3p,  e.g.  psn  gracious,  Q^VH  compassionate 
(with  virtual  strengthening  of  the  n),  J'^^H  diligent  (for  harriis),  probably, 
again,  to  a  large  extent  by-forms  of  the  qatul-c\a,ss,  §  84"  m.  The  same 
applies  to  substantives  like  ■ntj;K  a  step  (in  ''*)E'K,  as  well  as  ilK^S,  &c.),  l^SJ? 
pillar;  fem.  n^inn  a  stripe  {also  im^n),  nini33  security  :  cf.  Barth,  ibid.,  §  84. 

//  27.  The  ground-form  q&ttol;  besides  the  infinitives  absolute  Pi'H  of  the 
form  bt2p,  also  NiHpjeaZows  (as  well  as  K3p,  an  obscured  form  of  qdltdl,  see  e). 
i  28.  The  ground-form  gif/ili,  7^t3p,  e.g.  ''^Qlf  a  coating  of  metal,  DI^E'  requital, 
''^pB'  drink,  P)^2^  detestable  thing ;  with  concrete  meaning  l^Qp  a  disciple,  T^^J? 
strong ;  frequently  in  the  plural  in  an  abstract  sense,  as  CQI'tJ  reproach,  Q'iipip 
filling  (the  induction  of  a  priest),  D''Dn3  consolations,  compassion,  D''p3C'  bereave- 
ment, DTi?K'  dismissal,  D''"1I3K'  observance. 

VII.     Nouns  with  the  Third  Consonant  repeated. 
J^      29.  The  ground-form  qdfldl,  e.  g.  fJXtJ^  quiet,  fem.  HS^XtJ^  (with  sharpening 
of  the  second  Nun,  in  order  to  keep  the  preceding  vowel  short)  ;  pyT  green, 
plur.  D''il3Sn. 
/       30.  The  ground-form  -qMil,  in  Hebrew  P.7'^'5;    of  this  form  are  e.g.  the 

infinitives  Pi'lel  (prop.  Pa'lil),  cf  §  55  d. 
in,      31.  The  ground-form  qatUd  ;  so  the  plur.  D"'3;33  ridges  (with  sharpening  of 
the  Nun,  as  in  No.  29). 

32.  The  ground-form  qiUal,  in  niTlQ  a  brood. 

33.  The  ground- form  qittlal,  in  770N/am*. 

34.  The  ground-form  qaflil,  e.  g,  t3^D3y  plunder,  "("'^JD  ram-sform,  T'*)DK' 
glittering  tapestry,  Jer  43I"  Q^re  ;  with  attenuation  of  the  a  to  i  D''']''")103  all  that 
makelh  black,  Jb  3"  (but  the  better  reading  is  nnJOS). 

35.  The  ground-form  qallul,  e.g.  inSB'  Jer  ^2,^°Knh.;  D"'D1DX3_ adaZteries. 

VIII.     Noxms  with  the  Secotid  and  Third  Consonants  repeated, 

n  36-39'  Q^laUid,  q^udiil,  q'taltiXl;  q^ldllul,  q'tdltol  (in  fem.  and  plur.  often  with 
the  last  consonant  sharpened  for  the  reason  given  in  a  above) ;  cf.  !|3DEin 


§§  84*0,^,85  a,  &]    Nouns  with  Pref or matives,  etc.        235 

crooked,  nipPppH  slippery  places,  niPi^pj^y  crooked  (ways)  ;  i^FlpflS  tortuous;  also 
words  denoting  colours,  D"nDnX  (Lv  i3*2.'i9  jn  pause)  reddish,  fern.  JlO^DnX 
plur.  nb'np'IN  ;  p1\>T  greenish,  plur.  fern,  nplpl^ ;  (ffallU,  H'S^D^  very  fair  (to 
be  read  in  Jer  4620  for  iT'BnD'')  ;  q'taltul,  JT^ninK'  (fern.)  blackish ;  flpDDX 
a  rabble  (augmented  from  FlIDX  collected).  From  a  verb  ""'S  with  aphaeresis 
of  the  initial  syllable  D''NyNV  offspring.  Moreover,  of  the  same  form,  probably, 
is  nn^iVn  a  trumpet  (for  Hn^^Xn,  cf.  §  55  e).  Also  in  Is  2"^  nnBnsnb  is  to  be 
read  instead  of  ni"13  1302  (from  the  sing,  n"lQ"1Dn  a  digging  or  burrowing 
animal,  perhaps  the  mole).  But  nipnj5Q  opening,  Is  61*  (ed.  Mant,  Baer,  Ginsb. 
nipTlpQ),  is  an  evident  mistake  due  to  dittography ;  read  HpQ  as  in  42''. 

IX.     Nouns  in  which  the  Whole  (Bilileral)  Stem  is  repeated. 

Naturally  this  class  includes  only  isolated  forms  of  the  stems  Vy  and  y"y  0 
(on  ni*Q''S  see  §  96  under  HQ).     Thus : — 

40.  ?p3  a  wheel,  and,  with  attenuation  of  the  first  a  to  i,  73p3  (from  p?J) ; 
fem.  nbn^n  anguish  (from  Pin  or  pTl)  ;  "133  (for  kirkar)  a  talent;  cf.  also  3313 
a  star  (fi-om  kdwkdb,  Arabic  kaukdb,  for  3333),  DStOiU  bands,  for  nbt3Dt3  ; 
/^!5if  probably  o  whirring  locust. 

41.  /3i33  infin.  PiTpe^  (prop.  PalpiT)  from  p^S  ;  fem.  nbtOpC  a  hurling  (from  ?; 
blO).     "'" 

42.  ISIS  perhaps  a  ruby  (for  kddkiid),  from  113. 

43.  I'pIP  <^e  crotvn  of  the  head  (for  qudqiid),  from  ITp  ;  fem.  np3p3  a  skull  (for 
grilgult),  from  p^J. 

44.  inil  ffi^f^erf,  from  11] ;  p13p3  a  60/tte,  from  pp3  ;  D^"13"!3 /a^enetZ  6/rrfs(?). 

§  85.   Nouns  luith  Preformatives  and  Afformatives. 

These  include  nouns  which  are  directly  derived  from  verbal  forms  a 
liaving  preformatives  [Hiph'U,  Hof)h'al,  Hithpa'el,  Niph'al,  ^c),  as 
well  as  those  which  are  formed  with  other  preformatives  (x,  *,  12,  3,  n), 
and  finally  those  which  are  formed  with  afformatives.  The  quadri- 
literals  and  quinqueliterals  also  are  taken  in  connexion  with  these 
formations,  inasmuch  as  they  arise  almost  always  by  the  addition 
or  insertion  of  one  or  two  consonants  to  the  triliteral  stem. 

X.     Nouns  with  Preformatives. 

45.  Nouns  with  X  prefixed.  Cf.  the  substantives  with  H  prosthetic  (§  19  m),  J) 
such  as  yillX  arm  (Jer  32^1,  Jb  31^^-;  elsewhere  always  Jjni) ;  y3ii*K  a  finger, 
n3")t<l  a  locust,  PjnjK^si;  (others  mattock,  or  clod\  nllCK'S  or  ni'CK'K  a  watch.  In 
these  examples  the  N  is  a  'euphonic  '  prefix  (Barth,  ibid.,  §  150  b)  ;  in  other 
cases  it  is  '  essential ' ;  cf.  especially  the  adjectives,  3T3S  deceitful,  ■n3K  cruel^ 
jn^N  perennial  (for  'aitan)  [  =  the  Arab,  'clative',  used  for  expressing  the 
compar.  and  superl.  degrees].     The  fem.  n'\3]^  fragrant  part  *^  (of  the  meal- 

^  Or  perhaps  more  correctly  with  Jacob,  ZAW.  1897,  p.  79,  '  declaration,'  i.e. 
the  part  of  tlie  meal-offering  which  '  announces  the  sacrifice  and  its  object '. 


236  The  Noun  [§  85  c-a 

offering)  is  a  women  verbaU  of  Hiph'il,  answering  to  the  Aramaic  infinitive  of 
the  causal  stem  ('ylp/i'eO,  hence  with  suff.  nm31t<  Lv  2^,  &c. 

T   tit:  -  ' 

C  46.  Nouns  with  n  prefixed.  Besides  the  ordinary  infinitives  of  Hiph'il 
PtDpn  and  ^''t^pH,  of  Niph'al  ^CpH  bopn  (for  hinq.),  and  of  the  conjugations 
formed  with  the  prefix  Dn ,  tliis  class  also  includes  some  rare  nomina  verbalia 
derived  from  Hiph'il  (cf.  §  72  s),  viz.  mSH  appearance  (from  "133),  Is  3^;  nSJH 
a  swinging  (from  51^3),  [Is  30^®  ;  nrUH  a  rest-giving,  Est  2 ^8] ;  npjfn  deliverance 
(from  ?Jf3),  [Est  4'*  an  Aram,  form  :  cf.  mTH  Dn  5^"] ;  perhaps  also  73^n 
palace,  from  kaikdl,  unless  it  is  borrowed  from  the  Assyrian  ;  see  the  Lexicon. 

d  47.  Nouns  with  ''  prefixed,  aslilif^  oil,  I3pp^  wallet,  ^Wy  owl{?)  •  from  verbs 
Vy,  e.  g.  Dlp^  a  Zu'tng  t/tmsr,  "l^Tl''  a  range ;  from  a  verb  ^"]3,  yy  an  adversary. 
Of  a  different  character  are  the  many  proper  names  which  have  simply 
adopted  the  imperfect  form,  as  2p]}\,  pHX^,  &c. 

C  48.  Nouns  with  D  prefixed.  This  preformative  Mem,  which  is  no  doubt 
connected  with  "'JO  who,  and  HO  what  (see  §37  and  §520),  appears  in  a  very 
lai-ge  number  of  nouns,  and  serves  to  express  the  most  varied  modifications  of 
the  idea  of  the  stem:  (i)  D  subjective,  when  preformative  of  the  participles 
Ptel,  Hiph'il,  Hithpa'el,  and  other  active  conjugations.  (2)  12  objective,  when 
preformative  of  the  participles  Pu'al,  Hoph'al,  and  other  passive  conjugations, 
as  well  as  of  numerous  nouns.  (3)  D  instrumental,  as  in  HriBD  a  key,  &c.  (4) 
O  local,  as  in  "13*10  a  drive  for  cattle,  &c. 

/  As  regards  the  formation  of  these  nouns,  it  is  to  be  remarked  that  the  pre- 
formative tt  was  originally  in  most  cases  followed  by  a  short  a.     This  a, 

however,  in  a  closed  syllable  is  frequently  attenuated  to  i ;  in  an  open  syllable 
before  the  tone  it  is  lengthened  to  a  (so  also  the  i,  attenuated  from  a,  is 
lengthened  to  e),  and  in  |3tD  shield  (with  suff.  ''33C)  it  even  becomes  unchange- 
able a.  But  in  an  open  syllable  which  does  not  stand  before  the  tone,  the  a 
necessarily  becomes  S^wd. 
^  The  following  forms  are  especially  to  be  noticed  :  (a)  ground-form  maqtal,  in 
Hebrew  ^IDplD,^  e.  g.  ij3XO/ood  :  fem.  naboiD  kingdom,  71^5^0  a  knife,  naX^D 
(for  riDKpP  by  §  23  c)  business;  from  a  verb  ]"Q^  (DD  a  gift;  from  verbs  Y'Q, 
NSiD  a  going  forth,  SC'ID  a  seat ;  from  verbs  '•"S  ^CD  the  best  (from  maitab) ; 
with  ^  (or  1)  assimilated,  ySD  a  bed  ;  from  verbs  JJ"]?  ^DD  a  screen,  and  with 
the  shortening  of  the  a  under  the  preformative,  1)d6  bitterness  (from  "IDD 
developed  to  a  segholate),  fem.  HTSK'D  desolation;  from  a  verb  Vy,  probably 
of  this  class  is  DipD  place,  the  a  lengthened  to  o  and  obscured  to  0  (Arabic 

maqdm) ;  from  verbs  T\"?,  nS")P  appearance,  |yp  (for  HiyO)  prop,  intention,  only 
in  lypp  on  account  of,  in  order  that. 
fl      (b)  Ground-form  miqtdl  (the  usual  form  of  the  infin.  Qal  in  Aramaic),  Hebr. 
rCpD,  e.  g.  "1310  (in  Jer  2*1  also,  where  Baer  requires  ISHDn,  read  with  ed. 
Mant.,  Ginsburg,  &c.  "ISIDH)  a  cattle-drive,  fem.  noripD  war,  n331D  a  chariot 

'  °'  T    :  •  -:'  T  T :    •  '        t  t  :  v 

(with  S'ghol  instead  of  t,  but  in  constr.  st.  713310  Gn  41*^  ;  cf.  pn")0  distance), 
ri'lDB'O  a  watch  ;  from  verbs  y"y,  e.  g.  3pO  surroundings  (from  mi-sab  ;  i  in  the 
open  syllable  being  lengthened  to  e ;  but  cf.  also  pE'P  Is  33*  as  constr.  state 
from  ppv)  with  sharpening  of  the  first  radical ;  cf.  §  67  gr) ;  from  verbs  T\"?, 
njlpD  a  possession,  fem.  njpD. 

»  In  O'lpnO"?  Ct  6'«,  Neh  8I",  the  first  syllable  is  artificially  opened  to  avoid 
the  cacophony ;  on  the  a  of  the  second  syllable  cf.  §  93  ee. 


§851-9]  Nouns  with  PreformativeSf  etc,  237 

(c)  Ground-form  maqni,  Hebr.  ^tSpO,  e.g.   IJJB'IO  a  support  (fern.    njVK'P),  « 
"^3DJD  a  smt</8,  ib'UO  a  tithe ;  fem.  n?JJ'30  a  ruin  :  from  a  verb  K'S     nD3D  an 
overthrow,  n32kl?  a  i3»7tar  ;  from  verbs  ^"V ,  fpJD  a  shield  ;  fem.  npJO  a  roll  (from 
773))  'T^^'2  «  <^"''s«  (f*^i"  m^^irrd  from  "I^X)  ;  from  a  verb  1"D,  ^pi^  «  snare 
(from  wdit'gis).  . 

(d)  Ground-form  mjgfiZ,  Hebr.   PppO,  e.  g.  IStpD  mourning,   n31tD  an  aZtar  A; 

{place  of  sacrifice)  ;  from  a  verb  V'y,  e.g.  3DD  (DDO?)  consessus  ;  (e)  ground- 
form  mdqiul,  Hebr.  ^bpiO  ;  fem.  rh'6^;t2  food,  n^fblO  tcagres  ;  from  a  verb  J)"y, 
fem.  n3CD  a  covering  (from  T|3D).  Also  from  yy,  according  to  the  Masora, 
TiyjO  a  re/wfife,  with  suffixes  "'^yo  and  MIVD,  plur.  D''?yO,  but,  very  probably, 
most  if  not  all  of  these  forms  are  to  be  referred  to  the  stem  t^y  to  flee  for  safety, 
and  therefore  should  be  written  "'tiyO,  &c.  The  form  TyO,  if  derived  from 
the  stem  ]]]} ,  would  mean  stronghold, — Cf.  also  '•[ifi  faintness,  developed  to  a 
segholate,  probably  from  TjlD,  for  marokh  from  T|31,  like  DhD  soundness  of 
body,  from  DlOri. 

With  a  long  vowel  in  the  second  syllable  :  (/)  ground-form  maqtdl,  with  d  t 
always  obscured  to  o,  e.  g.  "^^Dnip  want,  nippO  ^°°^y  >  from  verbs  Vy ,  e.  g.  "liJD 
fear,  fem.  mijlO  and  miJD  (with  the  o  depressed  to  m  in  a  toneless  syllable  ; 

tit;  »  , 

cf.  §  27  n),  no^riD,  &c..  Is  22^  (gr)  Ground-form  miqtdl,  in  Hebr.  again  ?1t3p?0, 
e.g.  liriDD  a  covert,  pil^SD  a  stumUing -block  (cf.  above  under  i,  makhseld) ;  fem. 
07630  a  fishing-net ;  (A)  the  ground-forms  maqtil,  miqtU  (cf.  D''pD)  are  found 
only  in  participles  Eiph'il ;  the  fem.  n''3"'p3p,  cheerfulness,  is  a  denominative 
formed  from  a  participle  Hiph'il ;  (t)  ground-form  maqtul,  as  K^l^piO  a  garment. 

Eem.  On  ID  as  preformative  of  the  participles  of  all  the  conjugations  except  VI 
Qal  and  Niph'al,  cf.  §  52  c.    Many  of  these  participles  have  become  substantives, 
as  JTIBIO  snuffers,  JTTIK'IO  destroyer,  destruction. 

49.  Nouns  with  J  prefixed.     Besides  the  participles  Niph'al  (ground-form  n 
ndqtal,  still  retained  e.g.  in  1?i3  for  ndwldcJ,  but  commonly  attenuated  to niqtdl, 
Hebr.  ^t3p3)  and  the  infinitive  Niph'al  of  the  form  ^b[>^,  the  prefix  3  is  found 
in  Dv'J^S?  wrestlings,  Gn  30*,  which  is  also  to  be  referred  to  Niph'al,  and  *1^|3 
boiled  pottage  (stem  T*!). 

50.  With  K*  prefixed,  e.g.  r\2np\^afiame.   On  this  Saph'sl  formation,  cf.  §  552.  0 

51.  Nouns  with  n  prefixed.  Examples  of  this  formation  are  numerous,  p 
especially  from  weak  stems,  for  the  purpose  of  strengthening  them  phoneti- 
cally (see  Barth,  ibid.,  p.  283),  and  notably  from  verbs  l^'D  and  Vy.  They 
may  be  classified  as  follows :— (a)  the  ground- form  tdqfdl  in  DOnri  ostrich  (?) ; 
from  verbs  VB^  DE'in  a  settler;  fem.  Jlbnin  expectation,  nnpin  (from  the  Hiph'il 
n^ain)  correction ;  from  a  verb  """D  \D''Pl  the  south ;  from  verbs  1"Q  and  T\"b, 
min  thanksgiving,  and  min  law,  both  from  Eiph'il ;  from  a  verb  V'B  and  i<"7, 
niNJfin  issues  ;  probably  belonging  to  this  class,  from  verbs  ])"V,  P^  confusion, 
and  Dpri  a  melting  away  (developed  from  730  and  0100 ,  from  Pp?  ^'^'^  ODD). 

(6)  Tiqfdl,  e.g.  fem.  n■^^<Eln  and  JTlKSn  glory;    from  a  verb  n'6,  e.g.  nipijl  <y 
ftope;  (c)  to^/tZ,  o.g.  J'SK'ri^  cAegwer  Mor/c';'feni,  nO^^ri  deep  sleep  (probably  from 
the  Niph'al  D'^")3) ;  from  a  verb  V'Q^  nnS^D  correction  (from  the  Eiph'il-atem, 
like  the  constr.  st.  plur.  niTpin  generations) ;  from  verbs  yy^  n?nri  praise,  n?B))l 
prayer  (from  the  Pt'6{  of  the  stems  ppn  and  ?2B). 


238  IVie  Noun  [§85r-M 

7'  With  a  long  vowel  in  the  second  syllable  :  {d)  tiqfdl,  as  D^nfl  the  ocean,  the 
deep  (for  iOuim  ;  in  Assyrian  the  fem.  tidmtu,  constr,  st.  tidmat,  is  the  usual  word 
for  sea),  unless  it  is  to  be  derived  with  Delitzseh,  Prolegomena,  p.  J13,  from  the 
stem  Dnn ;  (e)  tdqfil  (in  Arabic  the  usual  form  of  the  infinitive  of  conjugation 

II.  which  corresponds  to  the  Hebrew  Pi'el),  e.g.  from  a  verb  H"?,  fem,  rivDn 
completeness ;  JT'Iliri  increase,  usury,  with  a  parallel  form  TT'B'ip ;  in  a  passive 
sense,  l^tp^R  a  disciple;  (/)  piDpri,  e.g.  HlSri  an  apple  (for  tdnpuP'h)  ;  very 
frequently  used  to  form  abstracts,  e.g.  ?TO2ri  a  benefit  (also  ?^D3) ;  from  verbs 
Vy^  nD13ri  «  treading  down,  r[Z''iir\  a  leaving  (like  HD^Iljl  a  lifting  up,  from  the 
Hiph'il  stem),  HplK'n  a  longing,  &c.  ;  very  frequently  also  as  an  abstract  plural, 
e.g.  ni^Snri  perverseness,  nv3nri  guidance,  D''")1"Hpri  bitterness,  D''0^n3n  and 
niDinjri  consolation  ;  from  a  verb  VJ?    D^3Xri  toil. 

XI.    Nouns  with  Afformatives. 

S      52.  Nouns  with  7  affixed.      Perhaps  /DK'n  amber (?),  and  probably   PP^ 
iron,  P013  garden-land  {S'ghol  in  both  cases  is  probably  a  modification  of  the 
original  a  in  the  tone-syllable),  ?y32  bloom,  cf.  §  30  q. — According  to  Pratorius, 
ZDMG.  1903,  p.  530  ff.,  al  is  an  affix  of  endearment  in  the  proper  names  pD''0 
bL)«n  {little  lizard  ?)  b:''3N  (also  ^^^DK). 

t      53.  Nouns  with    D   affixed.     With  an   original   dm   as  afiformative,    QplX 

vestibule  (although  the  a  in  the  sing,  remains  unchangeable),  plur.    D"'132N  • 

but  in  D33  a  swarm  of  gnats,  the  D.  is  radical.     With  original  afformative  iim, 

Dh'j;  (also  rh^)  naked  (from  niV),  plur.  CBT'y  Gn  s',  parallel  form  Di"»y, 

plur.  D"'ti)l"lJ?  Gn  2^^  —To  this  class  also  belong  the  adverbs  in  dm  and  dm, 

mentioned  in  §  100  g,  and  many  proper  names,  as  DkJ'")3,  also  DiB'lS,   and 

\r^-\l   {patronymic  ^SK'ia),  DbijD,  DlOy,  &c.  ;  but  for  DV"13  ransom  (?),  Nu  3", 

probably  D^HQ  is  to  be  read. 

11      54.  Nouns  with  |  affixed.     The  |  is  added  by  means  of  a  simple  helping 
<  .< 

vowel  in  fyjl)  Canaan,  and  p.3if  a  finger  nail ;  more  frequently  the  addition  is 

made  by  means  of  a  tone-bearing  n,  which  in  Hebrew  is  modified  to  S^ghol  (as 
|"I"13  axe)  or  lengthened  to  a  (but  cf.  also  JT'DIHt^  and  fT'Sl^p) ;  e.g.  "C^ip  a posses- 

nion,  IHptJ'  a  table,  |3")p  an  offering.  From  an  original  d  being  changed  into  an 
obscure  6  we  may  probably  explain  such  forms  as  ]\2iir\  a  pining  away ;  IQ"!"!  (also 
p'll)  a  goad  ;  I^Dyi  hunger  ;  from  verbs  H"?  pSH  pride,  ^\}2T\  noise,  ptPI  a  vision  ; 
|i''")E'  a  coaf  of  mail;  from  a  verb  |"D^  fiXE'lO  guile  (the  only  instance  with  both 
O  preformative  and  on  afformative)  ^ ;  very  frequently  from  the  simple  stem 
with  an  unorganic  sharpening  of  the  second  radical,  e.  g  P"13]  memorial,  |V?3 
destruction  {constr.  st.  IHOl  and  pv3),  &c. ;  cf.  also  ^)''~\7^  pregnancy  (for  '^n)  and 
§  93  MM  ;  |Vp""p  shame,  for  P^ppp.  Proper  names  occur  with  the  termination 
im,  as  flT-i'^,  §  86  g,  and  others. 

'  The  plurals  Q''2^i  flowers,  Ct  2'^,  and  D^3b't3p  /^^jorns  appear  to  be  formed 
directly  from  the  singulars  ^3  (cf.  n5f3)  and  biOp  with  the  insertion  of  an 
(which  in  'Op  is  obscured  to  on).  See  NOldeke,  Mand.  Gr.,  p.  169,  Rem.  3  ; 
similarly,  according  to  Hoffmann,  '  Einige  phOniz.  Inschriften,'  p.  15  [Abh. 
der  Gott.  Ges.  der  Wiss.,  xxxvi),  D"'3U^y  wares,  Ez  27'<i«from  2W  =  2^}!. 


§§85v,w,86a-J]      Nouns  xvith  Afformatives,  etc.  239 

Rem.    A  large  number  of  proper  names  now  ending  in  TM or  \ —  used  to  V 

be  classed  as  nouns  originally  formed  with  the  affix  \S The  subsequent 

rejection  of  the  final  Nun  seemed  to  be  confirmed  by  the  form  jn^tp,  once 
used  (Zc  12")  for  HJO  (and  conversely  in  Pr  27^0  KHhihh  n'"^nS,  Q're  HaX  for 
pinX  destruction),  also  by  the  fact  that  for  r\b^p  the  LXX  'give  the  form 
'S.oKwfj.iiv  or  "ZaXwtiitiv ,  and  especially  that  in  patronymics  and  tribal  names 
(§  86  h)  a  Nun  appears  before  the  termination  5,  as  '^'p^'l  Gilonite  from  nl53  and 
^y?''^  from  n!5''E'  (modern  name  Sailun).  Wetzstein,  however  (in  Delitzsch's 
Commentary  on  Job,  ist  ed.,  p.  599),  explained  the  Niin  in  fn^jp  as  a  secondary 
addition  to  the  common  old-Palestinian  termination  0  (inn^^  i3y,  i^itD"), 
&c.),  and  Barth  {Nominalhildung ,  §  224  6)  has  since  shown  the  unsoundness  of 
the  prevailing  view  on  other  grounds:  the  rejection  of  ihQ  Nim  would  be 
much  more  likely  to  occur  in  the  numerous  appellatives  in  on  than  in  proper 
names,  and  "'^Vs  and  "'f?''^  are  due  to  the  necessity  of  avoiding,  for  euphonic 
reasons,  such  forms  as  gllo-i,  iilo-i,  &c, ;  cf.  also  '3?{^'  from  HpK'. 

On  the  afformatives  ^__j  *___^  ni    H''-— ,  see  below,  §  86  h-l. 

XII.  Quadriliteruls  and  Quinqueliterals. 
55.  "110^3  barren,  tJ'''D^n  a  flint,  and  the  fem  nSV^T  heat,  &c.,  have  probably  IC 
arisen  from  the  insertion  of  a  7  ;  ?;"i"!n  a  locust,  D'Tij?  an  axe,  nByip  a  branch, 
Ez  316  (verses  6,  8  nS.VD),  D^Syib'  (also  D''3yb')  anxious  thoughts,  i3''3"1t^  sceptre, 
from  insertion  of  a  *1  which  is  common  in  Aramaic.  Cf.,  moreover,  CD^n 
u  sickle,  "nOD  vine-blossom  ;  with  an  initial  ]!  ^  ^.?^y«  &«',  K'OSV  a  spider,  *133y 
a  mouse,  3"li5y  a  scorpion,^  &c. — Quinquelitei'al,  yi|"lSif  a  frog. 

§  86.    Denominative  Nouns. 

1.  Such  are    all   nouns    formed  immediately  from   another   noun,  (L 
whether  the  latter  be  primitive  or  derived  from  a  verb,  e.  g.  P'^l^ 
eastern,  immediately  from  D"]!?.  the  east  (verbal  stem  D"1P  to  he  in  front). 

2.  Most  of  the  forms  which  nouns  of  this  class  assume  have  already  (j 
been  given  in  §§  84  and  85,  since  the  denominatives,  as  secondary 
(although  in  some  cases  very  old)  forms,  invariably  follow  the  analogy 
of  the  verbal  derivatives.    As,  for  instance,  the  verbals  with  a  prefixed 

D  (§  85  g  to  m)  express  the  place,  &c.,  of  an  action,  so  the  denomina- 
tives with  ?3  local  represent  the  place  where  a  thing  is  found  or  its 
neighbourhood  (see  e). 

The  most  common  forms  of  denominatives  are —  C 

1.  Those  like  the  participle  Qal  (§  84«  s),  e.  g.  "lyc  a  porter,  from  '^W  «  9'«'«  ; 
"1P3  a  herdsman,  from  IpS  a  herd  ;  D"13  a  vinedresser,  from  D"13  a  vineyard. 

2.  Those  like  the  form  qatjal  (§  84**  6\  e.g.  T\'^\)  an  archer,  from  0^*1"?  a  bow.  (J 


1  Derenbourg  {REJ.,  1883,  p.  165)  infers  from  the  above  examples  and  a 
comparison  of  the  Arabic  'uiffur,  sparrow  (from  safara,  to  chirp),  that  V  was 
especially  employed  to  form  quadriliteral  names  of  animals. 


240  IVie  Noun  [§86 


e-t 


Both  these  forms  (c  and  d)  indicate  customary  occupations,  inhering  in  the 
subject,  like  Greek  nouns  in  ttjs,  revs,  e.  g.  iroXir^y,  ypafjuarevs. 

C      3.  Nouns  with  D  prefixed,  denoting  the  place  where  a  thing  is  (cf.  §  85  e), 

or  its  neighbourhood,  e.  g.  pyo  a  place  of  fountains,  from  py  ;  ni?a"!ip  the  place 

about  the  feet,  niB'Nip  the  place  about  the  head,  from  ^n,   K'NT ;    HB'pO  (for 

nStJ'pD)  a  cucumber  field,  from  NE^p  cucumber.     Cf.  d/iweXtoj'  from  cifive\os. 

f      4.  Nouns  with  the  termination  f or  \S  expressing  adjectival  ideas:  ]\Cr\Ji 

eastern,  irom  "Olp ;  p"inS  posfenor,  from  inS  ;  jilfn  exterior,  from  ^^H ;  probably 
also  irT'lp  coi7e«i,  hence  co«7ed  animal,  serpent,  from  iT'p  a  winding  ;  \T\'^Xyi  brazen, 

from  riB'ni  brass.  Also  abstracts,  e.  g.  jil^y  blindness,  from  *l-iy.  Cf.  §  85  m. — 
With  a  double  termination  {on  or  an  with  i)  '•iDlK  reddish,  ''i)}'^)  «  knounng 
(spirit)  ;  ''3'yDif  basilisk ;  ni*3Dn"l  merciful  [fem.  plur.]. 
^  |i  appears  to  be  used  as  a  diminutive  ending  (cf.  the  Syriac  p)  in  |iB'''X 
little  man  (in  the  eye),  appk  of  the  eye,  from  K'''N^;  on  the  other  hand  lb''BB' 
adder,  which  was  formerly  regarded  as  a  diminutive,  is  properly  an  adjectival 
form  from  flDC  to  rub  (hence,  as  it  were,  a  rubbing  creature) ;  in  the  same  way 
P"1B'"'  is  a  denominative  from  I^K'''  (="\B''),  properly  wpngrA*  {righteous  people),  and 
not  a  diminutive  (^nous  little  people,  and  the  like) ;  finally,  p'inb'  is  not  lunula, 
but  an  artificial  moon  (used  as  an  ornament),  and  CJi^X  not  Utile  neck,  but 
necklace  (from  1N1S  neck).  Cf.  Delitzsch  on  Ct  4'. 
h      5.  Peculiar  to  denominatives  is  the  termination  *•__,  which  converts  a 

substantive  into  an  adjective,  and  is  added  especially  to  numerals  and  names 
of  persons  and  countries,  in  order  to  form  ordinals,  patronymics,  and  tribal 

names;  e.g.  ^^T[ footman,  plur.  Dv21,  from  ^y\foot;  ''"1T3N  cruel,  """IDJ  strange, 
from  1D3  strangeness,  ""rinri  lotcer,  from  nnri  below,  fem.  JT'Onn  and  iTrinri, 
plur.  C'^nnn  ni»nnn  ;  ^tU  the  sixth,  from  E^B'  six  ;  "•2X10  Moabite,  from  nxiO 
plur.  D''3Kb,  fem.  n>3NiO  and  D^S'lO,  plur.  nV^XID ;  nny  Hebrew,  plur. 
nnny  and'cnny,  fem.'  nnny,  plur.  ri'in^y;  ^b^lV^'^' Israelite,  from  f'N■)■B'^ 
When  the  original  substantive  is  a  compound,  it  is  resolved  again  into  two 
words,  e.  g.  ^3''ip''"f3  Benjamite,  from  p0^33  (cf.  on  the  use  of  the  article  in 

.  such  cases,  §  127  d). 

t      Instead  of  "i we  find  in  a  few  cases  (a)  the  ending  '__.  (as  in  Aram.), 

e.  g.  ""P^a  {crafty,  or,  according  to  others,  churlish)  if  it  stands  for  ''TS?  and  is 

not  rather  from  a  stem  t02  or  nbs  ;  "'">in  white  cloth.  Is  19^  in  pause  ;  perhaps 

also  "'33  a  swarm  ofloaists,  Am  71  C^iU  Na  3")  ;  hardly  ^n'lrjJ  Is  38^^°,  Hb  3"  ; 

AT     ,  -        !•: 

but  certainly  in  proper  names  as  'ptIB  {ferreus)  Barsillai;^  and  (6)  n__, 

[}  Cf.  Barth,  §  212  ;  KOnig,  ii.  i,  413.     Diminutives  in  Semitic  languages 
are,  however,  most  commonly  formed  by  inserting  a  «/ after  the  second  radical, 

e.  g.  Aram.  XC'/^y,  Syr.  fVi«^\  ,  Arab.  *-P^  a  very  young  man,  kulaib,  a  little 
dog,  &c.  Since  Olshausen  (§  180),  y^^]  a  little  (Is  28'<'-i'',  Jb  36*)  has  commonly 
been  regarded  as  an  example  of  the  same  form,  to  which  others  have  added 
D^D^DK'  Is  3'"  (as  though  a  foreign  dialectical  form  for  JiMwais,  little  sun),  and 
|^3"'tDK  2  S  1^"^°,  as  a  contemptuous  diminutive  form  of  pJCK  ;  cf.  Ewald,  §  167, 

W.  Wright,  Arab.  Gramm^  i.  §  269,  De  Lagarde,  Kominalbildung,  pp-.  85-87, 
Konig.  ii.  1,  p.  143  f.  The  existence  of  the  form  in  Hebrew  is  disputed  by 
Barth,  §  192  of.] 

1  On  * as  an  old  fem.  ending,  see  above,  §  So  I. 


§  86  k,  1, 87  a-c']        Denominative  Nouns  241 

arising  from  ay,  in  HE'N  belonging  to  fire  (K'NI),  i.  e.  a  sacrifice  offered  by  fire ;  HJlS? 
(prop,  milky)  the  storax-shrub,  Arabic  lubnay. 

6.  Abstract  nouns  formed  from  concretes  by  the  addition  of  HI ,  nr'__l  ]^ 
(§  95  0>  cf.  our  terminations  -dom,  -hood,  -ness,  e.g.  Jl^n?'  youth,  ^\^^J>^  kingdom 
(the  omission  of  the  Dage^  in  3  shows  that  the  ^^icd  is  weakened  from  a  full 
vowel ;  on  malik  as  underlying  the  present  form  T|^D  cf.  §  84"  a)  ;  DIJOj^N 
widowhood,  from  lObX  widower,  n30l?K  widow.  In  Aram,  this  fem.  ending  fl^ 
(or  ^  with  rejection  of  the  n)  is  a  common  termination  of  the  infinitive  in  the 
derived  conjugations  (cf.,  as  substantival  infinitives  of  this  kind,  niVDB'n  the 
announcing,  Ez  24^^^,  and  n^lSPfin  the  making  0/  a  league,  Dn  11^) ;  in  Hebr.  Tfl 
as  a  termination  to  express  abstract  ideas  (including  some  which  ap.pear  to 
be  directly  derived  from  the  verbal  stem,  as  DvSD  folly,  niNQ"!  a  healing  ^) 
becomes  more  common  only  in  the  later  books.  It  is  affixed  to  adjectives 
ending  in  i  (see  above,  h)  in  n^*")T3X   cruelty,   and   fl^'DtOip  upright  position 

(Lv  26'^,  used  adverbially).  ,  . 

The  ending  D^ is  found  earlier,  e.g.  in  JT'INB'  remainder,  n^K'NT  prin-  I 

cipium,  from  B'X'l  =  B'NI  {head)  princeps.    The  termination  6<ft  seems  to  occur  in 
niODH  wisdom  (in  Pr  1^",  9',  joined  to  a  singular ;  so  also  DiDpn  Pr  14^,  where, 

probably,  DiMn  should  likewise  be  read)  and  in  DibpiH  Ec  1",  &c.,  with  the 

parallel  form  Dv^in  Ec  10''. 

§  87.    Of  the  Plural. 

Brockelmann,  Grundriss,  i.  426  S.,  and  on  the  feminines,  p.  441  ff  ; 
M.  Lambert,  '  Remarques  sur  la  formation  du  pluriel  hebreu,'  REJ.  xxiv. 
99  ff.,  and  '  Les  anomalies  du  pluriel  des  noms  en  Hebreu,'  REJ.  xliii.  206  ff. ; 
P.  LajCiak,  Die  Plural-  u.  Dualendungen  im  semit.  Nomen,  Lpz.  1903  ;  J.  Barth, 
•Beitrage  zur  Pluralbildung  des  Semit.,'  ZDMG.  1904,  p.  431  ff.,  i.  'the  ai  of 
the  constr.  st.' 

1.  The  regular  jdural  termination  for  the  masculine  gender  is  ^*-r-,  a 
always  with  the  tone,  e.g.  D^D  horse,  plur.  D^plD  horses;  but  also  very 
often  written  defectively  D-^-,  especially  when  in  the  same  word  one 
of  the  vowel  letters,  1  or  \  precedes,  e.g.  Gn  i^^  D?''?^.  Nouns  in  ^-r- 
make  their  plural  in  C?-^,  e.  g.  ''l^V  a  Hebrew,  plur.  Ci'^nny  (Ex  3^^) ; 
but  usually  contraction  takes  place,  e.  g.  ^'^l^V ;  D^^V'  crimson  garments, 
from  'if. 

Nouns  in  n__  lose  this  termination  when  they  take  the  plural  J) 
ending,  e.g.  iTth  seer,  plur.  D^th  (cf.  §  75 /t). — In  regard  to  Ihe  loss 
of  the  tone  fiora  the  D-^  in  the  two  old  plurals  D^P  water  and  ^)'0^ 
heaven,  cf.  §  88  c?  and  §  96. 

The  termination  D* —  is  sometimes  assumed  also  by  feminines  (cf.  C 
DT?  ivomen,  §  96  under  T\fii ;  D"'3K'  i/pars,  from  HJB';   OvDl  ^^'^^'  ^^'^^ 
''Dl),  so  that  an  indication  of  gender  is  not  necessarily  implied  in 
it  (cf.  also  below,  m-/)). — On  the   use  of  this  termination  C-t-  to 
express  abstract,  extensive,  and  intensive  ideas,  cf.  §  124. 

^  [See  a  complete  list  of  instances  in  KOnig,  Lehrgetaude,  ii.  i,  p.  205  f.] 

COWLET  B 


242  The  Noun  [§  87  d-i 

Cl  The  ending  im  is  also  common  in  Phoenician,  e.  g.  D3*lif  Sidonii ;  Assyrian 
lias  dni  (ace.  to  P.  Haupt  originally  ami,  cf.  §  88  d) ;  Aramaic  has  in  ;  Arabic 
una  (nominative)  and  ina  (in  the  oblique  cases,  but  in  vulgar  Arabic  in  is 
also  used  for  the  nominative)  ;  Ethiopic  an.     Cf.  also  the  verbal  ending  p  in 

the  3rd  plur.  perf.  (§  44  I)  and  in  the  3rd  and  2nd  plur.  impf.  (§  47  m).^ 
£      Less  frequent,  or  only  apparent  terminations  of  the  plur.  masc.  are — 

(a)  p ,  as  in  Aramaic, ^  found  almost  exclusively  in  the  later  books  of  the 

0.  T.  (apart  from  the  poetical  use  in  some  of  the  older  and  even  the  oldest 
portions),  viz.  pa^O  Mngs,  Pr  31^,  fllllj*  i  K  ii^^^  |ij{-)  ijig  guard,  2  K  ii"^ 
Y^^r^  wheat,  Ez4^;  defectively  f*X  islands,  Ez  26^^;  pO''  days,  Dn  12^'.  Cf.  also 
P'ntp  carpets,  Ju  5'",  in  the  North-Palestinian  song  of  Deborah,  which  also  has 
other  linguistic  peculiarities  ;  p*y  heaps.  Mi  3^^  (before  T\;  cf.  §  44  k)  ;  p-lQ 
words  (from  the  really  Aram.  Th^),  Jb  4^,  and  twelve  other  places  in  Job 
(beside  D^^O,  ten  times  in  Job)  ;" further,  p*n  Jb  24^2,  pnnX  31I0,  and  pOCIB' 
La  I*,  piin  4*. — The  following  forms  are  doubtful : 

/(6)  1 (with  the  D  rejected,  as,  according  to  some,  in  the  dual  ^T"  for  CT 
-T  •    -T 

Ez  13'^,  cf.  §  88  c),  e.g.  'ilO  stringed  instrument?,  \p  45'  for  ClIO  (unless  it  is  to 
be  so  written) 3 ;  ^!3y  peoples,  \p  144^,  and,  probably,  also  La  3^*  (in  2  S  22"  it 
may  be  taken  as  ""Qy  my  people  ;  cf.  in  the  parallel  passage  \p  18^*  DV  ;  also  in 
Ct  82  the  i  of  ^Jb")  is  better  regarded  as  a  suffix) ;  see  also  2  S  23^  as  compared 

with  I  Ch  1 1^1,  and  on  the  whole  question  Gesenius,  Lehrgebdude,  p.  524  ff. 
More  doubtful  still  is — 
^      (c)  ''___  (like  the  constr.  state  in  Syriac),  which  is  supposed  to  appear  in 
e.  g.  iYb'  princes,  Ju  5^^  (perhaps  my  princes  is  intended  :  read  either  the  constr. 

st.  nb',  which  also  has  good  authority,  or  with  LXX  Dn'C')  ;  for  'D1  '•Ji^PI 
Jer  22^*  (according  to  others  dual,  see  §  88  c,  or  a  loan  word,  cf.  ZA.  iii.  93) 
read  pDD  VJi^n.  On  i^iS  and  nin,  which  have  also  been  so  explained,  see 
above,  §  86  2.— ^Dlb'n  Is  20*  (where  the  right  reading  is  certainly  "•SIK'n) 
must  be  intended  by  the  Masora  either  as  a  singular  with  the  formative 
syllable  ''__  =bareness  or,  more  probably,  as  a  constr.  st.  with  the  original 
termination  ay  (cf.  §  89  d)  to  avoid  the  harsh  combination  h"sufe  set*;  in  ""JIX 

the  Lord  (prop,  my  lord,  from  the  plur.  majesiatis,  D^3"tX  lord),  the  ay  was 
originally  a  su